Music of The Great Depression

Music of
the Great Depression

Recent Titles in
American History through Music
David J. Brinkman, Series Editor
Music of the Counterculture Era

James E. Perone
Music of the Civil War Era

Steven H. Cornelius
Music of the Colonial and Revolutionary Era

John Ogosapian
Music of
the Great Depression
William H. Young and Nancy K. Young
American History through Music

David J. Brinkman, Series Editor
G R E E N W O O D PRESS
Westport, Connecticut London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Young, William H., 1939-

Music of the Great Depression / William H. Young and Nancy K. Young,
p. cm.(American history through music)
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 0-313-33230-4 (alk. paper)
1. Popular musicUnited States1921-1930History and criticism. 2. Popular
musicUnited States1931-1940History and criticism. 3. Depressions1929
United States. I. Young, Nancy K., 1940- II. Title. III. Series.
ML3477.Y68 2005
78o'.973'o9043dc22 2004022530
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available.
Copyright 2005 by William H. Young and Nancy K. Young
All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be
reproduced, by any process or technique, without the
express written consent of the publisher.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2004022530
ISBN: 0-313-33230-4
First published in 2005
Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881
An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.
www.greenwood.com
Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the

Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National
Information Standards Organization (Z39.48-1984).
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Copyright Acknowledgments
The authors and publisher gratefully acknowledge permission for use of the follow-
ing song lyrics:
"Star Dust." Lyrics by Mitchell Parish. Music by Hoagy Carmichael. 1929 (Renewed
1957) EMI Mills Music, Inc. and Hoagy Publishing Company. In the United States
Controlled by EMI Mills Music, Inc. (Publishing) and Warner Bros. Publications Inc.
(Print). All Rights Reserved. Used by Permission. Warner Bros. Publications U.S. Inc.,
Miami, FL 33014.
"Life Is Just a Bowl of Cherries." Lyrics by Lew Brown. Music by Ray Henderson.
1931 by DeSylva, Brown & Henderson Inc. Copyright Renewed. Rights for the Ex-
tended Renewal Term in the United States Controlled by Ray Henderson Music Com-
pany and Chappell & Co. All Rights Reserved. Used by Permission. Warner Bros
Publications U.S. Inc., Miami, FL 33014.
"Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?" Lyrics by E. Y. "Yip" Harburg. Music by Jay Gorney.
1932 (Renewed) Glocca Morra Music (ASCAP) and Gorney Music (ASCAP). Ad-
ministered by Next Decade Entertainment, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Used by Per-
mission. 1932 (Renewed) Warner Bros. Inc. (ASCAP). All Rights Reserved. Used
by Permission. Warner Bros. Publications U.S. Inc., Miami, FL 33014.
"I Can't Get Started." Lyrics by Ira Gershwin. Music by Vernon Duke. 1935 (Re-
newed) Chappell & Co., Inc. (ASCAP) and Ira Gershwin Music (ASCAP). All Rights
on Behalf of Ira Gershwin Music Administered by Warner Bros. Music Corp. All
Rights Reserved. Used by Permission. Warner Bros. Publications U.S. Inc., Miami,
FL 33014.
"Sing Me a Song with Social Significance." By Harold Rome. 1937 (Renewed) Chap-
pell & Co. (ASCAP). All Rights Reserved. Used by Permission. Warner Bros. Publi-
cations U.S. Inc., Miami, FL 33014.
"Gold Digger's Song (We're in the Money)." Lyrics by Al Dubin. Music by Harry War-
ren. 1933 (Renewed) Warner Bros. Music Corp. (ASCAP). All Rights Reserved.
Used by Permission. Warner Bros. Publications U.S. Inc., Miami, FL 33014.
To
Gwen and Doug,
Good friends
and
Splendid fellow travelers
Contents
Series Foreword ix
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction xiii
i. Music and Media: Radio, Sheet Music, and Recordings i
2. Popular Hits and Standards 33
3. Music from Broadway and Hollywood 67
4. The Rise of Swing and the Triumph of the Big Bands n7
5. Roots Music H5
6. The Classical Tradition and the Federal Music Project 171
7. Outstanding Musical Artists from the 1930s 199
Appendix: Timeline 239
Notes 243
Selected Bibliography 253
Broadway Show Title Index 261

viii Contents
Film Title Index 263
Radio Show Title Index 267
Song Title Index 269
General Index 291

Series Foreword
The elements of music are well known. They include melody, rhythm, har-
mony, form, and texture. Music, though, has infinite variety. Exploring this
variety in the music of specific time periods, such as the Colonial and Revo-
lutionary Period, the Roaring Twenties, and the Counterculture Era, is the
purpose of the "American History through Music" series. The authors of each
volume describe the music in terms of its basic elements, but more impor-
tantly, focus on how the social, economic, political, technological, and reli-
gious influences shaped the music of that particular time. Each volume in
the series not only describes the music of a particular era but the ways in
which the music reflected societal concerns. For these purposes, music is de-
fined inclusively; this series considers such diverse musical genres as classi-
cal, folk, jazz, rock, religious, and theater music, as each of these genres serve
as both reflections of society and as illustrations of how music influences so-
ciety.
Perhaps the most important conclusion that readers will draw from this
series is that music does not exist independently of society. Listeners have en-
joyed music throughout time for its aesthetic qualities, but music has also
been used to convey emotions and ideas. It has been used to enhance patri-
otic rituals, and to maintain order in social and religious ceremonies. The
"American History through Music" series attempts to put these and other
uses of music in an historical context. For instance, how did music serve as
X Series Foreword
entertainment during the Great Depression? How did the music of the Civil
War contribute to the stability of the Unionand to the Confederacy? An-
swers to these and other questions show that music is not just a part of so-
ciety; music is society.
The authors of "American History through Music" present essays based in
sound scholarship, written for the lay reader. In addition to discussing im-
portant genres and approaches to music, each volume profiles the composers
and performers whose music defines their era, describes the musical instru-
ments and technological innovations that influenced the musical world, and
provides a glossary of important terms and a bibliography of recommended
readings. This information will help students and other interested readers
understand the colorful and complex mosaics of musical history.
David J. Brinkman
University of Wyoming
Acknowledgments
Thanks and appreciation go to Chris Millson-Martula for all the capable as-
sistance he and the staff at the Lynchburg College Library have freely pro-
vided. Especially prominent in that effort was Ariel Myers, archivist and
interlibrary loan specialist; she located those obscure texts no one else could
find. As always, the Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division,
and Jan Grenci and the staff for newspaper collections in particular, went be-
yond the call of duty. Danny Givens and everyone connected with Givens
Books in Lynchburg, Virginia, likewise provided invaluable help in tracking
down materials. Naomi Amos, herself a musician, made sure our descrip-
tions of pop songs and standards were accurate. Bryan Wright, the possessor
of a remarkable collection of old 78 rpm records and an encyclopedic knowl-
edge about them, generously shared both with us. In a similar manner, Al
Harris and Susan Vaughn gave us access to a selection of sheet music from
the era. Books require many drafts, and Ed Canada again rose to the occa-
sion with reams of usable scrap paper. And a tip of the hat to all those oth-
ers who, through conversation and comments, have assisted in the creation
of this text. Any errors of omission or commission of course remain ours.
This page intentionally left blank
Introduction
How did music of such quality emerge in a time of economic and social dis-
equilibrium? A fair question. Different forces influence the course of popu-
lar music over any time span, but in the 1930s, several factors combined to
have a disproportionate effect on the music of the era. In particular, record
manufacturing, radio broadcasting, and sound film production worked in
many wayssome subtle, some obviousto chart the course of much Amer-
ican music. People had hundreds of recordings from which to choose, radio
stations grew in number and boasted varied schedules, and a changing mar-
quee at the local theater enticed everybody to go to the movies. What people
purchased at record stores, what they heard on their radios, and what they
viewed in theaters had interconnections little realized at the time.
Prior to the 1930s, much American music carried with it an aura of elit-
ism. To be good, to have quality, it had to appeal to genteel tastes. It often
tried to be patrician, or nondemocratic, a music for the select few. Anything
that attracted a mass audience aroused suspicion, and many critics con-
temptuously dismissed it. In fact, some historians see parallels between the
popularity of swing and the simultaneous rise of the New Deal. Both unified
the country, bringing people together during a difficult time.
The traditional popular song reached its peak in the 1930s, a decade when
composers like George Gershwin, Jerome Kern, Richard Rodgers, and dozens
of others routinely created one classic song, or standard, after another. The
XIV Introduction
1920s had been labeled "the Jazz Age," and jazz contributed an important
component to the music played during those years. But many other choices
presented themselves to listeners and dancers in the thirties and "Swing"
emerged as the nominative term. The Swing Era replaced the Jazz Age.
In 1932, Duke Ellington penned a little ditty called "It Don't Mean a Thing
(If It Ain't Got That Swing)." Hardly his greatest composition, its title nev-
ertheless sums up the music scene for much of the ensuing decade. Swing
ruled, and all other music had to follow in its footsteps. In no period, before
or since, has one musical form so captured the popular fancy. Legend has it
that pianist Fats Waller said, after being asked to explain "swing," "If you have
to ask, you'll never understand it." Like most legends, credit for this rejoin-
der has gone to others as well, but the point remains: swing is as much a
feeling as it is a particular type of music; it speaks of pluralism, of equality.
Perhaps the best way to describe the swing phenomenon is to say that it
involves a contagious rhythmic feeling, a desire to snap the fingers, tap the
toes, and get up and dance. That definition of course transcends time and fo-
cuses on the physical side of swing. Historically, the Swing Era usually refers
to the emergence of innumerable large bands during the 1930s that played
primarily for dancers. Small groups and vocalists could likewise "swing," but
when talking about the 1930sespecially the later 1930sthe big dance
bands serve as the main attraction. Like a teapot simmering on a stove, the
big band revolution did not come about in a flash. It took time, patience, a
realization that swing would evolve out of what had come before.
This book examines the rise of radio, along with the continuing influence
of Broadway and sound movies, on the nation's musical landscape. The re-
markable number of enduring popular songs and standards the decade pro-
duced receives particular attention. Of course, any study of music and the
1930s demands some concentration on the emergence of swing, especially
the big bands and their leaders. Despite the predominance of the swing phe-
nomenon, alternative formats, such as folk, country, ethnic, and protest
music, also merit discussion. Finally, classical composition, often ignored in
the social ferment of the time, shares a chapter with the pioneering federal
music program.
The decade witnessed the dramatic rise of recordings at the expense of
sheet music, the interdependency of recordings and radio, and finally the im-
pact swing had on all facets of the music business. The audience also un-
derwent shifts of its own. Listeners began to divide along lines like race,
gender, age, education, location, and many other variables that sociologists
Introduction xv
delight in employing when explaining change. Young people preferred up-
tempo swing to lugubrious ballads. Women liked crooners better than blues
belters. The more educated wanted sophisticated lyrics, not raw emotion,
whereas rural folks leaned more toward country singers. These sweeping gen-
eralizations were all correct and all open to debate. On one thing people did
agree: the music of the 1930s clearly pointed to the future and continued
change.
For musicians and music lovers alike, and even with the momentary tri-
umph of swing, American musical choices and tastes had splintered; no one
"style" or "type" would ever again define the music or the audience.
1
Music and Media: Radio, Sheet

Music, and Recordings
When it came to music in the 1930s, millions of Americans found whatever

they wanted right in their own homes: radio. What had begun as a novelty in
the early 1920s had evolved into the most popular, the most pervasive,
medium ever. When not listening to their radios, Americans tended to learn
about new musical artists and trends through sheet music and phonograph
recordings. Both sheet music and record sales, however, plummeted during
the Great Depression, while radio continued its steady growth.
RADIO
At the beginning of the decade, slightly over 600 AM (Amplitude Modu-

lation) stations broadcast to almost 14 million receiving sets, or 46 percent
of American homes. By the mid-i930S, the actual number of stations had
dropped slightly because of the economic situation, but people continued buy-
ing new radios. In 1935, over 21 million sets could be found in 67 percent of
homes. At the close of the 1930s, the industry had recovered from its minor
slump, and 765 stations sent their signals to over 51 million receivers in 81
percent of homes. In addition, many families had multiple sets, a clear re-
flection of radio's vast popularity.
Car radios, introduced to the driving public in 1927, initially had a long
2 Music of the Great Depression
way to go to capture the public's fancy. Less than i percent of all vehicles had
a receiver in 1930, but interest in them showed signs of growing, despite the
Depression. Apparently, a growing percentage of consumers found a car radio
just as necessary as one in the home. By 1935, over 2 million cars boasted ra-
dios, and at the close of the decade the number had leaped to 7 million sets,
a quarter of all automobiles. Amid continuing economic woes, the ubiqui-
tous receiver established itself as a household and automotive necessity that
most people considered "Depression-proof."
Network radio, which drove the business on a national scale, had grown
spectacularly since its inception in the 1920s. In 1926, the National Broad-
casting Company (NBC) went on the air with 25 stations. The following year,
to diversify its programming and attract the maximum number of affiliates,
the network divided into NBC Red and NBC Blue, each with separate sta-
tions, schedules, and shows. That same year, 1927, the Columbia Broadcast-
ing System (CBS) came into being with two stations. By 1930, NBC (Red and
Blue together) claimed 71 affiliates, and CBS boasted 60. Ten years later, NBC
controlled 182 stations, and CBS stood not far behind with 112.
The Mutual Broadcasting System (MBS, but usually referred to as "Mu-
tual") went on the air in 1934 with four stations; by 1940, it had 160. The
Mutual network, however, functioned primarily as a cooperative venture and
offered little original programming. Most of its affiliates already had limited
associations with NBC or CBS, and they used Mutual to provide further con-
nections among them. In addition, the Mutual shows tended to go to regional
or rural markets that attracted small audiences, so it never had the influence
or popularity of an NBC or CBS, despite its seemingly impressive numbers.
Musically, the importance of the Mutual network proved negligible.
Even with Mutual's unique status, at the end of the decade, 464 stations
60 percent of the 765 then on the airhad some network affiliation, a fact
that would have enormous implications for the music business. One song,
played over the networks, had the potential to be heard by a majority of the
population. As an acknowledgment of the power and popularity of radio, in
1932 Hollywood released a film entitled The Big Broadcast; instead of movie
celebrities, it features radio personalities almost exclusively. Instead of fight-
ing the medium, the studios courted the new stars of the airwaves, hoping
their fame would draw more patrons to the movies.1
Radio exists as a medium of communication, a carrier, and in theory should
not influence the content of anything being broadcast. In reality, however, the
opposite occurred. Radio receivers, or "sets," as they came to be called, sig-
Many musical personalities owed their popularity to radio. The Boswell Sisters (left to right: Hel-
vetia, or "Vet," Connee, and Martha) commenced broadcasting at the beginning of the decade. Their
bouncy, energetic renditions of pop hits gave them a wide following; the trio's first big hit was
"Life Is Just a Bowl of Cherries" (1931; music by Ray Henderson, lyrics by Lew Brown), a num-
ber they recorded in 1933. They also appeared in The Big Broadcast (1932), a film that used radio
stars as its primary cast. Connee Boswell later gained additional fame as a solo artist. [Library
of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
nificantly affected how listeners heard programming, especially popular
music. The technology of radio helped define the qualities of broadcast music.
The sound produced by radio amplifiers and speakers emanates as sharper,
"tinnier," than the older-style sound produced by acoustic reproduction such
as would be found in early phonographs. In the first days of recording, a time
that predates radio, acoustical reproduction had been the only means avail-
able. Large horns, like oversized megaphones, reproduced sounds through
large diaphragms. A singer had to project his or her voice into these horns;
otherwise it would come out as muffled. Thus a strong tenor, like Enrico
Caruso (1873-19 21), proved a great favorite on acoustic recordings because
his voice came across clearly. Similarly, brass instruments, instead of strings,
provided better sound for instrumental passages because of their sharper tim-
bre.
All of that would change, however, with the introduction and populariza-
tion of radio. Electrical amplification, the basis for radio sound, proved more
efficient and more economical than the acoustic variety, and it could easily
fill a room with sound while at the same time picking up subtleties that
acoustic amplification missed. Both highs (a bit shrill at first) and lows (some-
what boomy) came across far more audibly, and so small, amplified electri-
cal loudspeakers soon replaced the bulky horns of old. A performer required
an electrical microphone, or "enunciator"; he or she need stand only six
inches from this device to achieve the best effects. For their part, listeners
came to acceptand wantthis clear but mechanical sound. With its height-
ened clarity, electrical amplification served as an example of how technology,
not the music itself, dictated the way sounds would be reproduced.
In the mid-i920s, the sound qualities of phonographs lagged behind that
of the new radio receivers, since they had been manufactured for acoustical
recordings. As electrically amplified recordings became available, people
found that their now-outdated acoustic record players made them sound
shrill; to enjoy the new recordings, they had to purchase newer electrical mod-
els. Thus did plannedor forcedobsolescence create both a new market
and a new aesthetic standard. In a sly move, RCA even included radios
since broadcasting had from the outset reproduced the electronic soundin
their "Orthophonic" phonograph consoles, thereby reassuring consumers
that their new record players could aurally match anything their radios pro-
duced.2
Music and Media: Radio, Sheet Music, and Recordings 5
Technology and the Rise of Crooning
Thanks to these innovations, a new style of singing had come about. Called
"crooning," the word probably derives from Scottish roots. Originally, it
meant "to bellow"like a bull or cow. Over time, however, meanings shifted,
and it went from bellowing to "lowing," again for cattle. But in terms of mod-
ern usage, lowing possesses little similarity to bellowing. From there, croon-
ing moved to the human voice, meaning to hum or sing softly, first in a
melancholy way, but finally just singing without putting much force behind
it, be it sad or happy. In the later nineteenth century, "crooning" took on racial
overtones and became a word employed in minstrel shows to suggest a black
"Mammy" (a nursemaid) humming or singing to a child, presumably white.
Al Jolson, in characteristic blackface, used the term in a 1918 hit, "Rock-a-
Bye Your Baby with a Dixie Melody" (music by Jean Schwartz, lyrics by Sam
M. Lewis and Joe Young). As he sings, Jolson invokes the image of a person
(whom he refers to as "mammy") crooning to her charge a "tune from Dixie."
Then, sometime in the early 1920s, and with its rich linguistic history,
"crooning" took on a broader, more contemporary meaning. "Crooning"
evolved as the term to identify a new style of vocalizing, one that meant
singing softly and directly into an electrical microphone. Among the first to
utilize the new technology was a woman named Vaughn De Leath
(1900-1943), dubbed by promoters as "The First Lady of Radio," "The Orig-
inal Radio Girl," and "The Sweetheart of the Radio." Heard on thousands of
broadcasts from the early 1920s to the late 1930s, De Leath achieved great
popularity by projecting a soft, intimate style of singing. A soprano, she usu-
ally performed unaccompanied except for a ukulele.
De Leath developed her distinctive manner almost inadvertently. During a
pioneering 1919 experiment dealing with electrical amplification, she sang, a
cappella, into a prototype electrified microphone. Intuitively sensing that too
much volume could lead to distortion, she got close to the microphone and
barely spoke into it, initiating a new musical form for the medium, and one
that would come to dominate much vocalizing in the 1930s.
She became a featured soloist on The Voice of Firestone in 1928, an NBC
network program that led to her having her own fifteen-minute musical
shows in the 1930s. She performed for all three networks, and her intimate,
breathy intonation made her come across as everyone's "friend." Given her
innovative approach to the medium, plus her uncounted appearances on a
variety of shows during the somewhat chaotic days of early commercial

broadcasting, Vaughn De Leath earned her title of "The First Lady of Radio."
She also paved the way for a generation of crooners who would utilize a sim-
ilar manner of singing.3
Seldom heard in concerts and dance halls, which tended to be too big and
too noisy, crooners at first existed on and for radio. And, as electrical ampli-
fication grew in popularity and importance, crooning likewise dominated the
recording industry. People like Cliff Edwards (better known as "Ukulele Ike"),
Art Gillham ("The Whispering Pianist"), Little Jack Little ("The Friendly Voice
of the Cornfields"), "Whispering Jack" Smith ("The Whispering Baritone"),
and Joe White ("The Silver-Masked Tenor") became stars in the later 1920s
and early 1930s, their names known to millions of avid listeners. Probably
the most popular of the group was Gene Austin. By crooning directly into the
microphone, he made singing seem both intimate and effortless. In 1927 he
recorded "My Blue Heaven" (music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by George
Whiting), and it soared to unanticipated success. Although accurate figures
do not exist, it gained the reputation of being the best-selling American
recording of all time, or at least until another crooner, Bing Crosby, unseated
it with his rendition of "White Christmas" (words and music by Irving Berlin)
in 1942. Austin remained popular well into the 1930s, his casual style ap-
pealing to audiences everywhere.
With crooning a well-established mode of singing by the beginning of the
1930s, radio audiences took to such personalities as Morton Downey (1901-
1985), Singin' Sam (1899-1997), and Arthur Tracy (1899-1997). Downey, a
light Irish tenor, could be found on the air almost constantly throughout the
decade, appearing mainly on variety shows. Dubbed "The Irish Troubadour"
and even "The Irish Thrush," Downey's career lasted until the demise of most
network programming in the early 1950s.
"Singin' Sam," the radio name given Harry Frankel, a vaudevillian turned
balladeer, enjoyed widespread success beginning in 1930. Frankel sang on in-
numerable fifteen-minute network shows; he usually performed old-time,
nostalgic tunes in a soft bass voice. For much of the decade, Barbasol shav-
ing cream sponsored him, which led to his being christened "Singin' Sam,
The Barbasol Man." His advertisements for Barbasol, probably as well known
as anything he sang, made Frankel one of the first to do singing commer-
cials, and put him in league with other celebrities who became identified with
specific products.
Finally, Arthur Tracy, better known as "The Street Singer," serves as an-
other personality who rose to radio fame during the crooning craze. Cloak-
ing himself in some mystery as to his identity, Tracy appeared on Music That
Satisfies in the early 1930s, a musical show sponsored by Camel cigarettes. In
a clever but clear display of commercialism, Camels parlayed its slogan, "They
Satisfy," into the title. But mysteries, no matter how tantalizing, cannot last
forever. Listeners learned his identity, and Tracy moved on to a succession of
shows, including several series in England, the "Street Singer" nickname a
reminder of earlier popularity.4
Radio audiences maintained that crooning humanized the singer, making
him (or her) more approachable and believable. Plus, by virtue of perform-
ing over the radio or on records, the medium made the vocalist invisible, an
ethereal voice. For many, this fantasy quality only reinforced the latent sexu-
ality of many of the songs of the era, but what would not be appropriate in
reality became allowable when coming through a loudspeaker. For several
years, however, arguments raged among critics and other gatekeepers about
the morality of crooning, a discussion that might seem incomprehensible for
contemporary listeners.5
When talking about crooning, American popular song, and the 1930s, three
names, however, tower above the rest: Rudy Vallee, Russ Columbo, and Bing
Crosby. They dominated the field, defined the style for millions, and had the
greatest popular acclaim.
Rudy Vallee
Born Hubert Pryor Vallee in 1901, Rudy Vallee, often categorized as a

"crooner," became more a popular entertainer than a vocalist. His singing,
however, initially caught the public's attention. He rose to early fame in the
1920s as a bandleader, fronting a group called The Connecticut Yankees. Be-
cause he had a thin, nasal voice that did not project well, Vallee developed a
routine of performing his vocal numbers through a large megaphone. In the
days before electric amplification, the device allowed him to croon and be
heard above background noise.
The megaphone almost immediately became a standard prop and people
expected it. As a consequence, Vallee retained it, although he no longer
needed it when microphones and electrification allowed even the weakest
voices to be heard. He eventually had his megaphone wired so audiences
would both see it and hear him as he sounded on similarly amplified record-
ings. Once again, the technology of the period influenced artistic perform-
ance.
In 1928, NBC offered Vallee a contract to do his own variety show. The first
great radio variety program, The Fleischmann Yeast Hour lasted until 1936,
when it changed sponsors and became The Royal Gelatin Hour. It continued
on NBC in one form or another until 1950. As he did in his night club per-
formances, Vallee opened his radio broadcasts with "Heigh Ho, Everybody,"
a reference to the Heigh Ho Club, a New York bistro where the band had
once played.
Vallee's style set the pattern for most other important singers of the 1930s.
He favored simple songs that listeners could remember, and often skipped
the verse and went straight to the chorusthe melodic portion that people
usually associate with a particular song. Among the first performers to fea-
ture singing as part of the band's package of dance music, Vallee put his pri-
mary emphasis on the lyrics, and his vocal solos frequently replaced what
traditionally had been instrumental ones. In this way, the band took second
stage to the singer, a shift in roles. For the first half of the 1930s, this ap-
proach to vocalizing dominated; only with the rise of swing and the impor-
tance placed on instrumentalists would the pendulum swing back toward the
orchestra.
Throughout his radio days, Vallee enjoyed a continuing string of hits. Num-
bers like "My Time Is Your Time" (1929; music by Leo Dance, lyrics by Eric
Little), "A Little Kiss Each Morning (A Little Kiss Each Night)" (1929; words
and music by Hillary Woods), "I Guess I'll Have to Change My Plan (the Blue
Pajama Song)" (1929; music by Arthur Schwartz, lyrics by Howard Dietz),
"Stein Song" (1930; University of Maine, original music by E.A. Fensted in
1901, words by Lincoln Colcord), "You're Driving Me Crazy! (What Did I
Do?)" (1930; words and music by Walter Donaldson), "Let's Put Out the
Lights" (1932; words and music by Herman Hupfield), "Just an Echo in the
Valley" (1932; words and music by Harry Woods, James Campbell, Reg Con-
nelly), and "Everything I Have Is Yours" (1933; music by Burton Lane, lyrics
by Harold Adamson) kept him in the musical spotlight throughout the first
years of the decade, and he reigned as one of the top male stars in show busi-
ness.
Despite his admittedly weak voice, Vallee struck a chord with listeners, es-
pecially women. On the radio, he sounded intimate, as if he were singing di-
Posed before his customary NBC microphone, Rudy Vallee (1901-1986) epitomized the sophis-
ticated radio crooner of the 1930s. The amplification made possible by radio and recordings al-
lowed singers with otherwise weak voices to project their songs effectively. Vallee landed his first
NBC show, The Fleischmann Yeast Hour, in 1928; he would remain with the network until 1950.
[Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
IO Music of the Great Depression
rectly to the listener. This approach made some people uneasy, and they
viewed Vallee and his counterparts as effeminate, as "sissies" who did not
project traditional masculinity into their music. But his legions of fans felt
otherwise; they loved the image of a man confessing his weaknesses in a ro-
mantic relationship. Radio proved Vallee's medium: he got to do some
singing, lead the Connecticut Yankees, and clown with celebrities of the day.
After a long, varied, and successful career, Vallee died in 1986.
Russ Columbo
Russ Columbo (1908-1934) followed close behind Vallee both in popular-

ity and time. A strikingly handsome man, cut in the mold of film idol Rudolf
Valentino, Columbo emerged as something of a minor Hollywood personal-
ity in the late 1920s. He played uncredited roles and bit parts (The Wolf Song,
1929; The Texan, 1930) at first, but his good looks, plus an ability to write and
sing, got him noticed. Nothing memorable resulted from his brief film ca-
reer other than a few "B" movies. If remembered at all, his best pictures
would also be his last ones. Broadway Through a Keyhole (1933) and Wake Up
and Dream (1934) gave him a chance at acting, and That Goes Double (1933),
a short, allowed him to sing. In that film, he performs two of his biggest hits,
"Prisoner of Love" (1931; music by Russ Columbo and Clarence Gaskill, lyrics
by Leo Robin) and "You Call It Madness (But I Call It Love)" (1931; words and
music by Con Conrad and Russ Columbo).
As Columbo's career sputtered and sparked but never truly burst into
flame, composer Con Conrad envisioned bigger things for the singer and be-
came his agent around the beginning of the decade. The two co-wrote "You
Call It Madness (But I Call It Love)" in 1931 and, thanks to radio and record-
ings, the song catapulted the singer to fame. In appreciation, he took it as his
theme. Much more than Rudy Vallee, Columbo projected an erotic quality in
his breathy, intimate manner of singing. People started to tout Columbo as a
star crooner, someone who could rival, maybe surpass, anyone then on the
scene. He enjoyed a stint with NBC radio from 1931 to 1933; a contract with
RCA Victor recordings; and several more hits, including "Lies" (1931; music
by Harry Barris, lyrics by George Springer), "Too Beautiful for Words" (1934;
words and music by Russ Columbo, Bennie Grossman, and Jack Stern), and
the aforementioned "Prisoner of Love."
But the "Romeo of Radio," the "Vocal Valentino," as publicity agents would
Music and Media: Radio, Sheet Music, and Recordings n
have it, died mysteriously in 1934 when only 26 years old. Although his death
brought him more fame than he had experienced in life, the excitement soon
disappeared. His legacy consists of a handful of recordings and some
mediocre movies, the promise of his short life unfulfilled. For a brief mo-
ment, however, Russ Columbo actually stood shoulder to shoulder with Rudy
Vallee and Bing Crosby.6
Bing Crosby
It would remain for Bing Crosby (1904-1977) to emerge as the top crooner
of them all. Working with friends Al Rinker and Harry Barris, Crosby in 1926
formed The Rhythm Boys, a vocal trio. Good luck came their way when band-
leader Paul Whiteman, always with an eye for talent, spotted them. Soon the
threesome was singing with Whiteman and also the Gus Arnheim orches-
tra. In time, Crosby took more and more solo vocals, and scored his first big
hit with "I Surrender, Dear" (music by Harry Barris, lyrics by Gordon Clif-
ford) in 1931. That success led Crosby to break with the group in the early
1930s and become a single; he achieved almost instantaneous acclaim as a
crooner.
When Whiteman originally hired Crosby and The Rhythm Boys, he had
limited experience with vocalists. He instead saw his orchestra as a group of
instrumentalists much more interested in the composition of a song than in
its lyrics. If someone took a solo, everyone assumed that it would be instru-
mental. Now arrangements would have to include vocals. The trio of singers
posed some additional problems. During a recording session or in a radio
studio, no outsiders saw the band. But at a public dance, what did a singer
do when he had nothing to sing? Whiteman solved the problem by giving
Crosby an instrument to hold while the band played, so he would not appear
idle. In time, of course, that all changed and, "idle" or not, the vocalist at-
tained a status equal to that of the band members. Singers like Bing Crosby
became important in their own right, and not just on records or radio. The
band vocalists of the 1930s achieved a significance never before accorded
them, to the point they often overshadowed the very orchestras with which
they performed.
Most male vocalists in the popular field at that time tended to be tenors,
but Crosby possessed a warm baritone. In addition, he displayed skill with
many different kinds of lyrics and rhythms. He made direct references to the
Depression with "I Found a Million-Dollar Baby in the Five and Ten-Cent
Store" (1931; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Billy Rose and Mort Dixon)
and the poignant "Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?" (1932; music by Jay Gor-
ney, lyrics by E.Y. Harburg); both proved big hits. Most of his output, how-
ever, remained more romantic than topical, and included such best sellers as
"It's Easy to Remember" (1935; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), "Sweet Leilani" (1937; words and music by Harry Owens), and "Too
Marvelous for Words" (1937; music by Richard Whiting, lyrics by Johnny Mer-
cer). Crosby's unending flow of recordingshe eventually cut over 2,600 ti-
tlescoupled with their widespread acceptance and sales, made him the
dominant male vocalist of the period.
His success with Whiteman led CBS to offer him his own show in 1931.
At first called Fifteen Minutes with Bing Crosby, the series went through name
and sponsor changes, but he nevertheless stayed with CBS until 1935. The
following year, however, found him with rival NBC, where he took over The
Kraft Music Hall from Al Jolson. Already a successful show during Jolson's
tenure, it soon became a Thursday night ritual for millions of radio listeners,
and Crosby would remain there until 1946.
Crosby's radio personality came over the airwaves as that of a nice, easy-
going guy, someone people would like for their neighbor. The casualness
might be practiced and studied, but it worked. His success allowed him to
invite his favorite musicians as guests on the show, and that translated as
popular standards, good jazz, some swing, and fine vocalists. Although The
Kraft Music Hall might seem as relaxed as its host, Crosby demanded high
levels of professionalism. A significant part of the show involved comedy, and
that meant frequent visits from Bob Hope, later to be Crosby's co-star in the
famous "Road" pictures. Of course, the main ingredient remained music,
whether performed by Crosby himself or one of the many talented guests.
In addition to the continuous radio exposure, Crosby churned out numer-
ous films, some first-rate, but most mediocre, that capitalize on his easygo-
ing crooning style. Probably only the most die-hard Crosby fans can recall Too
Much Harmony (1933) or Here Is My Heart (1935), two typical products of his
popularity. Sustained by wafer-thin plots, the movies gave Crosby ample op-
portunity to sing such ditties as "The Day You Came Along" (1933; music by
Arthur Johnston, lyrics by Sam Coslow) and "Love Is Just Around the Cor-
ner" (1935; music by Lewis E. Gensler, lyrics by Leo Robin). The pictures did
reasonably well, and demonstrated how different mediaradio, recording,
and filmcan interconnect.7
Radio star, recording star, and movie starbut with all those accomplish-
ments, many still characterized Bing Crosby as merely a crooner. In the late
1920s and early 1930s, he had sung the lush romantic ballads with the best
of them, his throaty baritone instantly recognizable. He possessed the right
vibrato, the proper intonation, and breathless quality so desired by crooners.
His first big filma short, actually, but one in which he played a strong role
even bore the title I Surrender, Dear (1931). The perfect vehicle for a crooner,
it also happened to be the name of his first recorded hit. But he had become
aware of the mixed feelings people had about crooners and crooning, and he
determined to do something about it.
In later recordings, he lowered his pitch slightly, dropped some of the vi-
brato, and branched out into other genres. He recorded Western songs
("Home on the Range"1933; song composed 1885; music by Daniel Kelley,
words by Brewster Higley), blues ("St. Louis Blues"1932, with the Duke
Ellington orchestra; song composed 1914; words and music by W. C. Handy),
and jazz ("Sweet Georgia Brown"1932, with the Isham Jones orchestra;
song composed 1925; words and music by Ben Bernie, Maceo Pinkard, and
Kenneth Casey), and moved away from straight crooning. He even injected
some humor into the style with "Learn to Croon" (1933; music by Arthur John-
ston, lyrics by Sam Coslow), a tune that almost denies crooning.
By the mid- to later 1930s, people might still refer to Bing Crosby as a
crooner, a singer of sad or saccharine ballads, but they perceived him as a
nice, ail-American fellow. No one would ever accuse him of being effemi-
nate or getting too emotional about a failed love affair. His manner took
those things in stride, and his lighthearted banter, always a part of his per-
sonality, laughed off his troubles. The crooner label stuck, but the manner-
isms that bothered some had by this time become foreign to Crosby's
persona.
Despite Crosby's successful distancing from any negative connotations
about crooning, the subject still aroused interest and debate. In light of that,
a 1932 movie, directed by Lloyd Bacon, used the title Crooner, the producers
knew full well it would draw attention. Russ Columbo had been cast for the
crooner lead, but after a studio disagreement blocked his getting the role, the
part went to David Manners, a little-known actor who played in dozens of "B"
pictures throughout the decade. Not much of a picture, it nevertheless reflects
the ongoing popularity of crooning. In fact, in a tip of the hat to Rudy Vallee,
the main character sings so softly he uses a megaphone (see Chapter 3 for
more on this movie).8
i4 Music of the Great Depression
Radio Programming and Popular Music
Of course, not every crooner used a megaphone, but they all sang about
love and romance. And what they sang came to be what the public wanted in
the 1930s. The attention lavished on crooners demonstrated in part a grow-
ing interest in popular music, one that accompanied the meteoric rise of radio
as a mass medium. By the early 1930s, well over two-thirds of total radio pro-
gramming consisted of music-based shows, with a large proportion of that
figureabout 40 percentfocused on genres other than straight popular se-
lections, such as classical, operetta, ethnic, or regional. Plus every day, sta-
tions broadcast a great deal of incidental music that served as background or
brief features on variety shows, comedy series, and the like. Wherever peo-
ple turned their radio dials, they could pick up music, and most likely, pop-
ular music.
As the 1930s progressed, not quite so much of the broadcast day offered
music, but the change proved slight. Thus, by the end of the decade, music
programming still constituted 57 percent of all broadcasting, down only about
10 percent from ten years earlier. More significant, however, the program-
ming of popular music to the exclusion of other formats displayed a marked
increase. By 1939, approximately 75 percent of all the music on the air con-
sisted of popular songs. Clearly, a decision to stress popular music had be-
come the rule during this period.9
With so much emphasis being placed on broadcasting popular music to
the exclusion of other types, the way of the future became clear: radio would
continue to carry vast amounts of music, but the proportion of time devoted
to nonpopular formats would decline. American radio had narrowed its range
of choices, with the overwhelming first choice being to play popular songs.
In the succeeding years, classical selections all but disappeared from regular
AM schedules; not until the rise of FM (Frequency Modulation) in the 1950s
would alternative musics be again heard with any regularity. The popular
song, the "hit," had come to dominate the airwaves.
Your Hit Parade
When dealing with pop music and what is good and what is mediocre, peo-
ple instantly see themselves as experts. Without quantitative data, any attempt
to list "the best" becomes a subjective exercise and will not be to the liking
Music and Media: Radio, Sheet Music, and Recordings J
5
of all. But that did not stop a group of radio producers in April of 1935. On
that date Your Hit Parade premiered over the NBC network on Saturday
evenings. "We don't pick 'em, we just play 'em," was its slogan, and the hour-
long show became an immediate favorite, to the mutual delight of its ciga-
rette sponsor and NBC. In fact, Your Hit Parade enjoyed sufficient popularity
that in March of 1936 two different networks shared broadcasting rights to
the show. CBS scheduled it on Wednesday evenings, and NBC remained with
its Saturday hour. Finally, CBS gained both programs, retaining them until
1947, when NBC recaptured the show. Your Hit Parade would play on radio
until 1957; a television version also covered the hits; it ran from 1950 until
1959, an unusual radio-television overlap.
By surveying weekly record and sheet music sales, the show's promoters
claimed to have a scientific estimate of the nation's popular preferences. They
professed to favor no oneBroadway and Hollywood tunes, current hits,
standards, revivalswhatever sold during the week they made note of. They
also contacted band leaders about their most requested numbers, although
that must have been a less-than-scientific poll. After completing the polling,
the show promised listeners it would perform the fifteen top-selling songs
for the last seven days. Contrary to popular memory, the format at first had
those fifteen songs played in random order; the breathless counting down to
"number one" came later.
The sponsor's advertising agency tabulated what was popular and what was
not in great secrecy. Representatives from the agency delivered the results to
the studio each week in an armored truck. Of course, such procedures gen-
erated considerable publicity, something everyone involved wanted. Amid all
the hyperbole, the orchestra had to come up with weekly arrangements of the
chosen songs, varying repeat performances from prior weeks enough to keep
things from getting repetitious or boring.
As the show matured, the producers tinkered with the program's organi-
zation. In 1936, fifteen songs got reduced to seven. Then in 1937, seven went
to ten (the number most people seem to remember), staying with that figure
until 1943, when nine became the new total. The numbers kept shifting until
Your Hit Parade's demise in 1957at which time the band and singers per-
formed only five songs. As an additional treat, and time permitting, there
might be a "Lucky Strike Extra" on the show, usually a well-known song or
standard not in the running for top honors.
Over the years, the performers on Your Hit Parade seemed to change almost
as quickly as the latest hits. Between 1935 and 1940, the house band had no
less than fourteen different leaders fronting it, most for just weeks at a time.
They ranged from fairly well-known figures like Lennie Hayton (July-No-
vember 1935), Harry Sosnick (September 1936), and Raymond Scott (Novem-
ber 1938-July 1939), to relative unknowns like Richard Himber (June 1937)
and Peter Van Steeden (July 1937). The vocalists likewise made for a mixed
group, with nineteen different singers interpreting the hits of the day. Few
achieved much fame; Kay Thompson (1935), Buddy Clark (1936), Georgia
Gibbs (then known as "Fredda Gibson," 1938), Lanny Ross (1939), "Wee" Bon-
nie Baker (1939), and Bea Wain (1940) perhaps remain the best-remembered.
An accurate indicator of public preferences or not, audiences loved the sus-
pense, and of course they got to hear some of their favorites performed each
week. It proved a winning formula; Your Hit Parade outlasted most music
shows of any kind. Unlike disc jockeys and the popular band remotes on
radio, Your Hit Parade focused on the songs themselves, not the performers.
"Number One" always meant a particular tune, although several interpreta-
tions of the same song by different artists might be competing on the mar-
ketplace. With its large, enthusiastic audience, a tantalizing question arises:
how closely did the show reflect the public's tastes, and how much did it in-
fluence them? No definitive answer has ever been provided, but Your Hit Pa-
rade doubtless had its effects on both sides of the issue. Like many elements
of popular culture, it functioned as both influence and reflector.10
The Disc Jockey
Americans had no shortage of new music; Broadway continued to supply

new shows and new hits, the movies flourished, and radio boomed. And there
to play the records sat the "radio jockey." Some time in the late thirties he
virtually no women spun records on the air thenwas dubbed a "disc jockey,"
and the name stuck. The first well-known disc jockey, Al Jarvis, broadcast
from Los Angeles on KFWB in "The World's Largest Make-Believe Ballroom."
Jarvis's show began in 1932; in 1935 Martin Block had his own "Make-Believe
Ballroom" on New York City's WNEW, a show that eventually could be heard
nationally. Block entitled one of his features "Saturday Night in Harlem," a
segment that gave precious exposure to black bands and singers, then a rar-
ity on radio. Others across the land picked up on his successful formatchat-
ter, records, chatter, commercialsand the disc jockey soon occupied a major
portion of the broadcast day.11
Sheet Music
As more people acquired radios and recordings during the first third of the
twentieth century, this new technology did not have an immediate, signifi-
cant impact on either instruments or sheet music; sales of both remained im-
pressive until the mid-i920S. Sheet music, the oldest of the three media,
dates back to colonial times when the outlet for musical performance could
often be found in the home. The sales of pianos, organs, and stringed in-
struments followed the popularity of various musical formats, and sheet
music provided the instruction necessary to perform the latest songs.
Following the end of World War I in 1918, however, sheet music suffered
declining sales as more and more people purchased phonograph recordings.
In order to stabilize the industry, publishers decided on a set price of thirty
cents a copy, a figure they felt would be competitive with the prices for record-
ings, which ranged from less than fifty cents a disc for some imports to well
over a dollar for certain classical discs. Canny consumers quickly noted that
a single recording yielded two sides and two songs, therefore halving the price
per song, a considerable saving. One copy of sheet music, on the other hand,
provided just that: one copy of a particular song, giving recordings a price ad-
vantage sheet music could never overcome.
Performances by specific artists doing a particular song began to dominate
the popular market during the 1920s. In addition, jazz and the blues had be-
come rising favorites, especially on record. Each of these formats proved vir-
tually impossible to transcribe to sheet music, and consumers increasingly
opted to purchase a recording of what they had heard instead of the music
that they might play. The nuances of a particular singer, along with the im-
provisations characteristic of jazz and the blues, could be captured on discs,
something printed musical notation might never convey. As the decade pro-
gressed, recordings of popular tunes, along with jazz and blues, established
a permanent lead over sheet music in total sales, although paper copies of
other musical formats continued to sell briskly.
Sheet music did possess longevity, an advantage over recordings. A popu-
lar hit could sell 500,000 or more printed copies, provided it remained avail-
able for a sufficiently long time. As a rule, much sheet music could be
purchased months or even years after its initial publication. A recording, on
the other hand, had a more limited shelf life; three to six months totaled the
average availability of a recording before being replaced by new releases. Thus
a short-lived record might not equal the sales of its more long-lived sheet
Although sales plunged during the Depression years, sheet music continued to attract a few buy-
ers, especially those who could play an instrument. Here a pianist plays in a rural Pennsylvania
home in 1938. But radio, recordings, and sound movies continued to make inroads on this ven-
erable musical medium, and many traditional venues no longer carried sheet music by the ad-
vent of World War II. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
music counterpart. But the various record labels released many more titles
than did the music publishers, and this also accounted for the lead they es-
tablished.
The longer life of sheet music led to discrepancies about what the music
industry saw as popular with the public. The record companies tracked their
sales closely, and knew within just a couple of weeks what records sold well
and which releases moved more slowly. But a time lag of ten weeks or more
existed in the sheet music business. As a rule, people did not rush to pur-
chase new sheet music as readily as they did new recordings. Publishers
therefore allowed their printed music to remain with outlets much longer,
and so a song declared a hit by record manufacturers might barely have made
a dent in sheet music sales.
The bottom fell out of both the sheet music and the record business with
the onset of the Depression. Sheet music publishers had to cut their prices
when the full force of the economic collapse made itself felt. Twenty-five
cents, sometimes less, became the common price for sheet music in the
1930s, although that climbed back to 1929 prices around 1938-1939. In the
meantime, the industry considered any song that boasted sheet music sales
of over 200,000 copies in a year a real success, but those tunes came along
infrequently. Discouraged by this declining market, the mighty Woolworth's
chain of five-and-dimes, once a primary carrier, closed its sheet music de-
partments, leaving rival Kresge's as the main outlet. Aside from a brief spurt
in sales during World War II, brought on by a recording ban, sheet music
would never again be a major component of the popular music business.12
RECORDINGS
Coping with the Depression proved no easier for the recording industry
than it had for sheet music publishers. Mass production of phonographs and
recordings had commenced in the 1890s; by 1910, records emerged as the
primary means of reproducing music in homes. The Columbia, Victor, and
Edison labels dominated the business in the early twentieth century, but
Brunswick, Gennett, Okeh, Paramount, Perfect, HMV, and Vocalion estab-
lished themselves as strong competitors, introducing many Americans to
contemporary dance music, along with popular jazz and blues.
The increasing competition of radio in the early 1920s initially drove down
record sales, but the general prosperity of the decade had them rising again
by 1929. For example, in 1921 the recording industry could boast income in
excess of $100 million, a figure never before achieved. Then radio com-
menced its spectacular rise in popularity, and by mid-decade record sales had
fallen to $59 million, or just over half of the 1921 total. By 1929, the indus-
try's income had risen to $75 millionalong with record player sales of al-
most 1,000,000 unitsand then the Depression reversed everything. The
succeeding years reveal just how hard the economic collapse affected the in-
dustry.
Table 1 illustrates how, at the beginning of the decade, the recording in-
dustry had been dealt a triple blow: economic depression, the rise of sound
movies, and the omnipresent radio. As a point of contrast, in the late twen-
ties, the sale of over 350,000 records qualified a song as a hit. By 1930, that
figure had declined to 40,000 records, and showed no signs of improving.
In the darkest days of the Depression, 1931-1933, the average sales for a hit
Table l
The Recording Industry during the 1930s
Number of
Year Annual Sales Records Sold Comments
1929 $75 million About 70 million discs. High sales can be attributed
to general prosperity until
October and the stock market
crash.
1930 $46 million About 40 million discs. Most movie theaters now
have sound, and most homes
have radios.
1931 $18 million About 15 million discs. Sound movies and radio con-
tinue to have negative effects
on the industry, coupled with
the economic impacts of the
Depression.
1932 $11 million About 10 million discs. Only 40,000 record players
sold, but radio sales tripled.
1933 $5 million Just over 4 million The depth of the Depression,

discs. but Prohibition ends and
bars and nightclubs begin to
flourish again.
1934 $7 million About 5 million discs. The first industry turna-
round, coupled with partial
economic recovery and lower
record prices.
1935 $9 million Almost 7 million discs. Recovery and lower prices
continue.
1936 $11 million About 8 million discs. Swing begins to affect record
sales positively.
1937 $13 million About 10 million discs. A recession slows the econ-
omy, but thanks to swing,
record sales continue to im-
prove.
(continued)
Table 1 (Continued)
Number of
Year Annual Sales Records Sold Comments
1938 $26 million About 40 million discs. Swing is king and Americans
By label: Victor: over 13 listen to jukeboxes and buy
million discs; Decca: large numbers of records.
over 12 million discs;
Columbia/ARC: over 9
million discs.
Independent labels: the
remaining 6 million
discs.
1939 $36 million About 55 million discs. The swing phenomenon
shows no letup, and record
sales rise sharply.
1940 $52 million About 80 million discs. Sales continued to climb into
the early 1940s.
Source: Joseph Csida and June Bundy Csida, American Entertainment: A Unique History of Pop-
ular Show Business (New York: Watson-Guptil Publications, 1978), 216-323.
record totaled 3,500 copies in the first three m o n t h s of its release, and an ad-
ditional 1,500 copies in the remaining three m o n t h s prior to its disappear-
ance from retailers' inventories. That reflected a decline of some 35,000
copies per title just since 1930. And those figures represent hit records; less
popular songs did proportionally worse, to the point that basic recording costs
might not even be met.
In 1932, Victor introduced a new product, the Duo. This gadget consisted
of a 78 r p m turntable and not m u c h else; it had no tubes or speakers. The
Duo jacked into a radio, sold for a rock-bottom $16.50, and enjoyed imme-
diate success. The Duo, however, served only as a stopgap; it could not pre-
vent record sales from declining further. The music business needed a tonic,
not another record player, but not until 1934 did record sales again begin a
long, slow climb to their former levels.
Thomas Edison, despite his considerable reputation as a pioneer in record-

ing technology, realized the plight of the industry and stopped marketing
records altogether, turning his back on his own invention. He had stubbornly
persisted in manufacturing acoustic recordings, and his market simply dis-
appeared. Clinging to a straw, Edison continued to manufacture his already-
obsolete phonographs and cabinets, along with radios and dictating equipment.
Shortly thereafter, he admitted defeat on all fronts and ceased manufacturing
phonographs.
While the record industry seemed mired in insoluble problems, radio ex-
hibited ever-growing strength. As evidence, the Radio Corporation of Amer-
ica (better known as RCA) bought the struggling Victor Record Company in
1929. Victor, which had been part of the Victor Talking Machine Company
since 1901, early on established itself as one of the premier recording firms,
but lacked the financial resources to withstand the straitened economy. RCA,
owned by AT&T, General Electric, and Westinghouse, already controlled the
National Broadcasting Company, and the acquisition of the Victor label gave
the radio giant a vast archive of recorded music. In a related move, RCA had
also created the RKO (for Radio-Keith-Orpheum) studio, a film production
company, thus providing it access to movies, recordings, and of course, radio.
In short order, RCA had entree to all of the electronic mass of the day, a feat
that provided it some insulation from most of the economic fluctuations and
troubles of the period. If recordings faltered, the movies might prosper, and
radio seemed impervious to anything.
This brief history of Victor records gives but a hint of the byzantine trans-
actions that occurred throughout the American recording industry during the
1930s. Brunswick Records, a part of the Brunswick-Balke-Collender Company
of Dubuque, Iowa, had come into being shortly after the parent firm began
manufacturing phonographs in 1916. Previously noted for pool tables and pi-
anos, the Iowa firm saw great potential in the whole phonograph industry.
Its recording subsidiary, boasting the latest technology, bought the once-
prosperous Aeolian and Vocalion catalogs in 1924 and seemed poised to be-
come a major label. Brunswick also owned a budget line called Melotone.
Even with its acquisitions, the company saw overall sales continue an inex-
orable decline, and the Warner Brothers film studios purchased Brunswick
in 1929. When it made the purchase, Warner Brothers enjoyed high profits
and seemed poised to expand. But then the moviemakers, like the rest of the
nation, fell on hard times after the market crash. Thinking Brunswick was
doomed to being a money-losing proposition, Warner Brothers turned around
and in 1931 sold the label to the American Record Company (ARC), an up-
start group that had been organized in 1929 with the express purpose of buy-
ing out destitute companies and retailing bargain discs in five-and-dimes and
cheap variety stores.
With Edison out of the picture, Victor a part of RCA, and Brunswick ab-
sorbed by the American Record Company, only Columbia Records remained
as a major independent label. But even mighty Columbia, which at the time of
the Depression the huge English EMI (for Electric & Music Industries) firm
owned, went on sale. EMI unloaded the label to the company manufacturing
Majestic radio receivers. The economic crisis continued, however, and the sales
of Majestic receivers dropped, a situation that placed Columbia once more on
the auction block. This move resulted in the always-alert American Record
Company picking up the once-prestigious label in 1934 for next to nothing.
The Columbia Phonograph Company, one of the original parents of Co-
lumbia Records, had, in the 1920s, grown rich during those Jazz Age boom
times. In its heyday, it manufactured not only Columbia discs and phono-
graphs, but also Silvertone and Supertone records for Sears, Roebuck and
Company, from 1905 to 1931. In addition, from 1925 to 1931 it produced Diva
Records for the W. T. Grant chain of five-and-ten-cent stores. Okeh Records,
another division within Columbia, produced considerable jazz and dance
music; it continued as a semi-autonomous branch from 1926 until 1935. The
Columbia Phonograph Company's wealth allowed it to assist in the creation
of the Columbia Broadcasting System in 1928. What no one foresaw, of
course, was how radio would prosper, while the formerly thriving recording
industry would stumble.
In an ironic turnaround, CBS in 1938 thus acquired not just the namesake
Columbia label, but the entire American Record Company operation, giving
NBC's primary rival a significant stake in the recording industry. CBS
promptly sold one of its acquisitions, Brunswick, once ARC's prestige line,
to American Decca in 1940. As a final indignity, CBS dropped the remain-
ing ARC listings that same year, retaining only the Columbia imprint. In ad-
dition, it should be noted that Paramount Studios, another Hollywood giant,
owned 49 percent of CBS as a result of a deal finalized in 1929; this arrange-
ment further cemented the film-radio-recording connections and made the
network a worthy rival to NBC.
Before falling on its own hard times, the American Record Company, by
virtue of its sharp discountingits discs sold from 25 to 50 cents apiece, and
often retailed at three for a dollarbecame a force in popular music. Formed
in 1929 by the merger of Regal Records, Cameo Records, and the Scranton
Button Company, the new firm built an extensive catalog overnight by taking
over many smaller, financially straitened recording companies. ARC quickly
acquired the inventories of independent labels like Banner, Conqueror,
Medallion, Pathe (U.S. only), and Perfect. Some of these little-known labels
also featured subsidiaries. Cameo owned Romeo Records, a brand sold by the
S. H. Kress variety stores. It also held the Lincoln brand, a label that featured
dance music and jazz.
To stay in business, these firms sometimes obtained masters from the big-
ger labels like Victor and Brunswick and stamped cheap copies from them. For
ARC's Banner Records, almost the entire line consisted of reissues. To keep
manufacturing costs at an absolute minimum, the smaller labels recorded on
surfaces like waxed or chemically treated paper, and also on metal or tin foil.
As might be expected, fidelity was minimal, and the recording seldom lasted
much beyond a handful of plays. They also specialized in what the industry
disingenuously called "hick discs," performances by little-known rural bands
and singers playing songs that required no copyright fees. Conqueror Records,
another ARC acquisition, typified the small recording company of that era and
provides a good illustration of the practice: Sears, Roebuck sold the label's
records from 1926 until 1942, and Conqueror utilized mail-order marketing,
trafficking in rural areas of the country. By owning a number of these firms,
the American Record Company became one of the largest distributors of
phonograph records in the thirties, exceeded only by England's EMI group.
ARC's 1931 purchase of Brunswick Records from Warner Brothers finally
gave the group a well-known label. Instead of pricing Brunswick selections
at their prevailing 25- to 50-cent rates, ARC made Brunswick its prestige line
and retailed the label at a premium 75 cents a disc. This move may have cost
ARC some sales, but it gave the company stature in the market.
While the American Record Company wheeled and dealed, the other sur-
viving record firms dropped artists, cut back on recording sessions, and re-
duced individual takes on a particular number to just one, provided no
obvious defects could be detected. They also slashed prices for their products
and experimented with various marketing schemes. Seventy-five-cent records
went on sale at two for a dollar, and fifty-cent discs could be bought at three
for a dollar. Victor, which had stubbornly held prices to its 1920's levels, cre-
ated the Bluebird label in 1933 as a response to ARC's pricing policies; the
new Bluebirds sold for thirty-five cents. Others struck deals with large retail-
ers like Woolworth's and Sears, Roebuck and Company to sell miniature
Boasting a bargain price of fifteen cents and often retailed at newsstands, "Hit of the Week" records
could be found between 1930 and 1932. Their "Durium" surface gave listeners three to five min-
utes of poorly recorded music and wore out quickly. With record sales down sharply during the De-
pression, they served as one of several attempts to lure buyers with cheap recordings. [Photograph
by author; from the Bryan Wright Collection]
(eight inches in diameter, instead of the traditional ten) records of dance

music for a dime. One label, Oriole Records, was owned by McCrory De-
partment Stores, and could only be obtained at this chain.
Between 1930 and 1932, "Hit of the Week" Records tried selling discs at
newsstands. The one-sided records, boasting a bargain price of fifteen cents
and made of "Durium," a concoction of paper and resin, gave a listener three
to five minutes of scratchy music. Aside from presaging radio's Your Hit Pa-
rade by a few years, "Hit of the Week" fared poorly.
Despite all the gloom and doom surrounding the recording industry, a few
individuals saw prosperity beckoning and took advantage of it. In 1934, a

British investor by the name of Ted Lewis (not to be confused with the pop-
ular entertainer of the same name) started American Decca, a new label and
the offshoot of English Decca, a well-established label. Lewis persuaded Jack
Kapp, then the head of Brunswick Records, to lead the new operation, and
Kapp brought with him many of Brunswick's leading performers, including
crooner Bing Crosby. American Decca also gained the catalog of Gennett
Records in this move. An old (1917) label that had built a rich trove of blues
and jazz sides, Gennett's list included the first recorded version of Hoagy
Carmichael's classic "Star Dust" in 1927. To battle ARC's low prices, Kapp de-
cided to sell Decca recordings for a bargain 35 cents, making them strong
competitors in the marketplace. In a short time, Decca's cheap discs, along
with their roster of stars, especially Crosby, made the company one of the
sales leaders for the decade.13
"Race Records"
The Depression hurt jazz and black music particularly hard. Most of the
small independent labels failed, which meant the disappearance of many
companies that had recorded black musicians and catered to black audiences.
Their recordings carried the term "race records," meaning that they usually
could be obtained only in predominantly black neighborhoods. Larger dis-
tributors, fearful of a white consumer backlash, refused to carry them. Cou-
pled with the restraints of Prohibition, the small clubs and bars that once
dotted neighborhoods shut their doors, effectively closing another avenue for
black musicians, and for musicians of every stripe as well. Not until the late
1930s and the explosive growth of swing (along with the popularity of juke-
boxes) did musicians again find widespread employment opportunities.
The story of Black Swan Records, a subsidiary of Paramount Records (no
connection to the movie studio), illustrates the dilemma of black musicians.
The label had specialized in recording black artists, which meant Black Swan
discs, or "race records," had little entree into white markets. The Depression
finally caught up with Black Swan in 1935, forcing it out of business just be-
fore swing brought about a renewed interest in jazz and dance bands. The
label would, however, be reactivated in the early 1940s.
Swing and the Recording Industry
Swing did indeed prove the tonic the industry needed. It re-invigorated
many struggling companies, especially the fortunes of three labels. Colum-
bia (including its Brunswick and Okeh subsidiaries), Decca, and RCA Victor
(including its Bluebird subsidiary) dominated the American recording field
in the later years of the decade. Other companies continued to issue purely
pop sides and music geared to more specialized tastes, but these three mo-
nopolized the big bands.
Ever optimistic, several new independents entered the growing field for
swing and jazz. In 1938, Milt Gabler, the owner of New York City's Com-
modore Music Shop, a favorite hangout for jazz fans, created Commodore
Records. Clearly jazz-oriented, the label survived, but remained popular pri-
marily with dedicated collectors searching for specific artists or songs. Fol-
lowing a similar path, Blue Note Records came into being in 1939. Founded
by Alfred Lion and Francis Wolff, Blue Note also catered to the true jazz afi-
cionado. Neither label became a major player in the swing mass market, but
instead remained on the sidelines, catering to the wants of specialists.
Record companies vied for recording rights to specific bands as swing cap-
tured the public imagination. The players found themselves in the position
of rushing into recording studios and having to play a new number on first
sight. This required a high level of professionalism and mastery of both
music and instruments, something musicians had in remarkable quantity
during this hectic decade. The vast majority of sidemen had studied hard and
played with numerous aggregations, so reading new arrangements had be-
come second nature. Recording four or more new sides in a single session
of just a few hours' duration might be challenging, but in the Big Band Era
seldom seemed impossible. In just a couple of takes (playing the same num-
ber two times, usually with only slight changes), a new classic might emerge,
or certainly a recording suitable for airplay and wide distribution.
Because audio technology at that time lacked the sophistication later taken
for granted, the bands recorded directly onto wax or acetate. Tape played no
role, so splicing did not exist as an option, and digital editing had not entered
even the most vivid imaginations of engineers; the take consisted of "all or
nothing." More often than not, complete songs were recorded in a single ses-
sion, often in memorable versions that have come down to the present as de-
finitive renditions.
A popular hit promised big money to the band recording the preferred ver-
sion, so arrangers worked hard to alter tempos, vocalists stylized their rendi-
tions, soloists improvised on the written score, and the leaders themselves
added touches of their own. As a result, hit songs like "One O'Clock Jump"
(1937; music by William "Count" Basie) and "I'll Never Smile Again" (1940;
words and music by Ruth Lowe) might exist in several interpretations at the
same time; it rested with the audience as to which version sold the best.
In the case of the two songs mentioned, "One O'Clock Jump" at first en-
joyed its biggest sales by the Basie band, but their success proved short-lived.
Instead of one overriding favorite, many bandsHarry James and Benny
Goodman, for examplesoon had competing versions, and they sold well
also. Often the public liked a particular band, and individual songs carried
less importance than the orchestra itself. In the case of "I'll Never Smile
Again," the tune "belonged" to the Tommy Dorsey aggregation and his im-
pressive new vocalist, Frank Sinatra. Other versions existed, but consumers
demanded the Dorsey/Sinatra rendition.14
Jukeboxes
The etymology of "jukebox" remains a murky one. In West Africa, a "juke"

meant a house of prostitution. With slavery, the word made its way to the
United States and took on new meanings. In the South, a "juke" (sometimes
spelled "jook") signified a dance hall, especially a lower-class one, and then
even some of the dances themselves. To "juke" meant to dance, but in a sug-
gestive way at a roadside joint. In the late 1920s and on into the 1930s, coin-
operated record machines began to replace the small bands and combos that
had traditionally played in these dance halls, or "juke joints." It did not take
long for the word to make the transition from dance and locale to the ma-
chine supplying the music. A "jukebox" played in juke joints for juking. Over
time, "jukebox" has clearly evolved into an innocent term with few connec-
tions to its colorful past. The manufacturers of these machines, in a futile at-
tempt to disassociate their products from any such past, insisted on calling
them "Multi-Selector Phonographs," "Automatic Coin-Operated Phono-
graphs" or "coin machines," but the public stuck with "jukeboxes."
Regardless of any linguistic roots, crude jukeboxes first appeared in the
1880s. By 1920, these primitive forerunners had all but disappeared. Then,
in 1921, a patent was issued for an efficient and durable record changer; by
1927, a coin-operated model had been perfected. The Automatic Instrument

Company, or AMI, began to manufacture these early models. By the begin-
ning of the 1930s, J.P. Seeburg, Rudolph Wurlitzer, and the Rockola (later
Rock-Ola) Manufacturing Company had also entered the business.
In 1933, Americans rejected Prohibition in no uncertain terms; Repeal said
people could legally consume alcohol once again. The reopening of lounges,
bars, and nightclubs meant they had to have music, either live or recorded,
and jukeboxes sprang up everywhere, becoming standard fixtures. They
sported names like "Night Club," "Streamliner," "Singing Tower," "Throne of
Music," and "Peacock," and appealed to a youthful market. They spread to
ice cream parlors, soda fountains, and restaurantsplaces where music
might boost business. Customers saw them as a form of cheap entertain-
ment; proprietors saw them bringing in more customers.
About 25,000 jukeboxes could be found scattered across the country by the
end of 1933. That number jumped to over 100,000 by the mid-i93os,
225,000 by 1937, and it just kept climbing: in excess of 400,000 jukeboxes
played the latest hits to millions of listeners and dancers with nickels in their
pockets (or six tunes for a quarter) when the thirties drew to a close. Coupled
with the rise of swing and a limited economic recovery, jukeboxes had lost
any negative connotations and could be found just about anywhere by 1940.
With their sinuous curves, shiny chrome and plastics, neon tubes and
flashing lights, 1930s jukeboxes served as a kind of summation of the popu-
lar Streamline design of the era. They represented modern architecture, sky-
scrapers in miniature. More importantly, they made money, both for the
establishments having them and for the music business in general. In the
Swing Era, jukeboxes devoured over half of all records on the market and
helped to encourage fads and fashions in music. Because of their ubiquity,
they went a long way in determining a record's popularity.
For the record business, jukeboxes represented a godsend. These insatiable
machines consumed 720,000 records a week, 30 million a year, toward the
end of the 1930s, and went a long way toward saving the flagging record in-
dustry. Wurlitzer, the leading manufacturer of coin-operated machines, was
turning out 45,000 a year by 1939, and its competitors boasted equally im-
pressive numbers.
What sold on a jukebox got repeatedendlessly, both in its original format
and by imitators. This led to repetition and musicians getting stuck in sty-
listic ruts. They had to keep sounding like their most recent hit, thus stifling
creativity. But hidden benefits emerged for one group of musicians. Color-
, , , .
By the mid.1930s, the jukebox has established itself as a ubiquitous part of the American music
scene. From dilapidated road houses to ritzy nightclubs, the chrome and neon boxes dispensed
the latest hits and favorites of audiences everywhere. In this 1939 photograph, the jukebox has
replaced the live musicians, and someone even moved it to a prominent place in front of the
bandstand. It appears the dancing couple voiced no objections. [Library of Congress, Prints &
Photographs Division]
blind, jukeboxes provided black musicians the best possible outlet for a mass
audience to hear their music. In its mechanical way, the jukebox served as an
equalizer in a segregated world. Of course, they only played records, and so
they replaced live musicians who might otherwise be performing at a dance
hall or club. Like so much modern technology, a curse accompanied the bless-
ing.15
Many musicians, along with songwriters, objected to the use of recordings
on radio and, by extension, in jukeboxes. They feltjustlythat radio and
coin-operated devices deprived both musicians and songwriters of income,
since most of them received no royalties when stations played their record-
ings or a patron's nickel keyed a song. In an attempt to remedy the situation,
ASCAP (the American Society of Composers, Arrangers, and Producers), an
organization dedicated to protecting the performing rights of musicians and
songwriters, stepped into this debate. Founded in 1913 to take advantage of

revised U.S. copyright laws, ASCAP wanted to raise the licensing fees charged
to radio stations for the privilege of playing music on the air. In late 1939,
broadcasters retaliated by forming BMI (Broadcast Music Incorporated) as an
alternative. This split would result in a long fight over musicians' rights, a
recording ban, and finally some resolution in the mid-i940S. Another story,
another decade, but its roots lay in the 1930s and the proliferation of both
radio and recording.
Some mechanically reproduced music took an unusual turn in the thirties.
In 1934, Muzak, a service that went directly to restaurants, dancehalls, facto-
ries, and offices, made its debut in Cleveland, Ohio. It piped in soothing back-
ground music with no attempt made to copy the latest hits or dance numbers.
This consisted of packaged music just below the level of consciousness, a
kind of subliminal sound massage, and it had little impact on the popular
music business. Despite the Depression, music flourished during the 1930s,
available to millions easily and cheaply.
2
Popular Hits and Standards
Although many people associate the 1930s with swing and all the dance bands
of the time, the decade also stands as the golden age of American songwrit-
ing. During these turbulent years, composers and lyricists like Harold Arlen,
Irving Berlin, Hoagy Carmichael, Duke Ellington, Dorothy Fields, George and
Ira Gershwin, Jerome Kern, Jimmy McHugh, Cole Porter, Leo Robin, Richard
Rodgers and Lorenz Hart, Harry Warren, and Alec Wilder collectively defined
American popular music. And those names make up just the short list; many
other distinguished songwriters also deserve a spot on any such compilation.
They took the popular music format and turned it into an art form; at the
same time, the big bands were creating dance classics with similar materials.
Almost weekly, it would seem, new songs appeared by these consummately
talented people. Destined to become standardssongs known by a large au-
dience that remain popular for generationstheir compositions have en-
dured, still vibrant for listeners of all ages. In 1930, the Gershwins penned
"Embraceable You," Hoagy Carmichael "Georgia on My Mind" (lyrics by Stu-
art Gorrell), just as Rodgers and Hart put the finishing touches on "Ten Cents
a Dance," and Cole Porter "What Is This Thing Called Love?" In 1935, Irving
Berlin wrote "Cheek to Cheek," Vernon Duke composed "Autumn in New
York," Harry Warren and Al Dubin collaborated on "Lullaby of Broadway,"
and Duke Ellington added "Solitude" to his repertoire. The sheer number and
variety of songs that came along during the 1930s quickly grew to remark-
able proportions. For whatever reasons, the decade produced some of the
finest, most lasting, music in the history of American popular song.
THE POPULAR SONG
The inroads of jazz, swing, and, later, rhythm 'n' blues and rock 'n' roll,
cannot be denied, but for sheer longevity and uniformity, the American pop-
ular song remained recognizably unchanged for much of the twentieth cen-
tury. Such classics possess a deceptively simple structure: almost always
written in a verse-chorus form (see below), the verse sets the scene or poses
a situation and then the chorus, or refrain, brings about a resolution. During
the 1930s, jazz and swing, for all their appeal, had to adapt more to the verse-
chorus format than it to them. In many ways, the thirties marked the apoth-
eosis of the popular song in American musical culture.
As a rule, these songs are built on discrete units called phrases. Following
a brief instrumental opening, listeners will usually hear an introductory sec-
tion, or verse, normally a sixteen-bar phrase. The verse introduces the tempo,
or rhythm, of the music, although it will not be found in every instance, since
some songwriters chose deliberately to omit it. The verse section was, how-
ever, extremely important to most songwriters and lyricists of the 1930s; what
it establishes will be expanded and/or resolved in the succeeding phrases, or
choruses.
When dealing with words set to music, many composers and lyricists use
the verse for an introductory comment, a kind of preface to the story the cho-
ruses, or refrain, will cover. Many contemporary listeners, however, do not
know these little stories that so often opened the standards of the decade. The
three- to four-minute time constraints of radio broadcasts and recordings,
coupled with a sharp drop in sheet music sales, brought about a decreased
emphasis on the verse, so what people heard might not include all that the
songwriters had originally included. In time, popular songwriting witnessed
the decline, if not outright disappearance, of the verse. By the last years of
the twentieth century, few popular songs deemed the verse a necessary com-
ponent in musical structure. Today, many orchestras and performers, espe-
cially when recording a song, leave out the opening verse, preferring to move
straight to the choruses. Although radio and recording might dictate this
omission, a simple, crowd-pleasing reason also plays an important role in this
decision: the choruses, or refrain, contain those lyrics and melody most likely
Popular Hits and Standards 35
to be remembered by listeners. The song usually concludes with a coda, a
short s u m m i n g - u p of what has gone before.
For example, the classic Hoagy Carmichael (music)/Mitchell Parish (lyrics)
"Star Dust" (1927, 1931), clearly illustrates this basic verse/chorus construc-
tion.
First comes the verse, in which an unresolved situation is described:
. . . And now the purple dust of twilight time

Steals across the meadows of my heart,
High up in the sky the little stars climb,
Always reminding me that we're apart.
You wandered down the lane and far away,

Leaving me a song that will not die,
Love is now the star dust of yesterday,
The music of the years gone by.
Those eight lines complete the verse. It is then followed by the refrain, in
this case consisting of two choruses. They contain the familiar melody and
lyrics that people everywhere recall, and the situation presented in the above
verse reaches a resolution.
Chorus #1:
Sometimes I wonder why I spend
The lonely night
Dreaming of a song?
The melody haunts my reverie,
And I am once again with you,
When our love was new,
And each kiss an inspiration,
Ah, but that was long ago:
Now my consolation
Is in the star dust of a song.
Chorus #2:
Beside a garden wall,
When stars are bright,
You are in my arms,
The nightingale tells his fairy tale
Of paradise, where roses grew.
Tho' I dream in vain,
In my heart it will remain:
My star dust melody,
The memory of love's refrain.
At the completion of the second chorus ("The memory of love's refrain"),

many recorded versions of the song then instrumentally repeat the music of
the choruses, and this repetition serves as the coda, the summation of what
has gone before.
As to the age-old question, "Which came first, words or music?" the an-
swer depends on who composed the music and who wrote the lyrics. For "Star
Dust," when Hoagy Carmichael first composed the melody in 1927, he cre-
ated a slightly up-tempo piece that contained no lyrics. A modest success at
best, this original version certainly cannot be thought a standard. In 1931, lyri-
cist Mitchell Parish slowed down the tempo of Carmichael's tune and con-
tributed the now-famous words, making it into a contemplative love song.
Only then did "Star Dust" start its climb toward immortality as a great Amer-
ican standard.
The creative process thus varies among individuals and writing teams. For
example, when working on a production for stage or screen, a playwright or
a director will have an idea or a concept. He or she might ask a composer to
score some "sad" (or "happy," "inspirational," etc.) music. If the songs in-
clude vocal components, a lyricist then fits appropriate words to them.
On the other hand, a lyricist may have some lines that need music to ac-
company them. In that case, the writing of the music follows the words. Oc-
casionallyIrving Berlin or Cole Porter, for examplethe same person
handles the two tasks. No definitive answer can be given, but for the 1930s
there existed no shortage of either inspired music or equally inspired words.
In popular American song, therefore, lyricist and composer stand as co-
equal. Many of the great songs of the 1930s owe their longevity to an out-
standing composer-lyricist team: Richard Rodgers and Lorenz Hart (the
Rodgers and Hammerstein collaboration would come later), George and Ira
Gershwin, Jerome Kern and Dorothy Fields, Harold Arlen and Johnny Mer-
cer, Fats Waller and Andy Razaf, James Van Heusen and Johnny Burke, and
so on through a distinguished line of such pairings. But whether one creator
or two, the abundance of enduring songs during the decade serves as a tes-
tament to the musical richness of the period. That so much popular music
achieved a stunning level of variety, sophistication, and maturity while em-
ploying the same format as a starting point suggests that these writers found,
within its confines, ample room to improvise, to bend the "rules," so to speak,
and put their personal stamp upon their creations.1
Creating Popular Hits
Economic ups and downs color the history of American music in the early
decades of the twentieth century. Popular songs usually came from one of
four sources: the theater (i.e., musicals), sound movies (musicals again),
dance bands, and Tin Pan Alley. This last term identifies a geographical sec-
tion of New York City where composers, lyricists, arrangers, and song plug-
gers (people trying to sell a particular song or an idea for one; see Chapter 3
for more on this profession) congregated and interacted with various music
publishers. Geographically, the "alley" signified Manhattan's Twenty-eighth
Street, the section between Fifth Avenue and Broadway. As these people min-
gled, often in tiny offices equipped with no more than a desk, a couple of
chairs, and an upright piano, a body of popular music developedindeed
flourishedremarkably well.
In the Roaring Twenties, the hopes of independent composers and lyricists
had never been higher; the decade witnessed the greatest number of popular
songs published in history. But sheer numbers of songs do not guarantee
hits, and this volume of music failed or survived not just on the whims of
popular taste, but also on the effectiveness of distribution. As a rule, the prod-
ucts of Tin Pan Alley seldom enjoyed movie or stage performances, but re-
lied instead on a direct connection with consumers for their success. These
songs usually went straight into sheet music and recordings. If stores lacked
sufficient copies, either printed or recorded, people would turn to something
else. Keeping local outlets stocked with all the latest numbers could deter-
mine a tune's fate, not just public taste. As those in the business knewor
quickly learnedthe public displayed little patience, and would turn to other
music if it could not purchase a specific song.2
With the growth of commercial radio in the 1920s, the mix added airplay.
Among those who labored in Tin Pan Alley, a widely held belief said that pop-
ular taste determined a hit; the public exercised free will and the merits of a
piece of music decided its success or failure. In the 1930s, however, this some-
what naive point of view underwent considerable revision, and radio in par-
ticular forced the reevaluation: well over 40 percent of American homes had
receivers by 1930 and the percentage kept growing.
Most people saw radio as free; once the set had been purchased (no one
thought much about the connections between radio usage and the monthly
electric bill), the shows themselves cost nothing. On the other hand, sheet
music and recordings cost money at the time of purchase. Because cash was
scarce and had to be allocated to meet needs, people faced a heightened
awareness about expenses. After the traditional food, clothing, and shelter,
buying music, either printed or recorded, might be thought a luxury few fam-
ilies could afford. Thus the precipitous drop in sheet music and record sales,
and the rise of radio as a primary purveyor of popular music.
Sound films also exerted an effect on the music business. Millions attended
the movies each week, which meant a featured song reached an audience
larger than anything previously envisioned. That exposure, coupled with
repetitive airplay, could make the most innocuous tune a hit. Popularity begat
popularity; songs became hits because millions of consumers knew about
them, and they knew about them through radio and the movies.
In the case of songs written by tunesmiths working in the traditional Tin
Pan Alley fashionwriting a song, finding a publisher, seeing it printed in
sheet music form, and also getting it recordedan important part of the
process involved effectively "plugging" the composition. Many individuals
earned their livings by song plugging. They circulated a new song among
sheet music publishers and record companies, showed it to potential per-
formers (vocalists, band leaders), visited as many radio stations as possible
with recorded copies, and generally made the song known among their net-
works of contacts. As radio and movies took on increased importance in the
success or failure of a song, the plugger's job assumed greater importance.
Film studios had to be made aware of the song, and more stations required
copies for airplay. With the rise of swing in the later 1930s, convincing noted
band leaders to add the song to their repertoire also proved vitally important.3
For the 1930s, a typical week in the music business meant the release of
some thirty-five to forty new songs. Figures collected by the Federal Com-
munications Commission for 1938 indicated that, with any luck, a handful of
tunesmaybe five to eight out of the total thirty-five or soreceived a dis-
proportionate amount of airplay. Over a year's time, the same statistics apply:
a few songs, a tiny minority, received over 80 percent of all airplay. The re-
mainder went into a kind of musical limbo, a place where only the most de-
termined searchers could find them. Those looking for specific artists or
specific versions of a song might locate what they wanted at a record store or
through friends who also collected music. Tunes that lacked any effective pro-
motion simply disappeared in time, unheard and unsold.
Distribution and airplay therefore became key in a song's success or fail-
ure. Estimates suggest that the effective life of most new music ranged be-
tween ten and twenty weeks. A novelty number usually peaked more quickly
than a traditional romantic ballad, thus the disparity in time. If a tune did be-
come a hit, it still possessed a limited lifespan. In the past, a hit might retain
its popularity for as long as eighteen months or so; by the 1930s, and with
the insistent repetition of radio, about four months served as the maximum
life for a number to be considered a hit. Anything "undiscovered" after twenty
weeks was probably doomed to obscurity. To become a hit also meant, within
those narrow limits, sales of 75,000 copies of sheet music and 250,000
records. For most of the decade, those in the business considered anything
that exceeded such modest totals as extraordinarily successful indeed.4
Other factors changed the face of American popular music. For the first
half of the 1920s, the rise of the phonograph signaled a proportionate decline
in the sales of sheet music. People listened to their favorites instead of play-
ing them on home instruments. By the middle of the decade, the growing
popularity of radio cut into both sheet music and record sales. Improved tech-
nology, especially the introduction of electrical amplification, and widespread
prosperity gave a momentary boost to the recording industry, so that by the
end of the 1920s recordings again sold at a phenomenal clip, but sheet music
continued its slump. The onset of the Great Depression slowed the record-
ing recovery, plunging the industry once more into a sharp decline. By 1933,
the depth of the economic downturn, record sales totaled only about $5 mil-
lion, a paltry sum compared to years past.
For the denizens of Tin Pan Alley, this situation spelled disaster. Those
consumers able to afford sheet music frequently demanded folios of songs
made popular by a particular radio or movie star, not necessarily the latest
hits. The same held true for recordings, although individual songs by partic-
ular singers or bands, not collections, drove the business. Oftentimes, the
music played on radio consisted of old favorites in new wrappings: vocalists
and orchestras performing the tried-and-true at the expense of fresh compo-
sitions. This situation created tough economic times for composers and lyri-
cists attempting to make a living at their craft.
If the 1930s witnessed a decline in the output of Tin Pan Alley, an upsurge
in the production of songs for stage and screen, particularly the latter, coun-
terbalanced the situation. Hollywood, cranking out hundreds of new films

each year, proved insatiable in its demands for music. Rather than relying on
East Coast composers and lyricists, the studios bought established publish-
ing firms and relocated them 3,000 miles west. In this way, they enjoyed the
services of some of the best songwriters in the country, as well as access to
the vast catalogs of already-established popular numbers these companies had
produced over the years. And they thereby owned the rights to the music, an
important financial consideration. The early 1930s found a number of old Tin
Pan Alley firms with new quarters in the film capital. Back in New York, many
of the remaining song publishers had to consolidate in order to stay prof-
itable. An era had passed.5
A new generation of composers and lyricists, people like Arthur Freed and
Nacio Herb Brown, Mack Gordon and Harry Revel, Leo Robin and Ralph
Rainger, Sidney D. Mitchell and Lew Pollack, Ned Washington and Victor
Young, rose to the challenge of scoring for films and not the traditional stage.
Although the bulk of the era's movie music may not have achieved the dis-
tinction bestowed on many Broadway songs written at the same time, much
of it stood a step or two above the usual pop tunes ground out for mass con-
sumption.
Other events also changed the face of the music business. The rise of swing
in the latter half of the decade meant that new music often originated not
with old-fashioned songwriters, but with the bands themselves. As the many
orchestras grew and competition stiffened, arrangers, those individuals who
took the compositions of others and organized (i.e., arranged) them in a dis-
tinctive manner, achieved a new importance. They had the responsibility of
creating music to fit the qualities of a particular orchestra or group, of giving
an aggregation a singular sound. During the Swing Era, arrangers frequently
emerged as important as the songwriters themselves (see Chapter 7 for more
on prominent arrangers).
HITS AND STANDARDS
Over time, many songs have become "hits," and the supposition is made
that people know the piece and have purchased the sheet music or a record-
ing of the number in question. But hits tend to be ephemeralalthough a
few, to be sure, endure. They exist as the popular music of a given moment,
music that enjoys a burst of popularity and then usually fades away. Guy Lorn-
bardo and His Royal Canadians had a big hit in 1931 called "(There Ought to
Be) Moonlight Saving Time" (words and music by Irving Kahal and Harry
Richman). On the strength of Bing Crosby's singing, "Little Dutch Mill"
(1934; music by Harry Barris, lyrics by Ralph Freed) briefly reigned as a big
seller. Even a powerhouse orchestra like Glenn Miller's could have a hit with
"The Man with a Mandolin" (1939; music by Frank Weldon, lyrics by James
Cavanaugh and John Redmond). All three of these tunes have largely disap-
peared, momentary flashes in the musical firmament instead of lasting
melodies that continue to captivate listeners.
For all the songs that briefly made Your Hit Parade, there also exists a body
of popular music that never got designated as "hits," but music that has
somehow survived the passage of time and still attracts performers and lis-
teners. These songs finally receive the highest accolade of all: they become
"standards." At the time of their composition and release, the majority of
songs recognized today as standards sold in far smaller quantities than might
be assumed. Instead, they insinuated themselves into the nation's musical
consciousness by virtue of lyrics, melody, and the overall quality of composi-
tion. Their audience eventually far exceeded anything that yearly sales figures
might suggest, and they carry over from year to year. A standard has stood
the tests of time.
As a rule, a hit gets associated with a particular performer; a standard, on
the other hand, may be performed by various musicians and yet retains its
popularity on its own merits. Think of "Star Dust" (1927, 1931; music by
Hoagy Carmichael, lyrics by Mitchell Parish); vocalists as diverse as Frank
Sinatra and Willie Nelson have sung its lyrics, bands from Artie Shaw to the
Dave Brubeck Quartet have tackled it instrumentally. Hundreds of interpre-
tations of "Star Dust" exist, and no one singer, no one instrumentalist, can
claim an exclusive association with the song. The same case holds true for
"Dancing in the Dark" (1931; music by Arthur Schwartz, lyrics by Howard
Dietz), "Yesterdays" (1933; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach),
"September in the Rain" (1937; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al Dubin),
and dozens of other songs that today hold the honor of being standards from
the 1930s. Who first recorded it? Whose version sold the most copies? Whose
rendition is "best"? stand as academic questions that have little impact on the
enduring popularity of a standard.6
As a point of contrast, "When the Moon Comes Over the Mountain" (1931;
music by Harry Woods, lyrics by Howard Johnson) will always "belong" to
Kate Smith; it matters little that she died in 1986, and had not publicly per-
Kate Smith (1907-1986) reigned as the undisputed queen of the airwaves. She enjoyed almost
immediate success on CBS radio, beginning in 1931 with Kate Smith Sings; she would continue
with the network throughout the 1930s, earning the nickname "The Songbird of the South."
"When the Moon Comes Over the Mountain" (1931; music by Harry Woods, lyrics by Howard
Johnson) became her well-known theme song, but she achieved her greatest renown singing Irv-
ing Berlin's "God Bless America" (originally written in 1918); her energetic rendition made it an
unofficial national anthem in the days before and during World War II. [Library of Congress,
Prints & Photographs Division]
formed for ten years before that. Similarly, perhaps others have tried "Where
the Blue of the Night (Meets the Gold of the Day)" (1931; music by Fred E.
Ahlert, lyrics by Roy Turk and Bing Crosby), but the song remains irrevoca-
bly tied to Bing Crosby. On the instrumental side, "Sing, Sing, Sing" (1936;
music by Louis Prima; arrangement by Jimmy Mundy) is so identified with
Benny Goodman and his orchestra that few other bands have even had the
temerity to attempt it.
Although many standards receive instrumental performances, a set of
lyrics usually lurks at the back of the listener's mind. Some people recall a
classic song because of its melody, others because of its words. When both
work smoothly together, the two combine to trigger the memory. By exten-
sion, the same holds true for almost any song categorized as a standard; the
lyrics may not always be sung, but they remain an integral part of the total
work.7
When discussing the popularity of music from the early 1930s, accurate
information is notoriously difficult to come by. As radio grew in popularity,
something called "the Sheet" attained almost legendary status. Actually, sev-
eral "sheets" existed, since they consisted of playlists cobbled together by Var-
iety and Billboard, two music trade publications. They provided weekly
tabulations of how many times the three major networks (NBC-Blue, NBC-
Red, and CBS) played a song between 5:00 P.M. and 1:00 A.M. daily. Since the
Sheets listed only those tunes receiving ten or more performances for the
week, song pluggers strove to see that their particular artists and songs made
these lists. Not terribly scientific, nor a real reflector of popular preferences,
the Sheets nevertheless gave some indication of what songs received exten-
sive network airplay.
At the same time the Sheets circulated, other sources tracking music in-
cluded individual agencies like music publishers, periodicals, record compa-
nies and their distributors (record shops, department stores), radio stations,
and even bars and restaurants with jukeboxes. All, however, shared a tendency
to create impressionistic pictures of popularity. The rise of shows like Your Hit
Parade and more specialized research provided the industry with some degree
of statistical accuracy (see Chapter 1 for more on Your Hit Parade).
Perhaps the most scientific, and therefore the most reliable, among these
efforts was the "Top 10," a list issued weekly by Billboard magazine that first
appeared in 1940. This compilation replaced the so-called "Sheet." Billboard,
widely read and respected, had been published since 1894; it first focused on
the activities of carnivals, but it soon devoted more and more of its attention
to the growing field of popular music, first covering sheet music, then vaude-
ville, and adding radio in the early 1930s. As noted above, the magazine had
begun tracking the airplay of pop songs, and added jukebox figures in 1938.
Two years later, the magazine commenced publishing comprehensive charts
that covered sheet music, disc jockey airplay, jukeboxes, and the retail sales
of single records. Unfortunately too late for this study of the 1930s, the Bill-
board "Top 10" nevertheless demonstrated the interest that had developed in
accurately following the field of popular American music.8
In the year-to-year survey that follows, some of the major hits of the decade
have been tracked, along with some of the enduring standards that also made
a splash at the time of their release. Absent are many songs that appeared
without any fanfare, songs that worked their way into popular memory and
have survived to the present. Generally, these sleepers sold, but in a slow,
steady way. The fable of the tortoise and the hare resembles the stand-off be-
tween most standards and pop hits: the hare creates a lot of fuss and garners
immediate attention, but standards, like the tortoise, slowly make their way,
gaining new listeners here and there, and finally end up far ahead of the hits.
It all occurs in a process that takes time.
REPRESENTATIVE HIT SONGS OF THE DECADE
1929
Most of 1929 basked in prosperity; not until October did the infamous
Crash occur. It therefore may come as no surprise that "Tip-Toe Thru the
Tulips with Me" (music by Joe Burke, lyrics by Al Dubin), an innocuous lit-
tle love song, ranked as the biggest single hit of the year. Audiences first en-
countered "Tip-Toe Thru the Tulips with Me" in the film Gold Diggers of
Broadway (1929). An indicator of things to come and the first of several such
films, Gold Diggers of Broadway also brought about widespread familiarity with
the term "gold digger," a phrase dating from the 1900s that describes a
woman out to snare a wealthy man.
Another inoffensive number called "Honey" (1928; words and music by
Seymour Simons, Haven Gillespie, and Richard A. Whiting) claimed second
place. Released as both a recording and sheet music, the recorded version fea-
tured Rudy Vallee, one of the most popular vocalists of the decade, crooning
the song. The tune's primary distinction rests with the fact that "Honey" came
from neither a play nor a movie. (For more on Vallee, see Chapter 1.)
For the remainder of 1929, several future classics failed to enjoy that brief
moment of public acclaim that distinguishes the hit from the standard. As
noted, hits tend to have little staying power, whereas standards may not be
chart-busters, but instead survive over the long haul. For instance, comedian
Eddie Cantor's interpretation of "Makin' Whoopee!" (1928; music by Walter
Donaldson, lyrics by Gus Kahn) has come down to the present as his and his
alone. But in 1929 it ranked sixteenth for the year, not a bad showing, but
far behind the leaders.
Similarly, the Fats Waller/Andy Razaf standard, "Ain't Misbehavin'," fin-
ished 1929 at twenty-eighth place, but has long since established itself as one
of the all-time classics, especially in the realm of jazz piano. Throughout the
song lists of the 1930s, this kind of story gets repeated over and over again.
A fickle public often does not recognize greatness at the moment, but usu-
ally redeems itself by virtue of continuing sheet music and record sales.9
1930
The leading song of 1930, the year the Great Depression began to affect
every aspect of American life, hardly serves as a sociological commentary on
the economy. "Stein Song," from the University of Maine (1910; original
music by E.A. Fensted in 1901, words by Lincoln Colcord), led the way for
the year, a tune as far removed from topicality as could be. Another vehicle
for crooner Rudy Vallee, it revolved around drinking and college life, and per-
haps reflected a lingering escapism more appropriate to the 1920s and the
Jazz Age than to the grim 1930s. But that in itself might constitute a muted
response to the times.
"Dancing with Tears in My Eyes" contained music by Joe Burke and lyrics
by Al Dubin, the same team that had created "Tip-Toe Thru the Tulips with
Me" the previous year. Performed by the Nat Shilkret band, this romantic
number followed "Stein Song" in popularity. A bit more serious than Rudy
Vallee's hit, it nonetheless avoided anything topical, instead focusing on the
eternal problems faced by lovers.
An economic downturn hardly provides fertile ground for composers and
lyricists. Since popular music mainly functions to entertain, it would take a
daring (or cynical) songwriter to attempt anything topical. But a tiny minor-
ity nevertheless tried commenting on the Great Depression, usually in
metaphorical terms. Sharp-eared listeners, however, immediately picked up
on the real subject matter, or what they interpreted the metaphors to mean.
"Happy Days Are Here Again" definitely were not yet here again when this Milton Ager (music)
and Jack Yellin (lyrics) number achieved hit status in 1930. Popular in the depths of the De-
pression, it challenged any pessimism growing out of the national economic collapse. Deter-
minedly cheerful, this upbeat number came to be the theme song of the resurgent Democratic
Party and President Roosevelt's New Deal. [Photograph by author; from the Bryan Wright Col-
lection]
For example, lyricist Jack Yellin (1892-1991) has come down to the pres-
ent as the author of the ironic words to "There's No Depression in Love" (1931;
music by Dan Dougherty) and "Happy Days Are Here Again" (1929; music
by Milton Ager). "There's No Depression in Love" soon disappeared, but
"Happy Days Are Here Again" has enjoyed a completely different history.
Yellin and Ager actually wrote the song months prior to the great Crash of
October 1929, planning to use it as filler for a film called Chasing Rainbows.
The movie ultimately got shelved, but in the meantime "Happy Days Are
Here Again" took on a life of its own, eventually becoming a 1929-1930 hit.
Its seemingly upbeat lyrics laughed off the Depression; better days had to be
coming. Of course, those same lyrics could be read as sarcastically acknowl-
edging the hopelessness of the situation, but most people chose not to in-
terpret them that way. In fact, the Democratic Party, under the leadership of
Franklin D. Roosevelt, gave the tune a new lease on life two years later. The
party adopted the song as its theme in the 1932 electionhappy days really
are here again!and even today, loyal Democrats haul out the old warhorse
and play it for their conventions and gatherings.
1931
By 1931, unemployment had soared to almost 16 percent of the work force,

and the enormity of the crisis struck home with citizens everywhere. "Life Is
Just a Bowl of Cherries" (1931) spoke to the era in ironic terms. It first ap-
peared in the George White Scandals, 11th Edition (1931-1932), a periodic
Broadway revue. The popular Ethel Merman sang it, and its infectious lyric
life will get betterstruck a responsive chord. Consumers bought both the
sheet music and recorded versions.
"Life Is Just a Bowl of Cherries"

Music by Ray Henderson, lyrics by Lew Brown
Life is just a bowl of cherries;
Don't make it serious;
Life's too mysterious.
You work, you save, you worry so,
But you can't take your dough when you go, go, go
So keep repeating it's the berries;
The strongest oak must fall.
The sweet things in life
To you were just loaned,
So how can you lose what you've never owned?
Life is just a bowl of cherries,
So live and laugh at it all.
Other "happy" songs that challenged these dark days included "Get Happy"
(1930; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by Ted Koehler), a tune that advised lis-
teners to forget their troubles and simply sing "Hallelujah!" Similarly, "On
the Sunny Side of the Street" (1930; music by Jimmy McHugh, lyrics by
Dorothy Fields) first appeared in Lew Leslie's International Revue for that year.
"I Found a Million Dollar BabyIn the Five and Ten-Cent Store" (1931; music
by Harry Warren, words by Billy Rose and Mort Dixon) showed up in Billy
Rose's Crazy Quilt (1931); its bouncy lyrics suggested that being down at the
heels could not quench love.
The biggest hit of 1931, however, ignored all that. A Spanish-influenced
tune, "The Peanut Vendor" (1930; music by Moises Simons, lyrics by Mar-
ion Sunshine and L. Wolfe Gilbert)it carried an original title of "El Manis-
ero"received a performance by the hitherto unknown Don Azpiazu. A flash
in the pan for Azpiazu, it nonetheless had people trying out some unfamil-
iar Latin steps on the dance floor.
The peppy "Peanut Vendor" competed with a syrupy ballad for the public's
favor. "Goodnight, Sweetheart" (1931; words and music by Ray Noble, James
Campbell, and Reg Connelly) closed many a dance, especially in the recorded
version by Guy Lombardo and His Royal Canadians. Originally introduced in
Earl Carroll's Vanities that year, it has of course become the immediately rec-
ognizable final number for dance bands ever since.
A special musical event also occurred on March 3,1931, when the U.S. Con-
gress declared "The Star-Spangled Banner" the National Anthem. Written in
1814 by Francis Scott Key to the tune of "To Anacreon in Heaven," its selec-
tion reflected a desire for national unity in troubled times. Two other con-
tenders vied for the title: "America" (1832; words by Samuel Francis Smith,
set to "God Save the King," attributed to Henry Carey) and "America the Beau-
tiful" (1895; words by Katherine Lee Bates, set to the tune of "Materna" by
Samuel Augustus Ward).
Had the competition been held a few years later, Irving Berlin's "God Bless
America" might well have won. In 1918, at the close of World War I, Berlin
wrote the number for a musical entitled Yip, Yip, Yaphank. He dropped it
from the score and it languished in his files for twenty years. In 1938, with
World War II on the horizon, he dug it out and gave the popular singer Kate
Smith exclusive rights to the song. For his part, Berlin turned over any roy-
alties he might receive to the Boy and Girl Scouts of America. Smith's strong,
optimistic rendition of the song lifted people's spirits, and "God Bless Amer-
ica" emerged as a kind of second, unofficial national anthem.
1932
Only a few songs looked at the darker dimension of the Depression, and
one 1932 composition in particular stands out. A powerful story of confusion
and loss unfolds in "Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?"
"Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?"
Music by Jay Gorney, Lyrics by E.Y. Harburg
Once I built a railroad, I made it run
Made it race against time
Once I built a railroad, now it's done
Brother, can you spare a dime?
Once I built a tower up to the sun
Brick and rivet and lime
Once I built a tower, now it's done
Brother, can you spare a dime?
Once in khaki suits, gee we looked swell
Full of that Yankee-Doodly-dum
Half a million boots went sloggin' through Hell
And I was the kid with the drum
Say, don't you remember, they called me "Al"
It was "Al" all the time
Why don't you remember, I'm your pal
Say buddy, can you spare a dime?
Originally featured in a short-lived musical called New Americana (1932), not

many people saw singer Rex Weber perform "Brother, Can You Spare a
Dime?" in the stage production. Millions, however, eventually heard Bing
Crosby's recorded rendition, and the number stood among the top twenty
songs of 1932.
Ted Lewis, the veteran vaudevillian, also had a surprise hit in 1932 with "In
a Shanty in Old Shantytown" (music by Little Jack Little and John Siras, lyrics
by Joe Young), the second-place finisher. It had appeared in the film Crooner.
Despite the very real existence of shanties in Depression-era America, this
particular song had nothing in it about poverty, other than the stereotyped
image of the happy-go-lucky poor. Chances are, no one regarded the tune as
subversive, but instead thought of it as a nostalgic look back to simpler, less
threatening, times.
For much of 1932, people hummed the irresistible, pulsating melody of
Cole Porter's "Night and Day," the top-ranked song of the year. It had been
an important part of the play Gay Divorce (1932), and Fred Astaire, the pop-
ular dancer and vocalist, sang it on Broadway and provided the recorded ren-
dition so vital to the success of the song. In the 1934 movie adaptation, The
Gay Divorcee, Astaire got to reprise the tune (see Chapter 3 for more on Porter
and Astaire).
Part of this obliviousness toward the economic crisis came about because
the focus of American popular music narrowed during the 1930s. The songs
might grow in sophistication, but the subject increasingly became that of ro-
mantic love. Very little music that reached large audiences addressed the is-
sues of the day; instead, it talked of romance and relationships. The
Depression seemingly preoccupied everyone but songwriters.
1933
In 1933, cartoonist Walt Disney released a movie short entitled The Three
Little Pigs. As cartoons go, it serves as an amusing retelling of the classic chil-
dren's tale, but does not rank with his later classic animated features like
Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (1937) or Fantasia (1940). But The Three Lit-
tle Pigs contains a classic all its own on the soundtrack: "Who's Afraid of the
Big Bad Wolf?" (music by Frank E. Churchill, lyrics by Ann Ronell). Another
Depression-era anthem, just like 1932^ "Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?"
the song presents a jauntiness missing in the weariness of the Gorney/Har-
burg work. Reports suggest that The Three Little Pigs showed in more theaters
across the nation than any other film.
Only a year separates the two compositions, but "Who's Afraid of the Big
Bad Wolf?" posits the idea that by working together, people can conquer any
outside threats, in this case, the marauding wolf, who clearly represents the
Depression. Not surprisingly, both the song and the cartoon came out at the
time Franklin D. Roosevelt had taken office and was establishing the New
Deal. Hopes ran high the new administration could somehow overcome the
economic chaos in which the country found itself, and that if all the alpha-
bet agencies and legislative groups worked in harmony, they could jointly
build a sturdy foundation and lead the nation to recovery.
Other attempts at topicality include "Are You Makin' Any Money?" (1933;
words and music by Herman Hupfield), but the tune went nowhere, sug-
gesting the public did not want too many musical reminders about the cri-
sis. Hupfield had previously written "Sing Something Simple" in 1930; he
went on to compose "When Yuba Plays the Rhumba on the Tuba," a minor
hit in 1931, and "Let's Put Out the Lights and Go to Sleep," another small hit
from 1932. Despite these less than smashing successes, Herman Hupfield
(1894-1951) will endure in the annals of American popular song. He wrote

the music and lyrics for "As Time Goes By," the romantic song featured in
the movie Casablanca, a 1942 production. Few people realize Hupfield com-
posed "As Time Goes By" in 1931 as part of a play entitled Everybody's Wel-
come. The play proved a moderate success (139 performances), but "As Time
Goes By" fell by the wayside of forgotten songs. The music got recorded a
few times in the 1930s, most notably by Rudy Vallee, but thanks to the
Humphrey Bogart-Ingrid Bergman pairing in Casablanca, it will probably live
forever as a soundtrack classic. Thus did a 1930s song emerge as a major hit
of World War II.10
At another end of the musical spectrum altogether, a Western-tinged
lament entitled "The Last Roundup" (1933; words and music by Billy Hill)
topped the list of popular songs for 1933. Better known to many as "Git Along,
Little Dogie," this big hit had absolutely nothing to do with the Depression,
Broadway, or the movies, although after its success it would be interpolated
into the score for the 1934 edition of Ziegfeld Follies. At the time, most peo-
ple treated Western tunes as a kind of subcategory of popular American
music, and so the success of "The Last Roundup" must be seen as a mo-
mentary fluke. George Olsen, a little-known singer, had the biggest hit for
the number, but Guy Lombardo and His Royal Canadians, Don Bestor, Bing
Crosby, and Victor Young also competed for listeners with the same melody.
That so many people would record a single song suggests the popularity it
enjoyed, but it also presaged an awakening of interest in Western themes that
would continue to grow throughout the decade.
One of those numbers destined for the "standards" category occupied sec-
ond place. Composer Harold Arlen penned "Stormy Weather" in 1933 for a
semi-annual revue called Cotton Club Parade. Ted Koehler added the pes-
simistic words, and bandleader Leo Reisman performed the instrumental du-
ties on recordwith Arlen himself doing the vocal. But "Stormy Weather,"
unlike "The Last Roundup," proved no passing phenomenon. More durable
than a single interpretation, Ethel Waters, who had sung it in the show, re-
leased her vocal version and created a classic. Duke Ellington provided a read-
ing, as did Guy Lombardo and Ted Lewis. The tune had taken off, selling
almost 8,000 copies a week, and becoming one of 1933's biggest sellers. Para-
mount Pictures even asked Ellington to film a short featuring the song, which
resulted in A Bundle of Blues (1933), with the band's Ivie Anderson doing the
vocal on screen.
Since 1933 marked the depth of the Depression, with unemployment hov-
5^ Music of the Great Depression
ering at 25 percent and bread lines a fact of life in many cities, the lyrics to
"Stormy Weather" can be read as a commentary on the times and not just as
another song about unrequited love. In that interpretation, the stormy
weather of the title becomes the unending Depression and all the hardships
it brings to people. Either as love song or topical observation, the number ap-
pealed to a large, diverse audience, and it has since become a standard for
several generations of vocalists.
1934
Bing Crosby, one of the most important entertainers of the decade, demon-
strated his popularity by claiming both first and second places in the hits for
1934. His version of "June in January" (from the 1934 film Here Is My Heart,
words and music by Leo Robin and Ralph Rainger) claimed the coveted top
position, and his "Love in Bloom" (from another 1934 film, She Loves Me Not,
words and music again by Robin and Rainger) took #2. If that were not
enough, Crosby also occupied #7 with "Little Dutch Mill" (music by Harry
Barris, lyrics by Ralph Freed), #24 with "Good Night, Lovely Little Lady"
(music by Harry Revel, lyrics by Mack Gordon), and #32 with "Love Thy
Neighbor" (from the film We're Not Dressing, music by Harry Revel, lyrics by
Mack Gordon). So it would go for Crosby the remainder of the decade: top
hits followed by several also-rans. Almost anything he recorded climbed the
charts, and he cut some 500 sides in the period 1929-1940 alone.11
Another important entertainer from the period was Shirley Temple (b.
1928). Not yet a teenager during the 1930s, Temple annually ranked as one
of the most popular stars in Hollywood, and she served as the focus of a non-
stop marketing extravaganza of dolls, toys, clothing, and books. Her celebrity
carried into the recording studio; songs from her movies usually sold well.
In 1934, she failed to make the year's charts, but she nonetheless performed
a song that has become a classic for her: "On the Good Ship Lollipop" (1934;
music by Richard Whiting, lyrics by Sidney Clare).
First heard in the film Bright Eyes (1934), "On the Good Ship Lollipop" al-
lows the child star to mug and dance, as well as sing, talents her audiences
loved. In all, Shirley Temple appeared in over forty movies during the
decadeeleven in 1934 aloneand almost all of them did well at the box of-
fice. Her take-charge demeanor, coupled with simple plots that always allowed
her to rise above any adversity, made Temple an ideal model for those trou-
bled years. It might be escapism and hokum, but millions of moviegoers,

young and old, flocked to her pictures.
As an aside for 1934, just before the Christmas holidays, singer/comedian
Eddie Cantor introduced on his radio show a seasonal song entitled "Santa
Claus Is Coming to Town" (music by J. Fred Coots, lyrics by Haven Gillespie).
It has long since entered the rolls of timeless holiday hits, especially among
parents who liked the theme running throughout the lyrics, imploring chil-
dren everywhere to be on their best behavior. Bing Crosby's version, recorded
some years later with the Andrews Sisters, gave him yet another big hit.
1935
Although he towered over most vocalists of the day, Bing Crosby did face
some competition, Fred Astaire among them. Noted as a splendid dancer, As-
taire could also sing, and well. He possessed a somewhat thin, high-pitched
voice, but chose his songs carefully and displayed impeccable phrasing. Over
time, he would introduce and record more standards than any other male vo-
calist, and major composers like Cole Porter, George Gershwin, and Irving
Berlin often had him in mind when writing their music. As a result, in 1935
his rendition of "Cheek to Cheek" (from the film Top Hat, words and music
by Irving Berlin), occupied the top slot. He also appeared at #31, with Berlin's
"Top Hat, White Tie, and Tails" from the same movie.
During the same period, Crosby enjoyed four top recordings of his own:
#15, "It's Easy to Remember" (from the film Mississippi, music by Richard
Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), #21, "Red Sails in the Sunset" (music by
Hugh Williams, lyrics by Jimmy Kennedy), #25, "Soon" (1930; from the play
Strike Up the Band, music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), and
#37, "I Wished on the Moon" (from the film The Big Broadcast of 1936, music
by Ralph Rainger, lyrics by Leo Robin). Not bad for someone who missed the
year's top song.
Another escapist tune, "Isle of Capri" (1934; music by Will Grosz, lyrics by
Jimmy Kennedy) came in at second place for 1935. A Tin Pan Alley compo-
sition, it endeared itself among both singers and musicians, allowing it to be-
come, over time, a standard. It served as a hit for Ray Noble and his band,
and also did well in a version recorded by the Freddy Martin Orchestra.
Farther down the ratings stood a song that would eventually eclipse "Isle
of Capri" in long-term popularity: "Blue Moon" (1934; music by Richard
, :>.mi
One of the finest dancers of the decade was also one of its most popular male
singers: Fred Astaire (1899-1987). He danced his way to movie stardom during
the 1930s, often teamed with Ginger Rogers. At the same time, Astaire showed
an affinity for vocalizing many of his filmed dance numbers, and often they be-
came hits under his name. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart). The only non-movie, non-stage song penned
by the songwriting team, it carries a curious history: Richard Rodgers origi-
nally wrote the melody for a tune he intended to title "Prayer." Plans had the
song as a vehicle for Jean Harlow in a never-produced movie called Hollywood
Party. The songwriters, however, did not discard "Prayer." Lorenz Hart wrote
new lyrics and Shirley Ross performed it as "The Bad in Ev'ry Man" in Man-
hattan Melodrama (1934), a dramatic film. Still dissatisfied with their work,
the two finally released the reworked song as a single entitled "Blue Moon"
in late 1934.
Despite its lack of Broadway or Hollywood connections, "Blue Moon"
slowly caught on. Eventually, even Elvis Presley attempted this standard as
one of his first recordings in 1954. For 1935, however, those who chose to per-
form "Blue Moon" helped markedly in shaping it into a classic. Glen Gray
and Benny Goodman, both up-and-coming bandleaders, led large aggrega-
tions that played for dancing and often featured mid- to up-tempo numbers
with a decided jazz, or swing, flair. Both bands enjoyed success with "Blue
Moon," their renditions hinting at things to come in dance music.
1936
With his omnipresent pipe, hat, and casual air, Bing Crosby continued his
dominance in popular music. He held the year's #1 position with "Pennies
from Heaven" (from the 1936 film of the same name; music by Arthur John-
ston, lyrics by Johnny Burke), along with #30, "I'm an Old Cowhand" (1936;
words and music by Johnny Mercer) and #33, "Robins and Roses" (1936;
music by Joe Burke, lyrics by Edgar Leslie). Not quite so mushy as many of
the things Crosby recorded, "Pennies from Heaven" has become a favorite of
vocalists since its release.
Not to be outdone, Fred Astaire held four out of the top forty slots for the
year, recording two numbers from the 1936 movie Swing Time, #3, "The Way
You Look Tonight" and #6, "A Fine Romance" (both with music by Jerome
Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields). He also had two hits from 1936's Follow the
Fleet, #28, "I'm Putting All My Eggs in One Basket" and #32, "Let Yourself
Go" (both with words and music by Irving Berlin). The Academy Award for
Best Song in 1936 also went to "The Way You Look Tonight."
The #2 slot went to "Goody Goody," a Matty Malneck composition, with
lyrics by Johnny Mercer. Benny Goodman, by this time the leader of one of
the most successful and popular big bands, cut "Goody-Goody" and featured
his fine vocalist, Helen Ward, on the recording. Well received by an increas-
ingly swing-conscious public, its prestigious #2 position reflected a success-
ful year for Goodman and his orchestra. Before the year had drawn to a close,
he would occupy eight additional slots on the listings, ranging from a re-
strained "These Foolish Things Remind Me of You" (#16; from the 1935 play
Spread It Abroad, music by Jack Strachy and Harry Link, lyrics by Holt Mar-
veil) to an up-tempo cut of "You Turned the Tables on Me" (#22; from the
film Sing, Baby, Sing, music by Louis Alter, lyrics by Sidney D. Mitchell). Both
of these recordings also included vocals by Helen Ward, an indication of the
growing importance a good vocalist had with a band.
While Messrs. Crosby, Astaire, and Goodman accumulated hit after hit, a
1936 novelty song also sold records by the thousands. The leaders of a small
swing group, trumpeter Ed Farley and trombonist Mike Riley, wrote an in-
fectious little number entitled "The Music Goes 'Round and Around." Red
Hodgson concocted the silly lyrics. The music going " 'round and around"
refers to the music traveling through the sinuous curves of a French horn.
Farley and Riley usually performed it with exaggerated gestures, concluding
with the idea that the sound "comes out here" in the bell of the instrument.
First issued on the new Decca label, the number proved an instant hit, sell-
ing over 100,000 discs in its first year of release. A kind of swing tune, it
caught the public fancy, and even sheet music sales boomed as people played
it at home. The song also had staying power, an important factor in the usu-
ally ephemeral music business, and it kept on selling, enough so that Holly-
wood rushed out a movie with that title late in the year. The popularity of
"The Music Goes 'Round and Around" also presaged the coming Swing Era
with its up-tempo rhythms.
1937
Virtually all the major hits for 1937 involved bands, and usually big, swing-
oriented ones, with one exception: Bing Crosby. No matter how trite the song,
when he recorded it, people listenedand bought. Thus "Sweet Leilani"
(words and music by Harry Owens), about as superficial as pop music can
be, took top honors, as did five additional songs by the popular crooner.
"Sweet Leilani," a Hawaiian-inflected trifle from the movie Waikiki Wedding
(1937), walked off with the Academy Award for Best Song in 1937, and
Crosby's recording of it went to the top, eventually selling over 1 million
copies. Other songs, possibly worthier ones, offered some stiff competition:
Fred Astaire had recorded "They Can't Take That Away from Me" (music by
George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin) from the 1937 film Shall We Dance,
and it too received a nomination. Today, "Sweet Leilani" has been largely for-
gotten, whereas "They Can't Take That Away from Me" has certainly attained
standard status.
"Once in a While" (1937; music by Michael Edwards, lyrics by Bud Green),
in a lush arrangement by the Tommy Dorsey band, took second place. Dorsey
also captured the #3 position with "The Dipsy Doodle" (1937; words and
music by Larry Clinton), a peppy little tune that likewise provided hits for
bandleader Russ Morgan and composer/leader Clinton. Ironically, Larry Clin-
ton had created "The Dipsy Doodle" as his own band's theme, but he could
never achieve the commercial success with it that Dorsey and Morgan en-
joyed. Dorsey, riding on a wave of hit songs, also listed four additional titles
on the top-forty compilation for 1937.
Although most people usually do not think of comedian Bob Hope as a
singer, he actually did a bit of passable vocalizing in several of his film efforts
during the 1930s. When cast in the movie Ziegfeld Follies of 1936, he got to
perform a number entitled "I Can't Get Started" (1936; music by Vernon
Duke, lyrics by Ira Gershwin). Full of topical references, it proved an impor-
tant stepping stone in his career. Hope's interpretation of the tune, however,
never became a big hit; that honor rested with trumpeter Bunny Berigan, who
recorded the song in 1937. Hope or Berigan, "I Can't Get Started" remains a
classic of the era:
I've flown around the world in a plane

I've settled revolutions in Spain
The North Pole I have charted
Still I can't get started with you.
On the golf course I'm under par
Metro-Goldwyn has asked me to star
I've got a house, a show place
Still I can't get no place with you.
You're so supreme
The lyrics I write of you.
Dream, dream day and night of you.
And scheme just for the sight of you.
But what good does it do?
I've been consulted by Franklin D.
Even Greta Garbo had me to tea.

But still I'm broken hearted
I can't get started with you.
In 1929 I sold short
In England I'm presented at court
But you've got me downhearted,
'Cause I can't get started with you.
Hope introduced his signature theme song, "Thanks for the Memory"
(1937; music by Ralph Rainger, lyrics by Leo Robin), in the film The Big Broad-
cast of 1938 (released in 1937). He and Shirley Ross sing the number on
screen, and their clever rendition made the song an instant hit. It impressed
others, also; "Thanks for the Memory" earned an Academy Award for Best
Song in the 1938 ceremonies.
The Big Broadcast of1938 turned out to be so successful that Hope and Ross
again shared the screen in the appropriately titled Thanks for the Memory
(1939). The device of using the name of a hit song as a movie title was noth-
ing new or original, although the song in question does not appear in the
film. Instead, the two teamed up on "Two Sleepy People" (1938; music by
Hoagy Carmichael, lyrics by Frank Loesser), a good song, but hardly "Thanks
for the Memory." Audiences clearly enjoyed the Hope/Ross duets, because
they were reunited yet a third time with Some Like It Hot (1939; retitled
Rhythm Romance in deference to the popularity of swing). An innocuous lit-
tle comedy that should not be confused with the hugely successful film of the
same title that came out in 1959, it offered the two singing "The Lady's in
Love with You" (1939; music by Burton Lane, lyrics by Frank Loesser).
The remainder of 1937's list contains one band after another; not even the re-
liable Fred Astaire, who had only one hit during the year (#30, "They Can't Take
That Away from Me," with music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin)
could break the stranglehold. Guy Lombardo led the pack with six entries, Teddy
Wilson had four, followed by Benny Goodman, Hal Kemp, and Eddie Duchin
with two apieceindividually and collectively the bands ruled the day.
1938
A young singer who performed with Chick Webb's band at the Savoy Ball-
room in New York's Harlem enjoyed a surprise 1938 best seller. The vocal-
ist's name was Ella Fitzgerald and the song, a take-off on an old children's
rhyme, was "A-Tisket, A-Tasket" (words and music by Ella Fitzgerald and Al
Feldman). As the big bands proliferated, leaders like Webb, Teddy Wilson,
Andy Kirk, Jimmie Lunceford, and Duke Ellington, along with singers such
as Fitzgerald and Billie Holiday, attracted white audiences and consumers.
The strict boundaries between white bands and their black counterparts had
begun to crumble. Swing fans proved particularly color-blind; if someone
could play good arrangements well, race played no role in popularity.
"My Reverie" (words and music by Larry Clinton) took the #2 position for
the year. A smooth but swinging variation on Claude Debussy's "Reverie"
(originally published in 1890) by the Clinton aggregation, vocalist Bea Wain
sang Clinton's added lyrics. The adaptation of classical music to the sounds of
a big band proved a popular practice during the 1930s. Tommy Dorsey jazzed
up both Rimsky-Korsakov and Franz Liszt for, respectively, "Song of India" in
1935 and "Liebestraum" in 1937. Dorsey's brother Jimmy took a theme from
Tchaikovsky's Romeo and Juliet and enjoyed some success in 1939 with "Our
Love" (music adapted by Larry Clinton, lyrics by Buddy Bernier and Bob Em-
merich). He then borrowed from Johann Strauss for a version of "The Blue
Danube," also in 1939. Finally, Glenn Miller looked to Tchaikovskyin this
case, his Symphony No. 5for 1939^ "Moon Love" (music adapted by Mack
David, lyrics by Mack Davis), and recorded an up-tempo version of Verdi's
"Anvil Chorus" in 1940. For whatever reasons, sales suggested that people
liked these adaptations of the classics, particularly the easily recognizable ones.
Hardly a classic in the traditional sense of the term, "Bei Mir Bist Du
Schoen" (1932; music by Sholom Secunda, English lyrics by Saul Chaplin and
Sammy Cahn), scored a big hit in 1938. Recorded by the Andrews Sisters
(Patti, Maxine, La Verne), this traditional Yiddish song took off in the trio's
rendition, making it to #7 for the year. In their happy, up-tempo style, the An-
drews Sisters established themselves as the premier singing group of the late
1930s, a reputation they would burnish during the war years.
Not all the hit songs of 1938 came across as peppy, bouncy pieces. Com-
poser Kurt Weill took a lyric written by dramatist Maxwell Anderson and cre-
ated "September Song," a ballad about growing old destined to become an
enduring standard. Originally a part of the play Knickerbocker Holiday (1938;
music by Weill, libretto by Anderson), Walter Huston, a distinguished actor
who lacked a singing voice, talked and sang his way through the number. But
his rendition, despite other versions by dozens of "better" vocalists, remains
the definitive one, as well as a surprise hit.
A 1938 picture of vocalist Ella Fitzgerald (1917-1996), just 21 years old at the time. Already some-
thing of a sensation because of her recording of "A-Tisket, A-Tasket" (1938; words and music by
Ella Fitzgerald and Al Feldman), the 1930s marked the beginning of a legendary career; she
would go on to international fame as one of the finest popular singers of the twentieth century.
1939
In 1934, Peter DeRose composed a melody he called "Deep Purple" for solo
piano. As far as commercial sales went, it did little. But songs never really
die; they get rearranged, adapted, recast, and in the case of instrumentals,
often have lyrics added. "Deep Purple" stands as a case in point. Lyricist
Mitchell Parish, the same man who put words to Hoagy Carmichael's "Star
Dust," refurbished DeRose's song and in the process created another stan-
dard. Larry Clinton's band had the #1 song of 1939 with their version of "Deep
Purple." Vocalist Bea Wain took on Parish's new lyrics. The song assumed
enough popularity that Jimmy Dorsey's rendition, with Bob Eberly doing the
vocal honors, ranked #26 on the charts.
Hollywood gave the public two enormously popular movies in 1939: Gone
with the Wind and The Wizard of Oz. Although "Tara's Theme" (1939; music
by Max Steiner) has established itself over the years as enduring instrumen-
tal film music, nothing written for Gone with the Wind has ever equaled the
remarkable music of The Wizard of Oz. The MGM studios hired composer
Harold Arlen, along with the noted lyricist E. Y. Harburg, in 1938 to score the
picture, paying the duo $25,000 in the process. This marked the first time a
studio had employed a composer and lyricist in advance to do an entire
feature-length film. MGM instructed them to match their music and lyrics to
specific characters and situations, making the score more of an integral part
of the total work, instead of simply functioning as background melodies.
As a result, audiences came away from the film humming "We're Off to
See the Wizard," or "If I Only Had a Brain," or "Ding, Dong, the Witch Is
Dead!" Most assuredly, those same audiences also recalled Judy Garland's
touching interpretation of "Over the Rainbow," the centerpiece of the score,
and a song thereafter associated with the young star. Almost dropped from
the movie three separate times by MGM executives who feared it would slow
the pace of things, "Over the Rainbow" went on to garner an Academy Award
for Best Song and to become an enduring standard.
Since Judy Garland sang "Over the Rainbow" in the film, it might be as-
sumed that her soundtrack version would be the big hit, but in the music
business, the obvious is not always the case. The late 1930s marked the height
of the Swing Era, and big bands ruled the charts. Thus, for "Over the Rain-
bow," Glenn Miller and his orchestra, with a vocal by Ray Eberle, occupied
the #2 position. Miller's ensemble commanded such an enviable position
with the record-buying public that they could place a total of seven songs on
the listings for 1939. Bob Crosby, the younger brother of Bing, and his band
also briefly made the charts with the Arlen/Harburg song. Ironically, the Judy
Garland rendition, now accepted as the definitive one, did not break into the
top-forty songs for the year. Only with time did her interpretation establish
itself.
Novelty numbers have always attracted a share of the audience, as illus-
trated by the aforementioned "The Music Goes 'Round and Around" (1935;
music by Ed Farley and Mike Riley, lyrics by Red Hodgson) and "A-Tisket, A-
Tasket" (1938; words and music by Ella Fitzgerald and Al Feldman). Origi-
nally called "nut songs" or "nonsense songs," they gained a small measure
of respectability with the term "novelty songs." The year 1939 proved no ex-
ception in this department. "Three Little Fishes" (1939; words and music by
Saxie Dowell) came in as the big seller. Kay Kyser and his orchestra, with Ish
Kabibble (Merwyn A. Bogue) singing this masterpiece of baby talk, ably ac-
companied by the Glee Club, Kyser's own vocal group, established the song
as something of a minor classic for the era.
For the 1930s as a whole, the following titles (arranged chronologically)
provide a representative sampling of novelty tunes:
"Goofus" (1932; music by Wayne King, lyrics by Gus Kahn)

"Inka Dinka Doo" (1933; music by Jimmy Durante, lyrics by Ben Ryan)
"Knock, Knock, Who's There?" (1936; words and music by Vincent Lopez, Bill
Davies, Johnny Morris, and Jimmy Tyson)
"Flat Foot Floogie" (1938; words and music by Slam Stewart, Slim Gaillard, and
Bud Green)
"Ti-Pi-Tin" (1938; music by Maria Grever, lyrics by Raymond Leveen)
Coleman Hawkins, a popular jazz saxophonist, recorded "Body and Soul"

(1930; music by Johnny Green, lyrics by Edward Heyman, Robert Sour, and
Frank Eyton) in October of 1939. Written for the 1930 Broadway play Three's
a Crowd, "Body and Soul" had been put on records numerous times prior to
Hawkins's interpretation. In the play, it gets performed as a "torch song"a
genre that usually has a vocalist lamenting a lost or departing lovein this
case sung by the celebrated English actress Gertrude Lawrence. Such music
usually receives a slow and sensual treatment, and "Body and Soul" proved
no exception. With the word "body" and the implications of a physical (i.e.,
sexual) relationship, disc jockeys seldom mentioned the song's title when they
played it on the air. The city of Boston, in a display of narrow-minded cen-
sorship, actually banned both the song and its title from the airwaves. But in
Hawkins's instrumental rendition, a brilliant, transcendent improvisation on
the melody, the tune took on new dimensions. No longer simply a torch song,
it would become one of the most famous jazz solos of the decade, or any
other decade, for that matter. It hinted at the modernism that would soon
overtake jazz, and, to the surprise of everyone, it also became a hit.12
The remainder of 1939 saw the continued domination of popular music by
swing and the big bands. Even the seemingly invincible Bing Crosby could
manage only three hits in the rankings for the year. He recorded "What's
New?" (1939; words and music by Bob Haggart and Joe Burke), a lovely bal-
lad destined to be recorded again and again; "You're a Sweet Little Headache"
(1938; music by Ralph Rainger, lyrics by Leo Robin), one of those trifles he
frequently tackled; and "An Apple for the Teacher" (1939; music by James V.
Monaco, lyrics by Johnny Burke), a novelty in which he teamed up with the
popular Boswell Sisters. Instead, the listings tell it all: Tommy Dorsey, Benny
Goodman, Glen Gray and the Casa Loma Orchestra, Kay Kyser, Glenn Miller,
Red Norvo, Artie Shaw, and so on. Audiences and listeners wanted swing,
they wanted the big bands, and individual entertainers at the time stood lit-
tle chance with such a demanding public.
1940
With the end of the thirties and the onset of the 1940s, things changed lit-
tle. Glenn Miller occupied the #1 position in the yearly ratings with his very
danceable "In the Mood" (1939; music by Joe Garland, lyrics by Andy Razaf),
a number that his arranger Jerry Gray made into a timeless Miller hit. Parts
of this composition had surfaced off and on during the 1930s. The riff pat-
tern had been played by trumpeter Wingy Manone in a jazz piece entitled
"Tar Paper Stomp" (1930); bandleader Fletcher Henderson had arranged and
performed its melodic line as "Hot and Anxious" in 1931, but neither of these
antecedents ever caught the public fancy. Miller actually first recorded "In the
Mood" in the fall of 1939, but the timing of its release made it a top song for
1940.
Fellow bandleader Artie Shaw stayed hot on Miller's heels. Enormously
popular because of his 1938 smash "Begin the Beguine" (1935; from the play
Jubilee, words and music by Cole Porter), he followed that number up with a
string of hits, including the second-ranked song for 1940, "Frenesi" (music
One of the greatand most enduringbandleaders of the Swing Era is clarinetist Artie Shaw
(1910-2004). After playing with numerous orchestras during the first part of the decade, Shaw
put together his own band and soon had climbed to the top in popularity. His 1938 rendition of
Cole Porter's "Begin the Beguine" (composed in 1935 for the play Jubilee) serves as an anthem
of swing's heyday, and has ensconced itself among the best-selling records of all time. [Library
by Albert Dominguez, lyrics by Ray Charles and S. K. Russell). Accompanied

by a full string section, Shaw's lush arrangement brought legions of dancers
to the floor.
Making his firstbut certainly not his lastappearance on the charts was
a young band vocalist working with the Tommy Dorsey Orchestra by the
name of Frank Sinatra. Although Sinatra had first recorded with Harry James
in 1939 doing "All or Nothing at All" (words and music by Jack Lawrence and
Arthur Altman), this work lacked the impact of his later performances. He
joined Dorsey in 1940 and cut his first sides with the band early that year.
His interpretation of "I'll Never Smile Again" (1940; words and music by
Ruth Lowe) skyrocketed him and the band to the #3 position. Sinatra/Dorsey
also appeared on the charts at #34 with "We Three (My Echo, My Shadow,
and Me)" (words and music by Dick Robertson, Nelson Cogane, and Sammy
Mysels), a syrupy love song recorded later in 1940.
Pouplar Hits ans Standards 65
The overnight popularity of Sinatra presaged a groundswell of change that
would alter the face of popular music as the 1940s progressed. Probably few
realized it at first, but vocalists, male or female, had begun to upstage the
bands. People now wanted their swing accompanied by singers. Even vocal
groupsGlenn Miller had the Modernaires, Tommy Dorsey the Pied
Piperscame into intense favor. A look into the charts of popular hits for the
year would still reveal a predominance of big swing orchestras, but most of
the specific songs required a vocalist. The instrumental remained important,
but audiences also expected numerous vocals along with their old favorites.
In time, the singers themselves would begin to front many of the bands, and
they certainly received top billing on record labels. But all that lay ahead in
the 1940s.
3
Music from Broadway

and Hollywood
Unlike today, a large proportion of the country's popular songs once origi-
nated on Broadway, home of the American musical theater. Only a small per-
centage of the population attended these shows, but effective promotion
allowed many more people to experience this music. Most of the audience
outside New York City knew about the latest theatrical hits through radio and
recordings, although sheet music also remained a force, albeit a declining
one. If a play was adapted for a movie version, then the potential audience
size soared. But the real reason these songs gained popularity rests with the
music itself. The Broadway songwriters of the 1930s turned out a remarkable
number of enduring tunes that deserved popular attention. The corny, the
mawkish, the just plain forgettable songs were there too, and some even had
their moments, but when looking back over the decade, one cannot help but
be struck with how many standardsthose lasting melodies that come to
mind, that continue to speak to the presenthad their origins on stage.
Since the movie industry had by the late 1920s made the transition to
sound, a growing proportion of hit tunes also came directly from film scores.
Again, records and radio helped in the promotion of this music, but the qual-
ity of the songwriting also has to be a factor. Like their colleagues on Broad-
way, Hollywood tunesmiths created a lasting body of music. In many
instances, the same people wrote for both film and stage, a coincidence per-
haps, but a fortuitous one.
During this period, Tin Pan Alley, that old standby for popular songs, con-
tinued to churn out music, but its once-dominant influence waned. Then, as
the swing phenomenon swept the country in the latter part of the thirties,
everything changed; combos and big bands replaced Broadway, Hollywood,
and traditional songwriters as the primary source of new hits. Record sales,
while still dependent on radio, relied on the popularity of bands, bandlead-
ers, and instrumentalists.
BROADWAY
The Great White Way suffered mightily during the Depression. With strait-
ened times, theater attendance dropped, and not as many plays opened on
Broadway as did during the prosperous 1920s. In 1930, twenty-eight musi-
cals opened; by 1933, the total had dropped to only thirteen. Ticket prices
stood at rock bottom in 1933, but attendance continued to be weak. The pic-
ture never really brightened for the remainder of the decade; in 1936, only
ten new musical productions graced the stagenothing like the halcyon days
of just a few years earlier. Sound movies"talkies"further reduced the au-
dience, with people choosing a cheap movie ticket over a more expensive one
for a play. Then, with Hollywood's insatiable appetite for actors who also
spoke (or sang) well, the pool of available stage talent shrank. No shows
meant no work, and so actors, singers, composers, lyricists, and musicians
once connected with the stage found greener pastures in Hollywood, and a
virtual exodus of talented people moving from New York to California took
place.
The flight to Hollywood hardly signified a cessation of creativity. A num-
ber of stage musicals that had the good luck to be produced in those grim
days have gone down in theatrical history as towering examples of their art.
Certainly, almost anything that Richard Rodgers and Lorenz Hart or George
and Ira Gershwin collaborated on, or Jerome Kern, Cole Porter, or Irving
Berlin penned, stood a better-than-average chance of being "big box office."
These gentlemen, composers and lyricists of the first rank, had already es-
tablished their reputations, and the Broadway musical stood as their forte.
Musicals generally come across to their audiences as bright and breezy,
with a fair number of hummable tunes. They take people's minds off un-
employment and discouraging economic news, and they have a better chance
of succeeding than something that reinforces glum feelings. Thus it comes
Music from Broadway and Hollywood 69
as no surprise that the bright, sophisticated songs the above writers and lyri-
cists created easily found a receptive audience even in the worst years of the
Great Depression. Other composersfor example, Harold Arlen, Vernon
Duke, Jimmy McHugh, Ray Henderson, and Arthur Schwartzcould be
mentioned, since they also achieved occasional successes during this time.
Other lyricistssuch as Lew Brown, Howard Dietz, Ted Koehler, Andy Razaf,
and Jack Yellinlikewise spoke to audiences, but none could match the con-
sistency achieved my Messrs. Berlin, Gershwin and Gershwin, Kern, Porter,
and Rodgers and Hart.
Broadway mounted a total of 194 musicals between 1929 and 1940; of that
total, thirty-nine, or 20 percent, boasted scores by these exceptional talents.
Their collective contribution to popular American music during the 1930s
has no equal, and the innumerable standards they penned continue to be
played and sung generations after many of the plays in which their work first
appeared survive only in memory. In light of such unparalleled success, a
brief survey of their stage musicals from the 1930s should illustrate how
many standards came from their collective talents and provide a sense of their
importance in the history of American music.1
Irving Berlin (1888-1989)
Born Israel Baline in Siberia, Berlin and his family came to the United
States in 1892, settling in New York City. Quickly acclimating himself to his
new country, Berlin first made his mark on the American theatrical scene in
1908. He contributed a long-forgotten song, "She Was a Dear Little Girl," to
an equally long-forgotten show, The Boys and Betty. But it proved a start, and
Berlin quickly established himself as an up-and-coming young composer on
Tin Pan Alley. By the time the 1930s rolled around, Berlin ran his own music
publishing house, and he could claim authorship for dozens of songs.
Active on both Tin Pan Alley and Broadway during the early 1920s, Berlin
turned to creating themes and interpolated songs for movies after the advent
of sound in 1927. The theater called him back for a revue, Face the Music, in
1932. With a story (called a "book" in stage parlance) by playwright Moss Hart
(not to be confused with the Lorenz Hart of the team of Rodgers and Hart),
a gentleman with whom Berlin would work again, the show included "Let's
Have Another Cup o' Coffee." A carefree little tune, it summed up the atti-
tudes of many toward the Depression: When times are tough, have another
cup of coffee and wait things out. It quickly became a favorite, suggesting the
resiliency of Americans during crises.
Face the Music also included one of Berlin's less well-known pieces, the hu-
morous "I Say It's Spinach (and I Say the Hell with It)." Hardly a standard,
but nonetheless it gives an insight into the many directions his inventive
mind might take.
In 1933, the low point of the Great Depression, Berlin again collaborated
with Moss Hart for As Thousands Cheer. Designed like a daily newspaper, dif-
ferent sections of the revue are introduced by headlines, such as "Heat Wave
Hits New York," or "Lonely-Heart Column." The lyrics are trenchant, and real,
living people serve as the subjects. The butts of the play's satire include Pres-
idents Hoover and Roosevelt, along with financier John D. Rockefeller. Even
with its topicality, As Thousands Cheer TSLU for 400 performances, proving at
least that sophisticated Broadway audiences could laugh at the troubled times,
if only for a couple of hours in a theater.
The play included several musical numbers that have come down to the
present as standards: Ethel Waters performed a show-stopping "Heat Wave,"
and both "Easter Parade" and "Suppertime" show Berlin at his best. "Easter
Parade," incidentally, came from a previous 1917 effort of his entitled "Smile
and Show Your Dimple." Even as prolific a composer as Irving Berlin can be
excused for borrowing from himself now and then.
For the remainder of the 1930s, the siren song of Hollywood proved irre-
sistible and Berlin would devote himself to creating some of his most mem-
orable movie melodies. Not until 1940 and the opening of Louisiana Purchase
would he return to Broadway. Out of that effort came "It's a Lovely Day To-
morrow," a lesser Berlin tune, but an enduring one.
Irving Berlin continued writing for both stage and screen long after the
close of the 1930s. An all-around man of American music, he perhaps un-
derstood popular taste as well as anyone in the business.2
George and Ira Gershwin (1898-1937; 1896-1983)
These two talented brothers brought American music to new levels.

George, the composer, started playing the piano early in life. By 1912, he was
performing for money and had become what in the trade is called a song
plugger. A job that originated on Tin Pan Alley, plugging involved taking the
music and lyrics of a tune to different music publishers in hopes of getting
Music from Broadway and Hollywood 7i
the sheet music printed and distributed. Most pluggers did not write the
music they promoted, yet they had to convince publishing firms that their
songs were wonderful and stood the best chances of success. It did not take
George long to realize he should be plugging his own music, not someone
else's.
Gershwin had his first real success, "Swanee," in 1919 (lyrics by Irving Cae-
sar). Al Jolson, a commanding star of stage, vaudeville, and recordings, heard
it and made it one of the big hits of the era. Soon thereafter, Ira, George's
lyricist brother, joined him and "Gershwin" became a name to be reckoned
with in music circles by the early 1920s. Their collaborative musicals usually
did well, and George enjoyed the added reputation of being a "serious" mu-
sician. In 1924, he had premiered Rhapsody in Blue, a concert piece com-
missioned by bandleader Paul Whiteman that received considerable acclaim.
A number of preludes and other varied compositions followed, solidifying his
position as a significant American composer. It is the brothers' film and the-
ater music that most listeners know, however, and in that area the Gershwins
are fully the equals of Berlin, Kern, Porter, or Rodgers and Hart.
In 1929, they wrote the music for a play called Show Girl. It starred Ruby
Keeler, a talented young dancer, along with the popular vaudeville team of
Clayton-Jackson-Durante (Lou Clayton, Eddie Jackson, and Jimmy Durante).
The Gershwins had written a showpiece number entitled "Liza" for the male
lead. With the song set to go on, Al Jolson, still very much a star and the hus-
band of Keeler, sang it unexpectedly opening nightand several nights there-
afterfrom the aisles, upstaging the scheduled singer. Actually, it had all
been planned, but audiences remained none the wiser, and "Liza" was hence-
forth associated with Jolson, just as the earlier "Swanee" had more or less be-
come his personal property.
Strike Up the Band, the rewrite of a 1927 play that never got to Broadway,
opened in 1930. The musical included such gems as "Soon" and "I've Got a
Crush on You," as well as the title song. Although Strike Up the Band con-
tains nothing topical, the orchestra personnel reflected the hard times de-
scending on the country as a result of the Depression. The band had been
organized by trumpeter Red Nichols, and he obtained the services of top-flight
musicians like Benny Goodman, Gene Krupa, Glenn Miller, Jimmy Dorsey,
and Jack Teagarden. Jobs were hard to find in 1930, and so these musicians
gladly took the offer, anxious to get employment wherever they could find it.
Many productions could claim such outstanding bands in those difficult days,
a fact that provided audiences a superior level of musicianship during a show.
A 1930 portrait of George Gershwin (1898-1937), one of the major figures in American popu-
lar music. Individually, and in partnership with his brother Ira, Gershwin helped to define the
idea of "standards," those songs that live on in the listener's mind, transcending time and pop-
ular musical trends. From "Swanee" (1919) to "Love Is Here to Stay" (1938), and with countless
enduring compositions in between, he has survived as one of the dominant voices in American
music during the 1920s and 1930s. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
Not until swing began to have an impact on popular taste would musicians
of this caliber find consistent work more to their liking.
After the opening of Strike Up the Band, the year witnessed yet another pro-
duction featuring Gershwin music. Called Girl Crazy, the musical cast two
women who became stars during the 1930s, Ethel Merman and Ginger Rogers.
It also featured a score that would become a star in its own right, including
"Bidin' My Time," "Embraceable You," "But Not for Me," and the inimitable
"I Got Rhythm," particularly as sung by Ethel Merman. Her rendition, certainly
one of the most energetic performances of any song in any stage musical,
overnight made her one of the all-time stars of Broadway theater. Another su-
perlative band, put together by Red Nichols, backed her in style.
Perhaps no other Gershwin effort exhibited such a successful marriage of
jazz, Broadway show tunes, and popular music. Virtually every notable jazz
musician of that day or any other day would at one time or another play "I
Got Rhythm," a staple of the jazz repertoire. George himself always held a
special interest in the number, and in 1934 wrote a more serious work called
Variations on "I Got Rhythm." The play went a long way in its own right, run-
ning for 272 performances in those dreary Depression days.
As conditions worsened around the country, the Gershwins collaborated
on Of Thee I Sing in December of 1931. The show's book was written by
George S. Kaufman and Morrie Ryskind, two important figures in Broadway
history. Much of the plot revolves around presidents, politics, and the foibles
of governments. The resulting story is satirical and topical, with music to
match. Out of that mix came "Love Is Sweeping the Country," "Of Thee I
Sing (Baby)," and "Who Cares?" Audiences responded, and the play ran for
441 performances, the longest-ever for a Gershwin show, and gained a
Pulitzer Prize for Drama in the libretto and lyrics category.
Buoyed, the Gershwin brothers returned to Broadway in early 1933 with
Pardon My English. It, however, failed to arouse much interest, despite hav-
ing a melodious score, and closed after a disappointing forty-six perform-
ances. It contained such standards as "Lorelei" and "Isn't It a Pity?" and might
have been expected to do better, but audiences clearly thought otherwise.
Despite the commercial failure of Pardon My English, the Gershwins
opened Let 'em Eat Cake in the fall of 1933. Working again with writers George
S. Kaufman and Morrie Ryskind, they proceeded to mount another topical
play, one filled with Depression-era references in their lyrics. Numbers like
"Down with Ev'rything That's Up," "Union Square," and the title song made
for a kind of sequel to Of Thee I Sing, even to the point of bringing charac-
The popular editorial cartoonist Clifford K. Berryman (1869-1949) did this caricature of Presi-
dent Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1933, a bleak Depression year. The sheet music the president holds
refers to a song penned by George and Ira Gershwin called "Of Thee I Sing (Baby)," and comes
from their satirical musical of 1931-1932 entitled Of Thee I Sing. A dejected Al Smith, disen-
chanted with the New Deal, slumps behind him. Of course, the reference also can apply to the
patriotic song "America" (1832), the original source of the Gershwins' witty title, but the politi-
cal bite of the cartoon works best in its Broadway context. [Library of Congress, Prints & Pho-
tographs Division]
ters from the earlier production to the new one. Musically, however, about
the only number of any real distinction in Let 'em Eat Cake was the roman-
tic "Mine." One good song could not save the day.
Undiscouragedtheir music, admittedly as bright and original as ever,
could not overcome the playsGeorge and Ira Gershwin still had some ideas
up their sleeves. In 1935, at New York's Alvin Theater, they unveiled Porgy and
Bess, after an out-of-town run in Boston. They envisioned this work as an at-
tempt to create a serious American play in an environment more used to frothy
musical comedies. Based on the 1925 novel Porgy by DuBose Heyward, the
prestigious Theatre Guild helped underwrite Porgy and Bess, and called the en-
terprise a "folk opera" in its billing. But the show openedand thereafter usu-
ally playedin a traditional theater, not in opera houses or symphony halls.
Over the years, critics have debated whether or not Porgy and Bess should
be seen as musical theater posing as opera, or opera that contains elements
of popular musical theater. In an opera, the lyricist usually writes the words,
or libretto, first; then the composer writes the music itself, fitting it to the li-
bretto. In much musical theater, on the other hand, especially that of the
1920s and 1930s, the music precedes the lyrics. The composer creates a
melody then the lyricist finds words appropriate to the music. In the case of
Porgy and Bess, music and lyrics were done both ways, further muddying any
clear definitions. Some of the lyric credits belong to DuBose Heyward, who
wrote words to which George Gershwin then composed music. But credits
also go jointly to both Heyward and Ira Gershwin. And finally, Ira Gershwin,
as he usually did, wrote still more words to brother George's completed
music. Such arguments, essentially academic in nature, ignore the fact that
Porgy and Bess stands as unique in American musical and theatrical history.
Regardless of who wrote what and in what order, its memorable score has
made Porgy and Bess a favorite of both concert and theatergoers.
On stage, Porgy and Bess required an all-black cast. Ironically, the first major
commercial recordings of music from the score featured Lawrence Tibbett
and Helen Jepsen, two white artists. The archaic idea that somehow record-
ings by black artistscalled "race records" in those days (see Chapter 1)
would not sell to white consumers still held sway in 1936. Eventually, such
concepts fell by the wayside and the show has long since been recorded in-
numerable times by black and white performers, both in its entirety and most
of the songs individually. Porgy and Bess has gone on tours, finally made it to
film in 1959, and successfully straddled the difficult line between high art
and popular entertainment.
Filled with some of the Gershwins' greatest music, much of the score has
entered the standard repertoire. For audiences and listeners, it matters little
who got the credit line; more important is how uniformly good the score re-
mains. From "Summertime" to "My Man's Gone Now" to "It Ain't Neces-
sarily So" to all the other numbers contained in the play/opera, Porgy and Bess
remains a significant theatrical and musical achievement.
The brothers left New York and headed to Hollywood in the summer of
1936. Because of George's premature death in 1937, Porgy and Bess would be
their last Broadway production. Ira lived until 1983 and worked with many
other composers, but his years with his brother remain unique ones, result-
ing in some of the best music Americans have ever enjoyed.3
Jerome Kern (1885-1945)
Like so many of his contemporaries, Jerome Kern at the beginning of his

musical career worked as a song plugger on Tin Pan Alley. He finally real-
ized, as had George Gershwin, that he should be writing and plugging his
own music, and in 1903 had a minor hit with "Mister Chamberlain" (lyrics
by P. G. Wodehouse, who would become a frequent collaborator). The fol-
lowing year his name appeared on the playbill of a Broadway musical, Mr.
Wix of Wickham, and that headed him toward fame and success.
With major stage hits like Sally (1920; lyrics by Clifford Grey and Buddy
DeSylva), Sunny (1925; lyrics by Otto Harbach and Oscar Hammerstein II),
and Show Boat (1927; lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II), Kern had become
well-established in theatrical circles by the late 1920s. For Broadway audi-
ences hungry for some old-fashioned romanticism, Kern's theater work pro-
vides it. He completed the music for five shows over the period 1929-
1939, and that includes at least one enduring stage classic. Kern might have
found more lucrative outlets in Hollywood, and he did spend much of his
time composing for films, not the stage, but that hardly lessened his theatri-
cal contributions.
Sweet Adeline (lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II) opened in the fall of 1929,
just before the stock market collapse. A deliberate exercise in nostalgia (the
original "Sweet Adeline" had been composed in 1903, with music by Harry
Armstrong and lyrics by Richard H. Gerard), the play focused on the Gay
Nineties and tried to recreate a sense of innocence. Reality intruded with the
Crash, and the show closed. Although few remember Sweet Adeline, they may
recall a tune from the show, "Why Was I Born?"
In 1931, he collaborated with lyricist Otto Harbach for The Cat and the Fid-
dle. Subtitled "A Musical Love Story," Kern and Harbach provided two ro-
mantic standards: "She Didn't Say 'Yes'" and "The Night Was Made for Love."
The following year, Kern reunited with Hammerstein for Music in the Air.
Their joint work produced two more classics, "I've Told Ev'ry Little Star" and
"The Song Is You."
But all the foregoing may have seemed like dress rehearsals for i933's
Roberta, one of the true masterpieces of the American musical stage. Work-
At times, the covers for sheet music could be quite stylized. This 1933 example for "Smoke Gets
in Your Eyes" (music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach; from the musical Roberta) cap-
tures the essence of 1930s high fashion: the permed hair, the long, slinky gown, and the Art
Deco-influenced lettering. [Photograph by author; from the Al Harris Collection]
ing again with Otto Harbach, Kern created some of his loveliest melodies.
Perhaps the best-known of the many standards to emerge from Roberta is
"Smoke Gets in Your Eyes." Close behind would be "Yesterdays," and fol-
lowing that chestnut are "Let's Begin," "The Touch of Your Hand," and 'Til
Be Hard to Handle" (lyrics by Bernard Dougall). With all the splendid songs,
it might be understandable if the plot gets overlooked. Produced in the worst
days of the Great Depression, the story concerns a fashion designer and a
glamorous world far removed from everyday lives. On the other hand, such
a romantic diversion may have served as a tonic for many in the audience,
and certainly Jerome Kern had mastered serving up escapism in his music.
Roberta played for a respectable 295 performances and enjoyed a film adap-
tation soon thereafter.
After the success of Roberta, Kern returned to Hollywood. Not until 1939
would he again compose for the theater. He and Oscar Hammerstein II
joined forces for Very Warm for May. A box office failure, it closed out Kern's
Broadway career, although he would continue to write for the movies. Despite
its lack of success, Very Warm for May did yield "All the Things You Are," an-
other standard that has stood the test of time.
If Jerome Kern's music were to be used as a guide to social history, the De-
pression never happened. Even his lyricistsand he worked with the best in
the businessfell under his spell and wrote wonderfully romantic ballads, but
topicality stayed far from their minds. A composer who created memorable
melodies for both the stage and screen, Kern came from a school of writers
who saw their profession as one of entertainment, not judgment or criticism.
But none of that lessens his accomplishment as a composer, and many of his
Broadway musicals must be ranked among the finest ever produced.4
Cole Porter (1891-1964)
Born into relative wealth in Peru, Indiana, Porter began to make his mark
on Broadway in the later 1920s, although he had been actively writing music
and lyrics throughout the decade. He finally enjoyed hits with "I'm in Love
Again" (1925; from the revue, Greenwich Village Follies of 1924) and the sug-
gestive "Let's Do It" (1928; from the play Paris). With those successes, he
stood poised to take on the 1930s.
A constant presence in musical theater, Porter has the distinction of con-
tributing some of the more adultand certainly some of the most sophisti-
catedlyrics of the period. Like his contemporaries, especially Jerome Kern

and Lorenz Hart, Porter's view of the world had little to do with economic
crises or New Deals, but he was not above making topical references in his
remarkable catalog of songs. Thanks once again to movies, radio, and record-
ings, he became widely known and his music has come down to the present
as some of the best of the era.
In November of 1929, Porter premiered one of his many standards, "You
Do Something to Me," for the musical Fifty Million Frenchmen. People took
notice, and Porter's name next graced marquees in December with Wake Up
and Dream, just a month after Fifty Million Frenchmen. Most songwriters
rarely have two musicals going at once, but in Porter's case the reason can
be easily explained. He had opened Wake Up and Dream in London that
spring, and it made its New York debut at the end of the year. The play fea-
tured "What Is This Thing Called Love?" another Porter chestnut.
With two plays running on Broadway, it took only a short time before Hol-
lywood came calling. For the remainder of the 1930s, Porter shuttled between
the West Coast and the East, working comfortably within both theater and
film.
The New Yorkers opened on Broadway during the 1930 Christmas season.
A forgettable play, it nonetheless contained an unforgettable song, "Love for
Sale." A controversial description of a prostitute, "Love for Sale" has entered
the standard repertoire. Radio stations at the time found its risque lyrics un-
suitable for broadcasting, but it achieved hit status anyway, in large part
thanks to a recording by Fred Waring and the Pennsylvanians. The record
sold well, the public did not act offended, and so any restrictions on airplay
have long since been dropped. Contemporary listeners might wonder about
the concerns expressed "back then."
Almost two years passed before the opening of Porter's next play, Gay Di-
vorce (1932). Starring Fred Astaire before he devoted most of his time to
movies, the play has him performing "Night and Day." It also includes "Mis-
ter and Missus Fitch," a humorous play on words. When Gay Divorce was
adapted for film in 1934, Astaire again got the lead male role and performed
with Ginger Rogers, the second pairing for the two actors (the first had been
in Flying Down to Rio in 1933). Speaking of words, Hollywood, nervous about
the play's title, feared censor problems with the connotation of "happy di-
vorce." Thus the movie version goes by The Gay Divorcee, a compromise that
might raise serious doubts about why a "happy divorcee" should in any way
be superior to a happy divorce.
8o Music of the Great Depression
Once more, two years went by before another Porter offering, but it proved
worth the wait because the musical, Anything Goes, contains one of his most
inspired scores. Standards like "I Get a Kick Out of You," "All Through the
Night," "You're the Top," "Blow, Gabriel, Blow," and the title song, "Anything
Goes," adorn the score. The stage version starred Ethel Merman, and she gave
such a strong performance that the 1936 movie adaptation cast her in the
same part, rather than a Hollywood star.
In 1935, Porter's Jubilee came to the stage. Another of those so-so plays with
some memorable music, it features "Why Shouldn't I?" "Just One of Those
Things," and a number most people initially dismissed, "Begin the Beguine."
Fortunately, bandleader Artie Shaw learned about Porter's tune, and recorded it
in 1938. It resulted in the biggest hit of Shaw's career, one that will always be
associated with the clarinetist, and a song that helped epitomize the Swing Era.
Porter returned to New York with Red Hot and Blue! in 1936. The show
contains one of those standards much beloved by cabaret singers, "Down in
the Depths (on the Ninetieth Floor)." A painful recital about the problems of
love, it has never been a big popular hit, but it has achieved a devoted fol-
lowing. On a more upbeat note, the show also features "It's De-Lovely" and
"Ridin' High." Bob Hope, already an actor of some standing, sang "It's De-
Lovely" with co-star Ethel Merman, by that time one of Broadway's leading
lights.
You Never Know opened the 1938 Broadway season. As if to prove that not
every musical can be a hit, it closed after just 78 performances, despite the
presence of Cole Porter's name for music and lyrics. "What Shall I Do?" and
"At Long Last Love" have endured far better than the play.
A month later, Porter's Leave It to Me! helped redeem the composer. It in-
cluded his great "Get Out of Town" and a show-stopping "My Heart Belongs
to Daddy." A young Mary Martin, just starting out, performed the latter num-
ber, and her renditionall innocence and sophistication combinedin-
stantly made her a performer to watch.
DuBarry Was a Lady (1939) proved to be Porter's final effort for the 1930s.
Two standards emerged from the production, both humorous: "Friendship"
and "Well, Did You Evah?" He then proceeded to enter the new decade with
Panama Hattie (1940), a musical destined to run over 500 performances. A
good show in many ways, but it lacked a distinctive Porter score. "Make It
Another Old-Fashioned, Please" will not be remembered as one of his great
songs. With those two plays behind him, Cole Porter would not return to
Broadway until 1944 and Mexican Hayride.5
Richard Rodgers (1902-1979) and Lorenz Hart (1895-1943)
Composer Richard Rodgers met lyricist Lorenz Hart when both were still
in their teens. Two personalities could not have been more different: Rodgers,
steady and reliable, a highly organized person who possessed a strong work
ethic; Hart, on the other hand, disorganized and erratic in his habits, bor-
dered on being unstable. The two paired up anyway and by 1925 had written
a number of songs, most of them forgotten. They then collaborated on a
revue, The Garrick Gaieties (1925), which featured "Manhattan" and "Senti-
mental Me." Those songs have since become standards, but "Manhattan," as
popularized by Paul Whiteman and his orchestra in a recording, soon put the
composer and lyricist on their way to recognition as one of Broadway's pre-
mier songwriting teams. A string of hits followed, including "The Blue
Room" (1926), "Mountain Greenery" (1926), "My Heart Stood Still" (1927),
"Thou Swell" (1927), and "You Took Advantage of Me" (1928).
With a new production almost yearly (and often twice a year), Rodgers and
Hart ranked among the most prolific of the many composers who found favor
in the thirties. One song after another seemingly flowed from their collective
imaginations, setting new expectations for the American musical theater.
Thanks to movies, radio, and recordings, their music achieved two distinc-
tions: much of it became popular in its own time and, more importantly,
many of their songs have become "standards," those melodies and lyrics
known by both the public and a variety of performers over a long period of
time (for more on standards, see Chapter 2).
In 1929, Rodgers and Hart presented Spring Is Here. Not their greatest col-
laborationthose were yet to comeit nonetheless introduced audiences to
"With a Song in My Heart." The number became associated with singer Jane
Froman, and she performed it on stage as well as in the 1930 film adaptation
of the play. A much later movie, With a Song in My Heart (1952), had Susan
Hayward impersonating Froman, but Froman herself sang it on the sound-
track, thereby reaching an entirely new generation of listeners.
Heads Up also came to Broadway in 1929. A tuneful play about gangsters
and Prohibition, it underwent considerable doctoring before its premiere.
Fortunately, "A Ship without a Sail," another great Rodgers and Hart classic,
survived the surgery.
Simple Simon opened in February of 1930, a time when people had begun
sensing the realities of the economic calamity descending on the nation. A
silly comedy starring vaudevillian Ed Wynn, the show featured a fine score
by the songwriting duo. A standout was "Ten Cents a Dance," a soulful lament
about the life of a taxi dancer, a woman employed by a commercial dance hall
who will dance with any man willing to pay a dime. Sung by Ruth Etting,
"Ten Cents a Dance" burnished her career, and reminded critics and audi-
ences that Rodgers and Hart could handle just about any subject and make
memorable music. Etting also had another star-defining number with "Love
Me or Leave Me" (1928; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Gus Kahn), a
pulsating love songbut a non-Rodgers and Hart numberthat had been
interpolated into the show about two months after its opening. Etting had
first performed it in Whoopie, a 1928 comedy featuring comedian Eddie Can-
tor. The producers wanted to strengthen what they perceived as a weak score
and capitalize on Etting's association with the song.
As the Depression worsened, America's Sweetheart came to Broadway in
early 1931. Although the play itself can best be described as superficial, it does
contain an up-tempo response to hard times in "I've Got Five Dollars." This
jaunty piece quickly became a hit, a musical antidote to unemployment, bread
lines, and despair.
Rodgers and Hart headed west later in 1931, joining a number of their com-
patriots in Hollywood. They would not attempt another stage musical for four
years, and instead focused their energies on movie scores, an area in which
they also achieved success. In time, however, the pair tired of the West Coast
and 1935 found them back in New York City scoring Jumbo, a. Ben
Hecht-Charles MacArthur offering produced by showman Billy Rose. A pop-
ular hit, Jumbo contained some of their greatest melodies, including "The
Most Beautiful Girl in the World," "My Romance," and "Little Girl Blue."
Success apparently begets success, because 1936 found them writing yet
another hit, On Your Toes. In this musical, Rodgers had the opportunity to
compose an extended instrumental work, Slaughter on Tenth Avenue, a ballet.
Slaughter on Tenth Avenue took on a life of its own, becoming a favorite of
classical and "pops" orchestras everywhere. Of course, Hart contributed some
fine lyrics for other songs in the show, notably "There's a Small Hotel" and
"Glad to Be Unhappy."
Apparently, a burst of collective creative energy struck the two at this time,
because Rodgers and Hart turned out new scores in what became almost a
twice-a-year ritual. For example, their first play for 1937 was Babes in Arms,
and the music included "Where or When," "I Wish I Were in Love Again,"
"My Funny Valentine," "Johnny One Note," "Imagine," and "The Lady Is a
Tramp," one of the greatest collections of American standards ever composed
for a single play.
The music from Babes in Arms proved so rich that a song like "The Lady
Is a Tramp" could later be used in the film version of Pal Joey (1957), a play
they scored in 1940, but one in which that particular song does not appear.
People knew "The Lady Is a Tramp," either from recordings or Babes in Arms,
and perhaps its inclusion seemed appropriate in a Rodgers and Hart movie.
On the other hand, "My Funny Valentine," a song widely recorded by both
vocalists and instrumentalists in the last half of the twentieth century, lan-
guished during the 1930s. It seemed a forgotten, melancholy tune, until 1953,
when Frank Sinatra "discovered" it and recorded it for his enormously pop-
ular Songs for Young Lovers album. After that, everyone wanted to record "My
Funny Valentine" and it established itself as an enduring standard, although
few might know its earlier origins.
In the fall of 1937, their second show, I'd Rather Be Right, opened on
Broadway. Rodgers and Hart contributed "Have You Met Miss Jones?" and
the humorous "We're Going to Balance the Budget," a subject of consider-
able concern in those post-Depression years. One of their few forays into top-
icality, the song stands as a trifle for the pair, but it does bear their most
unusual title.
Maintaining their torrid pace, 1938's I Married an Angel gave audiences the
title tune plus the haunting "Spring Is Here." In a bow to the success of Dale
Carnegie's best-selling 1937 book, the show also included "How to Win
Friends and Influence People," hardly their best-remembered effort.
Rodgers and Hart, along with author George Abbott, took Shakespeare's
The Comedy of Errors and created The Boys from Syracuse for their second of-
fering of the year. Another musical romp, the team created the delightful
"Falling in Love with Love," "This Can't Be Love," and "Sing for Your Sup-
per." The Bard would probably approve.
As the decade wound down, Rodgers and Hart enjoyed yet another Broad-
way hit, Too Many Girls (1939). The score includes the humorous "Give It
Back to the Indians," a song about New York and its problems. Accompany-
ing that was "I Didn't Know What Time It Was," one of their great love songs.
They also penned "I Like to Recognize the Tune," a sly poke at contemporary
musical arrangements that frequently buried the melody.
Higher and Higher went on stage in 1940; it contained "It Never Entered
My Mind." Another great score followed with the opening of Pal Joey (1940).
Such standards as "Bewitched, Bothered and Bewildered" and "I Could Write
a Book" came from that effort.
Lorenz Hart died in 1943, bringing to an end a remarkable pairing. Richard
Rodgers would, of course, go on to team up with Oscar Hammerstein II, him-
self a most successful lyricist from the 1920s and 1930s. Together they would
make stage history with Oklahoma! (1943) and a host of other great musicals.
When looking back over the two careers of Rodgers and Hart and Rodgers
and Hammerstein, a significant difference becomes clear: The first partner-
ship will be remembered for its songs, some of the best standards ever writ-
ten, most of which happened to be first performed on stage. The second
pairing will be remembered more for its playsSouth Pacific, The King and
I, The Sound of Music, and so on. Some of the best musicals ever written,
most of which had some great songs, but a case where the whole tends to be
better than its individual parts.6
Stage Musicals by Others
Many other musicals came and went during the decade, and a significant
number achieved great popularity during their runs. The listing below can-
not be thought of as comprehensive or exhaustive; it merely mentions addi-
tional stage productions, year by year, that happened to contain some
outstanding songs, thus contributing to the overall musical wealth of the
1930s.
The decade opened with one of a continuing series of all-black revues that
had become a part of the New York theater scene for many years. Unlike some
productions in that racially segregated era, Blackbirds of 1930 not only had a
black cast, but a black composer and a black lyricist in Eubie Blake and Andy
Razaf. Out of the revue came two great standards, "Memories of You" and
"You're Lucky to Me." The racial segregation that permeated Broadway, how-
ever, showed few signs of lessening, despite the show's success.
In 1931, Billy Rose's Crazy Quilt provided audiences a peppy score by Harry
Warren, a songwriter who would make a considerable mark in Hollywood
throughout the decade. For this show, he created "I Found a Million-Dollar
Baby (in a Five-and-Ten-Cent Store)," with timely lyrics by Billy Rose and Mort
Dixon.
Regardless of the nation's ongoing economic problems, 1932 proved a ban-
ner year for memorable show tunes. "I Gotta Right to Sing the Blues" (music
by Harold Arlen, lyrics by Ted Koehler) made the 1932 production of Earl Car-
roll's Vanities more than just another revue, and again provided singers with
a number that allowed them a chance to display their talents.
Blackbirds of1933 contributed "A Hundred Years from Today," another fine
love song from composer Victor Young and lyricist Ned Washington. In this
case the music came from a white writing team for an ostensibly all-black
production. In no way whatsoever should that fact detract either from the
revue or from the music itself. It does illustrate, however, the limited oppor-
tunities for black composers and lyricists during the 1930s.
In 1934, composer Vernon Duke enjoyed a good year with "What Is There
to Say?" and "I Like the Likes of You," both written with lyricist E. Y. Harburg
for the Ziegfeld Follies of1934. He then went on to create both the words and
music for "Autumn in New York." This wistful composition appeared in the
1935 musical Thumbs Up!
The Earl Carroll Sketch Book for 1935 contained "Let's Swing It" (words and
music by Murray Mencher, Charles Newman, and Charles Tobias), one of the
earliest references to swing on Broadway. Not the most memorable of songs,
but it served as a hint of things to come.
Many of the enduring songs of the 1930s were written for revues that fea-
tured various artists in sketches, with music by a number of different com-
posers and lyricists. In 1935's Provincetown Follies, "Red Sails in the Sunset"
(music by Hugh Williams, lyrics by James Kennedy) proved no exception; it
has remained a favorite over the years.
Continuing that trend, the perennial Ziegfeld Follies (1936 Edition) included
the timeless "I Can't Get Started" (music by Vernon Duke, lyrics by Ira Gersh-
win). Filled with references about such things as President Roosevelt, the on-
going civil war in Spain, Greta Garbo, and polar exploration, on stage Bob
Hope sang it to Eve Arden. It went over well then, and the topicality has
dimmed the number not a bit for contemporary listeners.
In i937's Hooray for What! the song "Down with Love" marked yet another
successful effort by the team of Harold Arlen and E.Y Harburg. The two
would collaborate on a number of other projects, such as the play Life Begins
at 8:40 (1934) and the movies Take a Chance (1934) and At the Circus (1939).
Walter Huston, a distinguished actor who really could not sing, neverthe-
less talked-chanted-sang his way through "September Song" in a stunning
performance for 1938's Knickerbocker Holiday. But he had good help: the
music had been composed by Kurt Weill and the lyrics penned by playwright
Maxwell Anderson.
Songwriters Dorothy Fields and Arthur Schwartz, undaunted by the high-

caliber competition of the Gershwins, Rodgers and Hart, Porter, Berlin, and
Kern, combined talents for 1939's Stars in Your Eyes. The show featured their
numbers "This Is It" and "It's All Yours."
With 1940, the clouds of war had broken in Europe and increasingly
threatened the United States. So Broadway turned, as it always does, to music
and romance. The year saw Keep Off the Grass, a light-hearted romp that fea-
tured music by Jimmy McHugh, Al Dubin, and Howard Dietz, old pros all.
The three collaborated on "Clear Out of This World," another love song des-
tined to become a standard.7
Two Unusual Musicals
Not every musical of the 1930s concerned itself with matters of the heart
or light comedy. In June of 1937, The Cradle Will Rock opened, but just barely.
Featuring a book, music, and lyrics by composer Marc Blitzstein (1905-1964),
the play had little in the way of memorable music but much in the way of
controversy. A product of the Federal Theater Project (see Chapter 6) in New
York City, it involved Orson Welles and John Houseman, two important fig-
ures in stage history, as director and producer. Its clearly leftist leanings
stirred conservative congressional groups and they tried to block it. Deprived
of a theater on opening night by government agents, the cast and crew
searched for a new venue, and finally found the small Venice Theatre, which
stood empty at the time. Cast and crew marched through the streets to the
Venice, but then the musician's union forbade its members to perform after
squabbling about pay. True to the traditions of show business, the show fi-
nally went on with Blitzstein himself playing a piano on stage and the actors
scattered about in the theater seats speaking their lines as a single spot
searched them out. Hardly traditional Broadway, but those in attendance
loved it.
The Cradle Will Rock played two weeks at the Venice. After a break, it moved
to the larger Windsor Theatre in early 1938, and eventually played for 108
performances. None of the music from the show had any impact, although
audiences admired its sincerity. The score joins innumerable other protest
songs from many eras, noble in their intent, but soon forgotten after their
causes find resolution (see Chapter 5 for more on protest music). Blitzstein
continued composing, mainly in the area of opera, but he remains little per-
formed. Today Blitzstein is remembered not so much for that ground-
breaking effort, but for his adaptation, in 1954, of Kurt Weill's The Three-
Penny Opera, especially his English lyrics for "Mack the Knife," a song from
the show that became a big hit for performers as disparate as Louis Arm-
strong and Bobby Darin. An eponymous 1999 movie that purports to tell
about all the background escapades that accompanied the production briefly
resurrected The Cradle Will Rock and its curious history.
Shortly after The Cradle Will Rock closed, another controversial play opened.
The International Ladies Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) sponsored a
musical revue entitled Pins and Needles. Revolving around a loosely knit ploat
about labor unions versus "the Bosses," the play uses topical references
("Ford and Morgan swing it," "One big union for two," "Fifty million union
members can't be wrong"), and clearly favors a union stand on contempo-
rary work issues. Premiering in November of 1937, and with the smallest of
budgetsno one in the largely unknown cast earned over $55 a weekit
lacked the trappings of a big Broadway production. But somehow it struck a
chord with usually jaded New York audiences, just as The Cradle Will Rock
had done. Both the music and lyrics originated with composer Harold J.
Rome (1908-1993), a young songwriter who today is best known for an in-
nocuous pop tune called "Wish You Were Here" (1952). Marc Blitzstein of
The Cradle Will Rock fame also gets listed in the credits for contributions to
the book, although just what his contributions might have been remains open
to question.
Initially performed at the small Labor Stage (formerly called the Princess
Theatre), the success of Pins and Needles forced a January move to the Wind-
sor Theatre, the same stage that had earlier taken in The Cradle Will Rock. A
completely unanticipated hit, Pins and Needles ran into 1940; in the process,
it set a record for musicals of the 1930s with 1,108 performances. Despite
that long run, Pins and Needles went virtually unheard of by most of the na-
tion. The play's "big number" was Harold Rome's "Sing Me a Song with So-
cial Significance":
I'm tired of moon-songs of star and June songs,

They simply make me nap
And ditties romantic drive me nearly frantic
I think they're all full of pap.
History's making, nations are quaking

Why sing of stars above
For while we are waiting father time's creating

New things to be singing of.
Sing me a song with social significance
All other tunes are taboo
I want a ditty with heat in it,
Appealing with feeling and meat in it!
Sing me a song with social significance
Or you can sing 'til you're blue
Let meaning shine from ev'ry line
Or I won't love you.
Sing me of wars and sing me of breadlines
Tell me of front page news
Sing me of strikes and last minute headlines
Dress your observation in syncopation!
Possessor of what surely must be the most socially significant song title
of the Depression, and featuring some timely references to breadlines and
wars, "Sing Me a Song with Social Significance" may have been mass cul-
ture for dedicated Broadway fans, but for everyone else, it languished in ob-
scurity.8
Broadway provided the nation an ample supply of timeless music. With
enduring shows like Roberta, Girl Crazy, and On Your Toes lighting up mar-
quees, and with more standards than anyone realized at the time coming
from them, people everywhere knew their songs. Only a small percentage
of the population ever saw these shows, but through movie adaptations,
radio, records, and sheet music, millions everywhere got to know their
tunes. Although the Depression curtailed some theatrical activity, by and
large musicals continued to attract backers, delighting both audiences and
listeners.
HOLLYWOOD
Sound pictures had become a fact of movie life by the late 1920s. When
Al Jolson actually sang some of his biggest hits"My Mammy" (1918; music
by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Sam M. Lewis and Joe Young), "Toot, Toot,
Tootsie" (1922; words and music by Ted Fio Rito, Robert A. King, Gus Kahn,
and Ernie Erdman), "Blue Skies" (1911; words and music by Irving Berlin)
in 1927's The Jazz Singer, the die was cast. People loved hearing Jolson's
voice, and the picture grossed over $3 million, an unheard-of sum. In that
landmark movie, Jolson had the benefit of sound only for his musical num-
bers. Aside from a few impromptu lines surrounding the songs, including
the memorable "You ain't heard nothin' yet, folks!" the film's dialogue re-
mained silent and relied on cue cards to inform the audience of what the
players said.
Despite those deficiencies, the popularity of The Jazz Singer caused studio
heads to place an emphasis on movie musicals. Just like its counterparts on
Broadway, the sound musical promised big profits. In 1928 the veteran Al
Jolson returned in The Singing Fool, another part-talkie, part-silent picture,
and audiences again responded enthusiastically. Warner Brothers wisely
chose to hike ticket prices, charging an astronomical $3.00 for admission.
For that kind of money, people got to see and hear Jolson sing "It All De-
pends on You" (1927; music by Ray Henderson, lyrics by Buddy DeSylva and
Lew Brown), "Sonny Boy" (1928; music by Henderson, lyrics by DeSylva,
Brown, and Al Jolson), and "There's a Rainbow 'Round My Shoulder" (1928;
words and music by Dave Dreyer, Billy Rose, and Al Jolson). In another as-
tute move, and something new at the time, the producers timed the release
of recordings featuring Jolson doing songs from the movie to coincide with
the release of the picture. Naturally, the advertisements promised "as heard
in the movie."
Clearly, it would be only a matter of months, not years, before "All Talking,
All Singing" became the norm. Seemingly overnight, the approximately
23,000 movie houses around the country had to accommodate this momen-
tous event, and change they did. In a remarkable display of catering to their
public, most theaters successfully made the switch from old equipment to
new. In the meantime, the studios busily rushed new musicals into produc-
tion.
By 1929, The Broadway Melody, featuring songs by Nacio Herb Brown and
Arthur Freed, could advertise "100% Talking" and a score created just for the
film. Among the songs, "You Were Meant for Me" could be added to the grow-
ing list of standards being compiled by film musicals. The Broadway Melody
proved so successful that it garnered an Academy Award for Best Film and
any uncompleted silent pictures quickly converted to sound, as did any re-
maining theaters. Theaters failing to make the conversion soon found them-
selves out of business. Between 1929 and 1931, the number of movie theaters
actually declined, going from over 23,300 to just under 22,000. Economic
forces, not technology, continued the slump; the numbers bottomed out in
1935, with about 15,200 theaters holding on. It would take years to return to
anything close to the 1929 figures.
Despite the glum business picture, MGM's success with The Broadway
Melody convinced the studio to contract Brown and Freed for another musi-
cal, a decision that resulted in Hollywood Revue (1929). This picture contained
one of the team's best efforts, a song destined to be repeated many times:
"Singin' in the Rain." Judy Garland reprised it in 1940's Little Nellie Kelly, and
of course Gene Kelly in 1952 immortalized the tune for all time in the film
of the same name.
When talking pictures swept over the movie market, the technology used
to reproduce sound was similar to that utilized by the booming radio indus-
try. Both media employed electrical sound reproduction, but radio had
reached people first, thus establishing expectations. What audiences heard in
those early talkies reinforced the "radio sound" concept. It might be an arti-
ficial, somewhat shrill sound coming from the theater's speakers, but it du-
plicated what people heard on the family radio. Overnight, electrically
reproduced became the normal format for all modes of music, although the
phonograph and record industries admittedly made the change from acoustic
recording reluctantly. (For more on the development of "radio sound," see
Chapter 1.)
The movies, however, enjoyed an added advantage over other media of the
day: on recordings and radio, the audience listens; in a movie theater (or ball-
room, nightclub, casino, or concert hall), the audience also watches the mu-
sicians. The movies therefore had the best of both worlds: sound and sight.
The soundtrack might consist of background (aural only) music, but the
screen couldand often did, during the 1930spresent larger-than-life im-
ages of the bands themselves, complete with the vocalists and the star in-
strumentalists. In fact, more and more bands and orchestras, when
performing before a live audience, used electrical amplification while on stage
so they would sound more like their recordings or broadcasts. It all came
down to a neat blending of science and savvy marketing, one that would for-
ever change musical reproduction.
In 1929, Hollywood studios released thirty-two musical films; since they
made money, the total jumped to an astronomical seventy-two in 1930, an all-
time record for the industry. What the audience heard in a theater could also
be purchased in the form of recordings. And those profits would rise dra-
matically if the studios had more direct control of the music heard in films.
The end of the 1920s and the beginning of the 1930s witnessed the major
studios acquiring old, established music publishers. Tin Pan Alley, so inti-
mately connected with New York City, became the target of West Coast movie
entrepreneurs, anxious to have direct control over the all-important copy-
rights of published songs. That way, they would not have to pay an outside
group for permission to use particular music in films. In addition, a host of
composers and lyricists moved west, abandoning the old, but shaky, pub-
lishing strongholds for the security of employment in the booming film in-
dustry. This transition, a major one, further diminished the influence of
once-mighty Tin Pan Alley.9
And yet, given the cyclical nature of cinema, musicals fell out of favor at
the all-important box office the next year, 1931. From seventy-two musical pro-
ductions in 1930, the number plummeted to a mere sixteen. Apparently,
fickle moviegoers had had their fill; attention shifted to other film genres, and
the studios displayed a reluctance to produce anything that would not show
a profit. The earlier musicals had earned big money, led by pictures like the
aforementioned The Jazz Singer, Singing Fool, and 1929's The Broadway
Melody. In the meantime, audiences turned to pictures about crime (Little
Caesar, 1930), more crime (Public Enemy, 1931), fantasy (both Dracula and
Frankenstein, 1931), and drama (Grand Hotel, 1932). Once-mighty Warner
Brothers, the studio that had brought Jolson to the screen, fell on hard fi-
nancial times. In 1932, with losses in the industry running rampant, and an
economic depression wracking the nation, only seven musicals reached
movie screens.
With little to lose, in 1933 an almost-bankrupt Warner Brothers released
42nd Street. Categorized as a "backstage musical" because it supposedly gives
the audience an insider's view of the doings of the cast, it helped create the
myth of the gutsy chorine, the young woman who fights overwhelming odds
for her big chance. In the plot, Ruby Keeler, a dancer who would tap her feet
to fame and many more major roles as a result of this movie, takes over at
the last minute for the ailing star, played by Bebe Daniels. Featuring a mem-
orable score by Harry Warren and Al Dubin, 42nd Street soon recaptured the
missing audience. Its release signaled the rebirth of the type, and its tough
(but not hard) characters allow for some social commentary not often found
in popular films.
Nineteen thirty-three turned out to be the bleakest year of the Depression;
unemployment had reached its peak, affecting some 25 percent of the labor
The songwriting team of Harry Warren (standing; 1893-1981) and Al Dubin (seated; 1891-1945)
struck movie gold during the 1930s. The twoWarren wrote the music, Dubin the lyricsfirst
came together in 1932 to work on the score for 42nd Street (1933), the film that defined musicals
for the decade. One hit after another followed that collaboration, and in 1935 they won a "Best
Song" Academy Award for "Lullaby of Broadway," a number appearing in Gold Diggers 0J1935.
force. The worsening crisis had shaken the country's faith in hard work and
deferred gratification, a situation that allowed directors and screenwriters an
unusual forum. Movies like 42nd Street affirm the old mythology of labor and
its resultant rewards, that singing and dancing your heart out will bring about
good things.
Flush with renewed success, Warner Brothers also released Gold Diggers of
1933, reinforcing the point about the value of hard work. Ginger Rogers,
emerging as a star in her own right, sings a cheery number that challenges
"Old Man Depression":
"Gold Digger's Song (We're in the Money)"

Music by Harry Warren; Lyrics by Al Dubin
We're in the money, we're in the money;
We've got a lot of what it takes to get along!
We're in the money, the skies are sunny;
Old man depression, you are through,
You done us wrong!
We never see a headline
'bout a breadline, today,
And when we see the landlord,
We can look that guy right in the eye.
We're in the money, Come, on my honey,
Let's spend it, lend it, send it rolling along.
A counter to all the grim statistics then gaining headlines, "We're in the
Money" epitomizes the spunky attitudes espoused by many of the era's mu-
sicals. Rogers even voices some of the lyrics in Pig Latinfor what reason,
no one seems to knowand for a brief moment the audience can believe that
it is also "in the money." With all its upbeat messages and energetic hoofing,
Gold Diggers of1933 ends on a surprisingly somber note. Joan Blondell, usu-
ally a wise-cracking comedian, gets to sing "Remember My Forgotten Man,"
a haunting number that features a circular geometric arrangement of sil-
houetted men, mostly forgotten veterans, marching in hopeless circles. This
closing image serves as a grim, realistic reminder of the Depression lurking
just outside the doors of the theater, along with the plight of veterans denied
their benefits.
The studio completed its 1933 trilogy of feisty musicals with Footlight Pa-
rade, and cast none other than Jimmy Cagney as a hard-working, but broke,
producer who refuses to admit that he might be down and out. In all three
pictures, Ruby Keeler and Dick Powell sing and dance, establishing a part-
nership that would endure for much of the decade. Against a backdrop of
gritty realism, the two personify youthful earnestness and innocence. Their
appearances, both together and in separate pictures, captivated audiences.
Powell could croon (passably) to Joan Blondell in Broadway Gondolier, a piece
of fluff from 1935; Keeler could dance (quite well) on a giant human type-
writer in i937's Ready, Willing, and Able, an otherwise forgettable musical
from 1937. But their popularity signaled a resurgence for the genre, one that
had commenced with 42nd Street.
One of the reasons people recall the music from these Warner Brothers
pictures concerns their method of presentation. Choreographer Busby Berke-
ley became famous almost overnight because of the myriad ways he manip-
ulated groups of actors and dancers on the screen. He created a visually bold
and imaginative cinematic style; almost alone, he defined 1930s dance and
the music accompanying it.
Like so many others, Berkeley had come to Hollywood from Broadway and
went to work devising sequences of massed dancers that continue to amaze
viewers. With military precision, his performers, accompanied by the tunes
of the day, blossom into lush flowers, become complex geometric forms,
shrink and expand. It enthralled audiences, their perspective often the "Berke-
ley top shot," an overhead camera that looks directly down on the dancers,
allowing all the surreal shapes and patterns to evolve with the music. These
films also treated moviegoers to much feminine pulchritude, despite the Code
and its restrictions. Perhaps the Breen Office hesitated to censor frames the
studio ostensibly presented as "art." Art or cheesecake, the Berkeley se-
quences are firmly grounded in Depression America. He makes it clear that
his dancers, most of them members of the chorus, sweat and strain for min-
imal pay. They are not elitist members of a ballet troupe, and the working-
class plots address the very real issues of unemployment and getting by as
best as one can.10
As noted, the talents of Irving Berlin, the Gershwins, Jerome Kern, Cole
Porter, and Rodgers and Hart dominated Broadway musicals during the
1930s; this same grouping of composers and lyricists also had a dispropor-
tionate impact on the movies of the period. The Hollywood studios saw what
attracted audiences back in New York, and quickly began to line up the film
rights to their work. In many cases, the dust had hardly settled on the stage
before a movie adaptation of a particular musical went into production. At
the close of the 1930s, over 450 musicals had poured forth from Hollywood,
and a disproportionate number of them had been scored by the same group
Berlin, the Gershwins, Kern, Porter, and Rodgers and Hart.
Irving Berlin (1888-1989)
Most often associated with the Broadway stage and Tin Pan Alley, Irving
Berlin also enjoyed strong connections with Hollywood and the movie in-
dustry. Since millions already knew his music, Berlin's name began to crop
up in pictures from the first days of sound.
For example, in Al Jolson's landmark The Jazz Singer (1927), the popular
entertainer sings "Blue Skies," one of the songwriter's great compositions. It
had been written initially for a long-forgotten stage musical entitled Betsy
(1911), and Berlin receives no credits in The Jazz Singer titles, but since so
many people saw the filmfar more than could ever see a stage playit
promptly enjoyed a new life, a song that enters collective memory.
In director King Vidor's Hallelujah (1929), a pioneering black musical,
Berlinuncredited againcontributed to the score. Vidor, a famous director
of silent films, proclaimed Hallelujah to be an "all-black folk opera." Although
it does feature a black cast, a rarity for the time, white songwriters, including
Berlin, composed the score for the picture. Nothing of any musical note
emerged from this effort, although Berlin penned "Waiting at the End of the
Road" and "Swanee Shuffle." The latter number falls into the category of
stereotypical "Mammy" tunes so popular then.
Irving Berlin provides much of the musical accompaniment to the film ver-
sion of the Marx Brothers' 1925 stage play The Cocoanuts. Released in 1929
by Paramount Studios, this time the composer gets credited, just as he had
in the successful Broadway show. The Cocoanuts did well as a movie, estab-
lishing the Marx Brothers as one of the best comedy teams of the day. "Florida
by the Sea," "When My Dreams Come True," "Monkey-Doodle-Doo," and sev-
eral others come from Berlin's pen, having originated in the theatrical ver-
sion, and demonstrating that Broadway could be successfully transferred to
Hollywood.
Those efforts, along with several other movie assignments, firmly estab-
lished Berlin in the film community. In 1930, he worked on a picture called
Mammy; no longer an anonymous contributor, the composer received full
credit. Al Jolson, still riding on the publicity generated by The Jazz Singer,
starred in the picture. Berlin and James Gleason had written a minstrel play
entitled Mr. Bones in 1928, and Mammy served as its movie incarnation.
Berlin's compositions include "Across the Breakfast Table," "Here We Are,"
and "To My Mammy." Uncomfortable as they might make people feel today,
Berlin's variations on "Mammy" songsstereotypical images and allat-
tracted listeners then, and must be understood in the context of their times.
Puttin' on the Ritz (1930), yet another movie musical featuring Berlin's
tunes, contains one of his best-known compositions. At the time, Harry Rich-
man, a popular song-and-dance man, sang "Puttin' on the Ritz" in the film
and he considered it "his." But when Fred Astaire performed the same song
some years later in the movie Blue Skies (1946), audiences promptly forgot
Richman. "Puttin' on the Ritz" had a new owner, and Astaire has been asso-
ciated with the number ever since. In addition to that classic, the movie also
contains "With You" and "Alice in Wonderland."
In 1931, singer Bing Crosby had begun his march to fame, and Reaching
for the Moon, a film featuring Berlin's music, helped him along. Crosby got
to sing "When the Folks High-Up Do the Mean Low-Down," a jazzy little
number that showcased Crosby's ability to lightly swing, as well as Berlin's
ability to write just about any kind of tune. Throughout his long career, Crosby
would be known primarily as a singer, but his engaging personality led to
numerous movie appearances that gave him additional exposure. When not
in a recording studio or at a radio station rehearsing for one of his shows,
chances were good he could be found at a Hollywood back lot working on a
new picture.
While Crosby's Hollywood star rose, Berlin's presence in the movies almost
disappeared during the period 1932-1934. He had returned to New York and
spent most of his time writing for Broadway and running his music pub-
lishing house. Occasional pieces by him can be found on various soundtracks;
more likely than not uncredited and incidental to the pictures themselves.
Such was the case with Young Bride (1932), Only Yesterday (1933), and Kid Mil-
lions (1934), the last a vehicle for entertainer Eddie Cantor. The comedian gets
to reprise "Mandy," a 1919 Berlin signature song from the Ziegfeld Follies.
But this hiatus did not mean a lessening of interest in film; it only gave Berlin
pause before his triumphal return to the movies.
That return, which carried from 1935 to 1936, involved Top Hat (1935) and
Follow the Fleet (1936), back-to-back musicals that catapulted him to the top
of Hollywood songwriters: Both films featured Fred Astaire and Ginger
Rogers, the reigning champions of movie musicals and dance. Berlin's lilt-
A typical movie poster from the 1930s, in this case Follow the Fleet (1936), a frothy musical fea-
turing the inimitable Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers. The producers realized the importance
audiences gave particular songwriters, so instead of the director (Mark Sandrich) receiving
billing, it is Irving Berlin and his song-packed score that gets credit, and in print the same size
as that promoting the two stars. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
ing melodies for these pictures have long since become American standards,
and they proved ideal for displaying the dancing prowess of the two stars. Top
Hat showcased "Top Hat, White Tie, and Tails," a tune and lyric that neatly
summed up the great movie musicals of the 1930s and the popular image of
night life in big cities. But it also included "No Strings," "Isn't This a Lovely
Day?" and another dance classic, "Cheek to Cheek."
Not to be outdone, Follow the Fleet offered "I'm Putting All My Eggs in One
Basket," "Let's Face the Music and Dance," "Let Yourself Go," and "I'd Rather
Lead a Band." With splendid music and lyrics, the dance team of Fred As-
taire and Ginger Rogers, some of the best costuming and Art Deco sets ever
seen, and cheerful, fast-moving plots, Top Hat and Follow the Fleet had it all.
Small wonder they are still shown on television and continue to be looked on
as almost-flawless models of the 1930s Hollywood musical.
Riding on the crest of popularity generated by those two films, Berlin stayed
at the top with i937's On the Avenue, a musical featuring Dick Powell and
Alice Faye, two other popular favorites. "I've Got My Love to Keep Me Warm"
and "This Year's Kisses" stand out in a sparkling score.
Carefree marked movie calendars in 1938 because it promised another As-
taire/Rogers/Berlin outing, their third. The tunes tend toward the humorous,
especially with "Since They Turned Loch Lomond into Swing" and "The
Yam." But the film also includes such evergreens as "Change Partners" and
"Carefree." Clearly, during the mid-i930s, Irving Berlin enjoyed a long-running
career peak.
No such peaks can be maintained forever, and the songwriter coasted for
the remainder of the decade, at least with his movie work. Alexander's Rag-
time Band (1938) consists of a pastiche of older Berlin favorites, like "Blue
Skies," "Easter Parade," and the title song. Great songs, all of them, but old
wine in a new bottle. Second Fiddle (1939), on the other hand, serves as a ve-
hicle to show off Sonja Henie's ice-skating skills, and the Berlin score lacks
much inspiration. "Dancing Back to Back" (quite a departure from "Cheek to
Cheek") and "When Winter Comes" do not rank among his most memorable
compositions.
Other projects still beckoned this remarkable composer, and some of his
greatest work still lay ahead. The 1940s would see Annie Get Your Gun (play,
1946), Easter Parade (movie, 1948), and "White Christmas" (1942; in the film
Holiday Inn), reputedly the top-selling single of all time.11
George and Ira Gershwin (1898-1937; 1896-1983)
When the Gershwins arrived in Hollywood in 1936, they had by then es-
tablished considerable renown in musical circles everywhere. The King of Jazz,
a 1930 picture put together by bandleader Paul Whiteman, the so-called "King
of Jazz," did in fact feature some of 1924's Rhapsody in Blue on its soundtrack.
In 1926, George had collaborated with lyricist Herbert Stothart for Song of the
Flame, a Broadway musical that involved other songwriters as well. Remade
as a movie in 1930, it changed little, and Gershwin and Stothart's "Cossack
Love Song" and the title tune played to movie audiences. Girl Crazy, the broth-
ers' hit 1930 Broadway musical, also came to the screen, just two years after
being on the stage, but in a lackluster adaptation. In 1943, it resurfaced as a
Mickey Rooney-Judy Garland musical with the Tommy Dorsey band, and
again in 1962, this time retitled When the Boys Meet the Girls, a film saved only
by the presence of Louis Armstrong performing "I Got Rhythm."
Mention should also be made of 1931's Delicious. For that Twentieth Cen-
tury-Fox movie, George wrote a piece variously called Manhattan Rhapsody,
New York Rhapsody, and Rhapsody in Rivets. The first two titles refer to the
movie's locale, the last to a section that suggests a riveter working on a con-
struction project. These themes coalesced into the Second Rhapsody for Piano
and Orchestra (1932), an expanded version of the music heard in the film. Not
as well-known as his Rhapsody in Blue, the work nonetheless shows his con-
tinuing interest in blending popular themes with classical writing. Delicious
also includes more typical joint George and Ira works, such as "Delishious,"
"Blah, Blah, Blah," and "Welcome to the Melting Pot."
As far as movies went, not until 1937 did the public feel the full force of
the brothers' genius. Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers, already two of the
biggest Hollywood names of the decade, made their seventh picture together
and their Gershwin debut with Shall We Dance. A fluffy concoction that fea-
tures splendid dancing and an equally fine score, the movie ranges from the
lovely "They Can't Take That Away from Me" to the happy "Slap That Bass,"
and sweetens the plot with songs like "Let's Call the Whole Thing Off" and
"They All Laughed." Shall We Dance shows off Astaire, Rogers, and the Gersh-
wins at their best. Virtually the entire musical accompaniment has entered
the realm of standards, a prodigious feat.
RKO Pictures, the studio that had released Shall We Dance, doubtless
wanted to cash in on the ongoing popularity of the two stars, but an addi-
tional pairing could not be arranged at that moment, and so A Damsel in Dis-
tress (1937) stars Fred Astaire and Joan Fontaine. Thanks to another bright
Gershwin score, plus the comedy of George Burns and Gracie Allen, the film
passes muster, but Joan Fontaine is no Ginger Rogers. Dancing aside, songs
like "A Foggy Day," "Nice Work if You Can Get It," and "Things Are Looking
Up" lift A Damsel in Distress above the general run of movie musicals and re-
inforce the shared genius of the brothers.
The Goldwyn Follies (1938), one of those "all-star" pictures that brings a
number of personalities together, but not always successfully, sports another
fine Gershwin medley. George had died in 1937, but The Goldwyn Follies had
already gone into production at that time. Thus the numbers heard in the
movie count among his last works. "Love Walked In," "I Was Doing All
Right," and "Love Is Here to Stay" certainly survive the silly plot and make a
IOO Music of the Great Depression
fine legacy, plus the picture also boasts several additional songs co-written by
Kurt Weill and Ira Gershwin, including "Spring Again."
With George gone, Strike Up the Band (1940) served as the final film of the
era to claim a joint Gershwin score. Ostensibly a remake of the 1930 Broad-
way show of the same name, the movie version mysteriously drops virtually
all the original music"Soon," "I've Got a Crush on You"for a rather fla-
vorless score by composer Roger Edens and lyricist Arthur Freed. The title
tune becomes the only piece from 1930 that survives such harsh editing. Yet
another vehicle for the enormously popular Mickey Rooney and Judy Gar-
land, along with the Paul Whiteman band, the movie shares little with its the-
atrical predecessor, but the chances are good that those who saw the movie
never saw the play and vice versa. This same fate would occur to the Rodgers
and Hart musical On Your Toes (play, 1936; movie, 1939), and that, too, in-
volved Garland and Rooney (see below).
Over the years, George's unforgettable melodies, coupled with Ira's clever
and sophisticated lyrics, have proved timeless, the kind of music that never
goes out of date. Although their music pops up in numerous movies, the
brothers actually spent little time writing directly for motion pictures. Drawn
instead to New York and the theater, they apparently enjoyed the challenges
of a Broadway show more than they did those found in a Hollywood musi-
cal.12
Jerome Kern (1885-1945)
Jerome Kern's association with Hollywood began early and lasted through-
out most of his life. At first, he involved himself with revisions of his previ-
ous stage work as well as creating new Broadway productions. In time,
however, his film career gained the upper hand and he finally abandoned
Broadway altogether to focus on movie scores.
With the coming of sound, Universal Studios in 1929 rushed out a sound-
and-silent mix of Kern's classic stage musical Show Boat (1927). Billing it as
a "Super Talking Picture," the production left much to be desired. The stu-
dio abbreviated the original, substituting new, non-Kern material. With im-
proving sound technology, Show Boat saw a second, more faithful movie
adaptation in 1936 (see below), one that played on screens with much better
results.
Sally, a film version of a 1920 Jerome Kern-Buddy DeSylva-Clifford Grey
Music from Broadway and Hollywood IOI
play, premiered in 1929. The producers unfortunately altered the score, and
brought in a new number by Joe Burke and Al Dubin entitled "I'm Not
Dreaming," but at least the Kern-Hammerstein classic, "Look for the Silver
Lining" survived studio meddling.
Sunny, another Kern one-word production, first played on Broadway in
1925 and involved the talents of lyricists Otto Harbach and Oscar Hammer-
stein II. The screen adaptation was released in 1930. Although both the play
and the film have long since been forgotten, "Who?" and "Sunny" live on
from the score.
That same year, movie theaters also showed The Three Sisters, a musical
not to be confused with Anton Chekov's 1899 drama of the same name. A
little-known Twentieth Century-Fox film, it features a Jerome Kern-Oscar
Hammerstein II score of equally little-known songs: "Lonely Feet," "Hand in
Hand," "Keep Smiling," and "What Good Are Words?" Time has been un-
kind to both the movie and the score, since neither can be easily found today.
The memorable "She Didn't Say 'Yes'" comes from The Cat and the Fid-
dle, a 1931 Broadway musical developed by Kern and lyricist Otto Harbach.
The two also wrote "The Night Was Made for Love" and "Try to Forget" for
the play. With few changes, The Cat and the Fiddle adapted well to the screen
in 1934, giving Jeanette MacDonald a good vehicle for her vocal skills.
As his fame grew, little time elapsed between Jerome Kern's stage presen-
tations and their film adaptations. For example, Music in the Air first appeared
on Broadway in 1932. Despite the severity of the Depression, it played for
over 300 performances. Just two years later it appeared on movie screens
across the land in a Twentieth Century-Fox production with Gloria Swans on.
Music in the Air serves as a good example of the Kern-Hammerstein part-
nership. Not their greatest work, it nonetheless gave theater and film audi-
ences the romantic "I've Told Ev'ry Little Star" and "The Song Is You."
I Dream Too Much (1935) features the rising opera star Lily Pons, which
helps to explain its somewhat operatic presentation. The first film in which
Kern teamed up with lyricist Dorothy Fields, the score seems designed
around Pons's singing, no small task. Among the numbers fashioned for the
contralto, "I'm the Echo (You're the Song that I Love)," "I Got Love," and the
title song stand out. I Dream Too Much illustrates Kern's versatility as a com-
poser, but it also demonstrates that he felt more at home writing popular
melodies than trying to fit his style to a particular singer.
The movie Reckless (1935), a non-musical, does offer one Kern-Hammer-
stein collaboration, the title song. Performed by the underestimated Nina Mae
McKinney, "Reckless" gave McKinney, a black vocalist, some exposure to

white audiences in a racially segregated time (see later in this chapter for
more on McKinney).
The mid-i930S proved boom years for Kern and his collaborators, and in
1935 another of his Broadway plays made the transition from stage to screen.
Sweet Adeline, written with Oscar Hammerstein II, had boasted a successful
theatrical run in 1929. Not much tinkering occurred either with the story or
the music, and audiences could enjoy Irene Dunne, along with "Why Was I
Born" and "Here Am I," two lesser-known melodies from the original Sweet
Adeline.
The third film to feature Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers together was
Roberta (1935); it also served as the first, but not the last, pairing of Jerome
Kern with the two stars. Based on his 1933 Broadway smash hit, this popu-
lar picture employed the original score Kern had put together with Otto Har-
bach, plus two new numbers with lyrics by Dorothy Fields and Jimmy
McHugh. The resultant score, one of the best ever for any Hollywood musi-
cal, offers such standards as "Let's Begin," "Smoke Gets in Your Eyes," and
"Yesterdays" (all with lyrics by Harbach), plus "Lovely to Look At" and "I
Won't Dance" (lyrics by Fields and McHugh). If anything, the film score im-
proves on the stage version, plus the movie offers the nonpareil dancing of
Astaire and Rogers.
Given his previous successes, Kern worked only with the most talented lyri-
cists during the 1930s, and Dorothy Fields (1905-1974) has to be ranked in
that elite group. One of the few women to experience success in the com-
petitive business of song writing, Fields' career eventually covered some fifty
years and produced more than 300 songs. Starting out on Tin Pan Alley in
the 1920s, she teamed with Jimmy McHugh for a number of good tunes. In
the early 1930s, she joined the exodus to Hollywood and wrote for movie mu-
sicals. Shortly thereafter she began working with Jerome Kern. Beginning
with Roberta in 1935, they eventually collaborated on five movies, and her ca-
reer moved constantly upward. Dorothy Fields returned to New York around
1941 to resume writing for the Broadway theater, a love she pursued until her
death in 1974.
For their second film score, Kern and Fields created the music for Swing
Time (1936), which also happened to be their second Fred Astaire-Ginger
Rogers picture. Many fans maintain that Swing Time ranks as the best of the
nine Astaire-Rogers pictures produced during the 1930s. If correct, the judg-
ment comes in no small measure because of the superlative score that graces
Although seldom spoken of as a songwriting team (in the sense of Rodgers and Hart, Warren
and Dubin, Razaf and Waller, George and Ira Gershwin, etc.), whenever composer Jerome Kern
(1885-1945) and lyricist Dorothy Fields (1905-1974) worked together, outstanding music usually
resulted. Both collaborated with othersKern frequently wrote with Otto Harbach and Oscar
Hammerstein II, and Fields and Jimmy McHugh penned some memorable songsbut in the
1930s the Kern-Fields partnership created such chestnuts as "A Fine Romance," "The Way You
Look Tonight," and "Pick Yourself Up." In addition, Dorothy Fields stands out as one of the few
women to find success in the male-dominated music world. [Library of Congress, Prints & Pho-
tographs Division]
the movie. "The Way You Look Tonight," the Academy Award winner for
"Best Song" in 1936, highlights the picture. But Swing Time contains almost
nothing but highlights: "A Fine Romance," "Pick Yourself Up," and the lilt-
ing "Waltz in Swing Time." All of these timeless songs became popular hits
and embellished the careers of everyone involved.
By 1936, no movies mixed silent film with sound anymore; audiences took
it for granted that all pictures had sound from beginning to end, and so the
time had come to remake Show Boat, the great 1927 Kern-Hammerstein play
that had been attempted as a silent-plus-sound movie in 1929 (see above).
The resultant production, featuring Irene Dunne, Paul Robeson, Helen Mor-
gan, and a host of other Hollywood stars, presents the original music, fea-
turing standards like "01' Man River," "Make Believe," and "Can't Help Lovin'
Dat Man." In addition, the film adds several new numbers"Ah Still Suits
Me," "I Have the Room Above Her," and "Gallivantin' Around"and al-
though hardly on a par with the 1927 score, neither do they take away from
it. In all respects, this new Show Boat displays Kern at his best.
No more of Kern's earlier plays saw film adaptations until 1941. RKO Radio
Pictures released Sunny at that time, a remake of his 1930 movie that had
been fashioned from his original 1925 play, which illustrates just how com-
plicated theatrical and cinematic lineages can be. In the meantime, the com-
poser, successful in Hollywood, devoted his attention exclusively to movies,
and did not participate in another stage production until 1939 and Very Warm
for May.
Paramount Pictures came out with High, Wide and Handsome in 1937, a
kind of history picture and musical rolled into one. It purports to tell the story
about the quest for oil in nineteenth-century Pennsylvania. The words and
music to accompany this tale came from Hammerstein and Kern. The fact
that Paramount felt impelled to couch a historical event in musical terms per-
haps suggests some timidity on the studio's part to focus on a little-known
page from America's past. Although few recall the movie, "The Folks Who
Live on the Hill," a romantic song that never refers to oil or American his-
tory, has become a standard, one beloved by many vocalists ever since.
When You're in Love (1937), another product of the Kern-Fields working re-
lationship, stars Grace Moore, a prominent opera star. The movie resembles
their earlier 7 Dream Too Much (1935), as a showpiece for contralto Lily Pons
(see above). Not particularly memorable, the best number in When You're in
Love is "Our Song," although Moore gamely takes a stab at Cab Calloway's
signature "Minnie the Moodier" (1931; words and music by Calloway, Barney
Bigard, and Irving Mills). By 1937, with everyone climbing onto the swing
bandwagon, it may not have seemed too outlandish at the time for an opera
star to tackle Cab Calloway and an up-tempo tune. Later generations might
disagree.
Boasting both a story and lyrics by Dorothy Fields, Kern's Joy of Living
(1938) comes across as a combination of screwball comedy and musical, with
the capable Irene Dunne in the lead. The jump from musicals to comedy
should not be thought a great one, since many film comedies utilized music
as part of their plots, and vice versa. In fact, the term "musical comedy" ef-
fectively bridges any gap between the two genres. In addition to the humor,
several standards like "You Couldn't Be Cuter" and "Just Let Me Look at You"
emerged with the screenplay, a bright, cheery entry among the movies of the
day.
For his final film score of the decade, Kern again worked with Dorothy
Fields. One Night in the Tropics (1940) stars the rising comedy team of (Bud)
Abbott and (Lou) Costello. This bit of fluff features "You and Your Kiss,"
"Back in My Shell," and "Simple Philosophy." Abbott and Costello might
seem a far cry from the majesty of Show Boat, but Kern functioned as a pop-
ularand commercialcomposer. In retrospect, it is remarkable how much
of his music, written for decidedly inferior movies, lives on, while the films
themselves have been mercifully forgotten.
As the 1940s progressed, Jerome Kern continued to write for the movie
medium. Only his untimely death in 1945 stopped his prolific pen, but he
had been responsible for the scores of some twenty-four movie musicals. Of
that total, some ten consisted of reworkings of his previous stage plays, but
these often included new music. His compositions also could be heard inci-
dentally and often uncredited in a number of other pictures. His lyricist col-
laboratorsDorothy Fields, Oscar Hammerstein II, Otto Harbachhave to
be counted among the best of the best, and together they made a lasting im-
pact on American popular song.13
Cole Porter (1891-1964)
Probably no one has achieved such sophistication in lyrics as Cole Porter.

He first began to contribute to movie soundtracks in 1929, the year that saw
the release of The Gay Lady, also called The Battle of Paris. The picture starred
Gertrude Lawrence, a major star of the day, and she sang his "They All Fall
in Love." It did not make Porter an overnight sensation, but it did boost his
career.
In 1930, First National produced Paris, a film version of Porter's 1928
Broadway show of the same name. Apparently songwriter Harry Warren,
soon to be an important composer of film scores in his own right, also con-
tributed, uncredited, to this effort.
Several years elapsed before Porter's name again appeared on the screen.
But this absence was probably his own doing; he busied himself in New York
writing the music to a succession of Broadway musicals. Finally, in 1934,
Porter's name once more adorned a film. The Gay Divorcee, the renamed
io6 Music of the Great Depression
movie version of Porter's 1932 play Gay Divorce, had its release. Incidentally,
the aforementioned "Mister and Missus Fitch" did not make the cut. As with
the title, the Code would not allow the language, and no one seemed able to
reword it in such a way as to make it acceptable.
The second of nine Fred Astaire-Ginger Rogers musicals released during
the 1930s, The Gay Divorcee stands as the only one with which Porter had any
association. But the connection proved minimal because RKO had dropped
most of his original score for new material. Only Porter's pulsating "Night
and Day" survives. Con Conrad and Herb Magidson took on the remaining
score; the two old pros contributed "A Needle in a Haystack" and the de-
lightful "Continental." But the deletions from The Gay Divorcee had resulted
in a new and different musical, and all the changes and negotiations perhaps
soured Porter on Hollywood, thus explaining his greater devotion to musical
theater.
In 1936, Born to Dance came to movie theaters. This picture marked
Porter's return to film musicals. Not an adaptation of previous work, and fea-
turing an intact score, Born to Dance boasted a topnotch cast including James
Stewart and Eleanor Powell, two young and rising stars of the era. The music
includes two classics, "Easy to Love" and "I've Got You Under My Skin."
In a curious turn, however, Anything Goes (1936) bears the same name as
Porter's hit play of 1934, but once again much of the original music has dis-
appeared, just as in Gay Divorce/The Gay Divorcee. Ethel Merman fortunately
belts out "Anything Goes" and "I Get a Kick Out of You" in both the play and
the movie, and she teams up with co-star Bing Crosby for a rendition of the
sophisticated "You're the Top." But such classics as "All Through the Night"
and "Blow, Gabriel, Blow" are obviously missing. Why the producers chose
to cut these numbers from the movie remains a mystery, and the substituted
songs, while adequate, do not do justice to this outstanding musical comedy.
Dancer Eleanor Powell appears in another Porter vehicle, Rosalie (1937). Al-
though Sigmund Romberg and George Gershwin collaborated on a 1928
Broadway play of the same name, the two works share nothing other than
identical titles. The movie Rosalie stars not just Powell, but also the popular
Nelson Eddy doing the vocals. The movie resembles the frothy operettas then
so much in vogue, which means that Rosalie lacks much of a plot. But that
seemed to matter little to Porter; he managed to compose the memorable "In
the Still of the Night" and "Who Knows?"
As the decade closed, MGM released Broadway Melody of1940, a big-budget
musical that featured the talents of both Fred Astaire and Eleanor Powell.
Porter responded to the challenge, composing "I've Got My Eyes on You" and
"I Concentrate on You," and resurrecting his biggest hit of the 1930s, "Begin
the Beguine." Made famous by numerous recordings, especially the 1938 ver-
sion by Artie Shaw and his band, "Begin the Beguine" originally appeared in
Jubilee, a 1935 Broadway show for which Porter wrote words and music.
Cole Porter would continue to contribute to movie scores and adapt his
shows to the film medium for the rest of his life. But his connections to Hol-
lywood remained tenuous. Producers apparently deemed much of his music
too sophisticated or "too adult" for movie audiences, and Porter himself did
not demonstrate that great a fondness for the film capital. New York, its clubs,
its urbanity, seemed more suited to Porter's tastes. As a result, a good per-
centage of his most memorable music comes from stage productions, not
movies.14
Richard Rodgers (1902-1979) and Lorenz Hart (1895-1943)
The unlikely pairing of the methodical Richard Rodgers and the mercurial
Lorenz Hart created some of the finest music ever heard on the Broadway
stage. Hollywood utilized their talents, since the popularity of sound created
an unquenchable appetite for movies containing music. With their unparal-
leled history of stage hits, they were natural choices to write songs for a va-
riety of films.
In 1930, First National Pictures released Spring Is Here, the film version of
Rodgers and Hart's 1929 play of the same name. A remarkably quick turn-
around from stage to screen, the show offered audiences the memorable
"With a Song in My Heart," a tune that almost immediately entered the ranks
of standards.
Leathernecking, the title given to the screen adaptation of Present Arms, a
1928 musical by the team, had its screen release in 1930. In both versions,
"You Took Advantage of Me" proved the hit number, although "A Kiss for
Cinderella" also became popular.
Another Rodgers and Hart musical, Heads Up, likewise saw a quick trans-
fer to film. It had played on Broadway in 1929, and appeared on the screen
in 1930, just as had occurred with Spring Is Here. Both versions of Heads Up
boasted "A Ship without a Sail," an enduring standard, along with several
other lesser-known tunes.
Despite its deceptive use of a song title written by the team, Ten Cents a
io8 Music of the Great Depression
Dance (1931) cannot be thought either a musical or a Rodgers and Hart cre-
ation. Instead, the movie serves as a turgid melodrama for actress Barbara
Stanwyck. The plot recounts the dreary life of a taxi dancer. The song, a dole-
ful lament taken from their 1930 musical, Simple Simon, does get played in
the film and fits the movie's story, but that marks the limit of their involve-
ment.
The two collaborated on The Hot Heiress in 1931. Hardly their most inspired
score, the screenplay forced them to create such songs as "Nobody Loves a
Riveter" and "You're the Cats." But they worked as artists for hire, as did most
composers and lyricists, both on Broadway and in Hollywood; their job called
for providing music appropriate to the project, and sometimes that meant
some rather forgettable tunes.
In the depths of the Depression, the pair did create Love Me Tonight (1932),
a light-hearted vehicle for the popular French entertainer Maurice Chevalier,
along with Jeanette MacDonald. One of the best Rodgers and Hart scores
ever, it featured "Mimi," "Isn't It Romantic?" "Lover," and the title song. If
anyone needed proof that the movies could provide escapism, Love Me Tonight
should do that job well.
The Phantom President (1932) featured an all-star cast consisting of George
M. Cohan, Jimmy Durante, and Claudette Colbert. Given a line-up like that,
this musical should have been more. Even the Rodgers and Hart score lacks
anything memorable, although "Give Her a Kiss" comes close.
The two got back on track with Hallelujah, I'm a Bum! (1933), a musical
comedy featuring Al Jolson. The film captures some of the essence of the De-
pression in Ben Hecht's and S.N. Behrman's literate script, much of which
the authors wrote in rhyme. Unemployment and money worries drive the
story, and Rodgers and Hart responded with songs like "You Are Too Beau-
tiful" and "I'll Do It Again," plus a good Depression number, "What Do You
Want with Money?" They even appear in uncredited cameos in the picture.
With the success of such movies as 42nd Street and Gold Diggers oj1933, the
industry began to look more favorably on musicals. In an attempt to attract
larger audiences to that format, the studios would every so often trot out their
most popular stars in films that harked back to the revues of Broadway. Such
was the case with Dancing Lady (1933) and Hollywood Party (1934), both pro-
duced by MGM. The first picture stars Joan Crawford, Clark Gable, Nelson
Eddy, and provided Fred Astaire his film debut. It also gave musical teams
like Harold Adamson and Burton Lane, Jimmy McHugh and Dorothy Fields,
Nacio Herb Brown and Arthur Freed, as well as Richard Rodgers and Lorenz
Hart, an opportunity to create a musical backdrop. Much of the Rodgers and

Hart score remains forgettablethey contributed "That's the Rhythm of the
Day"allowing Adamson and Lane to garner top honors with "Everything I
Have Is Yours" and "Heigh Ho, the Gang's All Here," the latter taken from
a 1931 edition of Earl Carroll's Vanities.
In the second film, Hollywood Party, (Stan) Laurel and (Oliver) Hardy star,
along with most of the MGM stable. Rodgers and Hart, Brown and Freed,
Walter Donaldson and Gus Kahn, and Donaldson and Howard Dietz com-
posed the songs. Perhaps the Donaldson-Kahn number, "I've Had My Mo-
ments," outshines the others; certainly Rodgers and Hart's "Reincarnation,"
"Hello," and the title tune have been forgotten. But their inclusion did indi-
cate a renewed interest in musicals, good news for songwriters everywhere.
That interest spread beyond American shores; Evergreen (1934), a Rodgers
and Hart original, appeared in a British production that was also released to
theaters in the United States. The somewhat unbelievable story of a young
woman masquerading as her mother, the movie contains several outstanding
numbers, including "Dancing on the Ceiling" (a tune dropped from Broad-
way's Simple Simon in 1930), "Dear, Dear," and "If I Give In to You."
Bing Crosby and the two songwriters found themselves teamed in a light
musical called Mississippi (1935). It proved a good pairing for both, although
the major parties did not get along well on the set. Despite much bickering
over the music, Rodgers and Hart created several memorable numbers
"Soon" (not to be confused with a 1930 song of the same title from the Gersh-
wins), "It's Easy to Remember," and "Down by the River." Crosby enjoyed a
hit with "It's Easy to Remember," but he would not record anything else by
Rodgers and Hart for several years thereafter.
Dancing Pirate, another movie trifle for which Rodgers and Hart con-
tributed the music, played on the nation's screens in 1936. The lilting "When
You're Dancing the Waltz" originated with this little-known film, as did "Are
You My Love?" but the film's greatest claim to fame comes from its being the
first musical in which the cameras filmed the dance sequences in Techni-
color.
Fools for Scandal (1938), a comedy designed to feature the talents of Carole
Lombard, did not do well critically. The accompanying Rodgers and Hart
score, about as light as the movie, included one standout number, "How Can
You Forget?"
The songwriting partnership had opened Babes in Arms on Broadway in
1937. A big hit for them on stage, MGM adapted it to film in a lavish 1939
no Music of the Great Depression
production, but one that does violence to the sparkling original score. Two of
the hottest players in MGM's fold at the time were Judy Garland and Mickey
Rooney. The studio cast them for Babes in Arms, but at the cost of much of
the stage music. Favorites like "I Wish I Were in Love Again," "My Funny
Valentine," "Johnny One Note," "Imagine," and "The Lady Is a Tramp" inex-
plicably disappeared, leaving the title tune and "Where or When" as the
Rodgers and Hart survivors. But the cinematic Babes in Arms does not lack
for music; the movie includes such writers as Stephen Foster ("Camptown
Races," others), John Philip Sousa ("Stars and Stripes Forever"), George M.
Cohan ("Give My Regards to Broadway"), and the veteran team of Nacio Herb
Brown and Arthur Freed ("Good Morning," "You Are My Lucky Star"). Inci-
dentally, much the same thing happened to George and Ira Gershwin's Strike
Up the Band the following year; the play went to Hollywood to be shot as a
Judy Garland/Mickey Rooney movie, and it lost most of the original score in
the process (see the Gershwins, above).
The big studios, although capable of releasing the most mediocre movies,
recognized quality scoring. With a sympathetic director and producer, every-
thing came together and a fine picture resulted. Other times, too many hands
and too many interests muddied up what might have been an outstanding
film. Babes in Arms serves as a case in point. When MGM obtained the rights
to the Rodgers and Hart musical, they clearly wanted to promote the team of
Judy Garland and Mickey Rooney in order to capitalize on the young actors'
popularity. Perhaps with a view that much of the score would be seen as "too
adult" for the two young actors, the studio hired songsmiths Brown and Freed
to create substitutions. Thus the excisions, thus the additions. Actually, a hit
from the movie version was Brown and Freed's "Good Morning," a perfect
vehicle for the youthful energies of Garland and Rooney. Thirteen years later,
in Singin' in the Rain, another MGM opus, Debbie Reynolds, Donald O'Con-
ner, and Gene Kelly gave "Good Morning" a rousing rendition. History re-
peats itself, and standards live on. With such a change in credits and music,
the theatrical Babes in Arms and the screen adaptation become two different
vehicles. Both provide audiences good musical comedy, each displays its own
merits, but any attempts to compare them can be equated with the old apples-
and-oranges conundrum.
Nineteen thirty-nine also saw the release of On Your Toes, another film
adaptation of a Rodgers and Hart musical, this one dating from 1936. Just as
with much of Babes in Arms, the memorable original score almost disappears.
But not entirely. Most of the songs remain, but are relegated to background
Music from Broadway and Hollywood in
music instead of production numbers. Nonetheless, "There's a Small Hotel"

gets its due, and Rodgers' foray into ballet, Slaughter on Tenth Avenue, receives
the Hollywood works of lighting, camera angles, and all the rest. As with
Babes in Arms, however, the film and the play remain poles apart.
On the other hand, The Boys from Syracuse (1940), taken from their 1938
Broadway success, stays reasonably close to the stage version. Author George
Abbott based his book on Shakespeare's The Comedy of Errors, but Rodgers
and Hart made their score very much a part of the twentieth century. "Sing
for Your Supper," "This Can't Be Love," "Falling in Love with Love," and "He
and She" emerged as standards to be added to the two songwriters' growing
list.
Too Many Girls (1940) served as the last movie collaboration of the decade
for the pair. Originally on stage in 1939, its move to the screen did little dam-
age. The score includes "You're Nearer," "I Didn't Know What Time It Was,"
and the tongue-twisting "Potawatomine." Film and television buffs might
find the casting for the movie of particular interest. On the stage, Marcy West-
cott had the lead, but on the screen Lucille Ball took top honors. Also Lucy's
husband-to-be, Desi Arnaz, landed a role in the movie. Despite her promi-
nent part in a Rodgers and Hart musical, Ball's rise to stardom had to wait
until television and I Love Lucy in 1951.
With Lorenz Hart's death in 1943, Richard Rodgers had to seek a new lyri-
cist. He of course found a splendid match in Oscar Hammerstein II. The
new team of Rodgers and Hammerstein would write theatrical history with
their great hits like Oklahoma! (play, 1943; film, 1955), Carousel (play, 1945;
film, 1956), South Pacific (play, 1949; film, 1958), and many others. For the
1930s, however, the pairing of Richard Rodgers and Lorenz Hart also made
history, with the two contributing a body of unforgettable songs to American
music.15
Additional Movie Musicals
With so many musicals being churned out by Hollywood, obviously other

songwriters had hits in addition to all those piled up by Irving Berlin et al.
The brief chronological listing that follows mentions some of the significant
songs that appeared in movies and then, through radio, records, and sheet
music, attained a kind of immortality of their own. In short, these songs also
became standards. Since hundreds of new compositions came out almost
yearly, any listing should be considered somewhat arbitrary and not be

thought a complete survey of the genre.
In 1929, The Broadway Melody, a film that echoed its obvious debt to the
Great White Way, featured Nacio Herb Brown and Arthur Freed's "You Were
Meant for Me." It has the distinction of being the first movie musical to win
a "Best Picture" Academy Award, a rare honor for this kind of film.
Mabel Wayne and Billy Rose combined their talents for words and music
and came up with "It Happened in Monterey" for 1930's King of Jazz. The
"King" of the title refers to Paul Whiteman, a popular bandleader who at-
tempted to integrate jazz elements into his music.
Palmy Days (1931) contains "There's Nothing Too Good for My Baby" (Con
Conrad, composer; words by Ballard MacDonald and Dave Silverstein). The
song remains memorable for an energetic performance by Eddie Cantor, and
the movie itself displays some examples of early Busby Berkeley choreogra-
phy.
A real classic came along in 1932, one of the hardest years of the Great De-
pression. Crooner, a movie about a young musician trying for success as a
singer, features a song entitled "In a Shanty in Old Shanty Town" (music by
Little Jack Little and John Siras, lyrics by Joe Young). The film reflects reality;
some people, particularly hard-hit by the crisis, had been reduced to living in
shanty towns. Consisting of collections of decrepit shacks and makeshift
dwellings, many had sprung up in urban centers across the country. A pop-
ular term for them was "Hooverville," a sardonic reference to President
Hoover. The song, outwardly light-hearted, takes on a certain poignance that
later generations of listeners might miss (see Chapter 1 for more on this
movie and its connections to crooning).
Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers' dancing could make almost any song
seem magical. "The Carioca" (music by Vincent Youmans, lyrics by Gus Kahn
and Edward Eliscu) proved no exception. Their interpretation of it steals the
show in the first Astaire-Rogers pairing, Flying Down to Rio (1933).
Although mentioned previously, any survey of 1933's music must include
virtually the entire scores for 42nd Street and Gold Diggers of1933. These two
movies revitalized the Hollywood musical, and thanks must go to composer
Harry Warren and lyricist Al Dubin; they put the spark into so many songs
"Shuffle Off to Buffalo," "You're Getting to Be a Habit with Me," "Pettin' in
the Park," and "The Gold Digger's Song (We're in the Money)"to name but
a few. Surely Irving Berlin, Jerome Kern, and the others nodded their heads
in admiration.
"My Old Flame" (1934), yet another unforgettable movie song from the
1930s, came from composer Arthur Johnston and lyricist Sam Coslow. Its
host picture, Belle of the Nineties, stars Mae West, who performs the song in
her inimitable style.
With musicals again drawing audiences and making money for Hollywood,
the major studios held the form in high esteem by 1935. Harry Warren and
Al Dubin, the aforementioned writing duo that had helped accomplish this
feat, came back for an encore by scoring a sequel, Gold Diggers of 1933. This
edition included a big hit, "Lullaby of Broadway," another tip of the hat to the
Broadway tradition.
Composer Arthur Johnston worked with lyricist Johnny Burke to create
"Pennies from Heaven" (1936), a standard first heard in the film of the same
name. Bing Crosby, by then a major star, did the vocal honors with the tune.
Although the operetta form has never been terribly popular in the United
States, for a few brief years during the 1930s, Jeanette MacDonald and Nel-
son Eddy made it their personal property. Starting with a surprisingly suc-
cessful adaptation of Victor Herbert's Naughty Marietta (1935), the two teamed
up again for a Hollywood version of Rudolph Friml's Rose Marie (1936). They
went on to make a total of six of these frothy concoctions between 1935 and
1940. Rose Marie stands as probably their most successful pairing; the film
includes "Indian Love Call" (1924; music by Rudolf Friml, lyrics by Oscar
Hammerstein II), the number forever associated with the "singing sweet-
hearts." Bitter Sweet (1940) and Sweethearts (1940) concluded their efforts for
the decade, and the magic had admittedly worn thin. MacDonald was much
the stronger performer of the two. Eddy, an adequate singer, came across as
wooden playing his roles. Nevertheless, the fanciful costuming and Graus-
tarkian sets, coupled with fairy-tale plots and some exuberant vocalizing, won
an affectionate place in the hearts of millions of 1930s moviegoers. The op-
eretta fad gave people a welcome dose of escapism as the country continued
to fight the economic woes brought on by the Depression.
In 1938, Harry Warren teamed up with lyricist Johnny Mercer for "Jeepers
Creepers." This bouncy little tune became part of a Dick Powell vehicle enti-
tled Going Places, but Powell does not perform the song; Louis Armstrong
takes the vocal part, and he sings the lyrics to a horse. What worked then
might seem embarrassing and stereotypical today, but audiences probably
found it hysterical at the time.
As the decade wound down, the hits kept coming. Harold Arlen, usually
remembered as the composer of rather serious romantic melodies, and E.Y.
ii4 Music of the Great Depression
Harburg, the noted lyricist, wrote "Lydia, the Tattooed Lady" (1939), a hilari-
ous spoof of anything in the least romantic. The song tells of the amorous
adventures of Lydia through her many tattoos. This came from the same team
that wrote the spirited score for The Wizard of Oz (1939). None other than
Groucho Marx sang "Lydia" in At the Circus, so that might explain its silly
lyrics. Goofy as it may be, "Lydia, the Tattooed Lady" actually possesses a good
melody, along with some admittedly clever lyrics. Over time, it has enter-
tained generations of listeners and established a little niche for itself in the
annals of American music.
Swing reigned as king by 1940, and the movies obediently bowed to its
popularity (see Chapter 4 for a listing of films featuring popular swing or-
chestras). One of the hits of that year had the title "Rhumboogie" (also called
"Rhumbaboogie"; music by Don Raye; lyrics by Hugh Prince), a number that
capitalized on both Latin music (the rhumba) and the growing interest in
boogie-woogie, a lively form of piano blues that emphasizes a constantly re-
peated bass line. The tune appears in a boisterous Ritz Brothers comedy
called Argentine Nights. "Rhumboogie" may not be the greatest song of all
time, but it reflected popular trends. As an added plus, the film also features
the Andrews Sisters, an energetic trio that captured the Swing Era in much
of their music and would go on to have many hits throughout the 1940s.
Studios big and small also produced many other purely musical films dur-
ing the 1930s, virtually all of them brief, running anywhere from three min-
utes to fifteen minutes. Variously called "shorts," "soundies," "featurettes,"
and the like, they usually focused on a particular band or singer. Since the
typical bill at a theater might consist of two regular feature-length films, or a
"double feature," plus "assorted short subjects," theater managers had to find
appropriate films to accompany the newsreels, previews, and cartoons then
commonplace. Producers specializing in the genre cranked out countless
band shorts to satisfy this need. In an era when movie imagery tended to be
as segregated as anything in society, these brief fillers gave black performers
a much-needed outlet, a chance to be seen and heard on screen by large au-
diences. Bandleaders like Louis Armstrong, Duke Ellington, Cab Calloway,
Fats Waller, and many others often headlined these short features.
A case in point would be the career of the aforementioned Nina Mae Mc-
Kinney (1913-1967). She was working on the chorus line of Lew Leslie's Black-
birds of 1928 when a talent scout spotted her. Soon thereafter McKinney
landed a role in King Vidor's Hallelujah (1929), a musical spectacle that
boasted an all-black cast. From that impressive beginning, she moved to an
Music from Broadway and Hollywood "5
MGM contract, but little work, because producers could not find sufficient
roles for the vocalist. She finally spent much of the decade playing in cheap
productions geared for black audiences. Despite the potential of being one of
the leading actresses of the 1930s, she found herself reduced to playing in
movies such as Safe in Hell (1931), Kentucky Minstrels (1934), St. Louis Gal
(1938), The Devil's Daughter (1939), and Pocomania (1939), usually as a se-
ductress or a woman with a questionable reputation who also gets the op-
portunity to sing somewhere in the movie.
Diverse small studios, with names like Million Dollar Productions or Cre-
ative Cinema Corporation, produced McKinney's films. A few larger organi-
zations, such as Republic Pictures and Vitaphone, also utilized her talents.
Despite the inequities, McKinney starred in at least fourteen films during the
decade, most of which went unseen by white moviegoers. She continued her
career into the 1940s, still playing stereotyped black roles.16
4
The Rise of Swing and the

Triumph of the Big Bands
At the onset of the Great Depressionthe end of the 1920s, the beginning
of the 1930sbands and orchestras, accompanied by lots of dancing, com-
prised a major part of the American entertainment scene. Popular dances,
such as the Black Bottom, the Charleston, and the Varsity Drag, evolved into
new steps, with names like the Shag, the Lindy Hop, the Suzy Q, the Big
Apple, Truckin', and the Little Peach. With radios in many homes, people lis-
tened to jazz-influenced arrangements, and orchestras led by Ben Bernie,
Isham Jones, Vincent Lopez, Paul Whiteman, and many others provided
music for dancing. No one knew it at the time, but the stage had been set for
the rise of big-band swing that would sweep the nation in the mid-i930S. In
retrospect, it might seem a bit strange that it took half of the decade before
swing emerged as the nation's primary musical format.
THE JAZZ HERITAGE
The 1920s have been called "The Jazz Age," a misleading title, because up-
tempo dance music featuring an array of brass instruments does not neces-
sarily equate to jazz. Such music usually exists as pop music with some
jazz-like overtones. Until 1930 or so, jazz existed on the margins, a musical
format produced and consumed principally by American blacks. For the
n8 Music of the Great Depression
larger white audience, traditionally written and arranged songs dominated the
1920s, just as they did in every decade of the twentieth century.1
From its rough beginnings in New Orleans during the 1890s and 1900s,
jazz has relied on collective, polyphonic improvisation. In fact, improvisa-
tionthe ability of players to depart from a strictly ordered scoregives jazz
its uniqueness. Other popular music depends on a prearranged structure,
arrangements that do not allow for such freedom on the part of instrumen-
talists. A song may sound "jazzy," but more often than not the players are
merely reading from an arrangement.
Although jazz has always played a role in the swing phenomenon, jazz it-
self has never been a major component of popular culture. It directs its ap-
peal to innumerable subgroups, avid followers of particular forms who often
disdain other kinds of musical expression. The swing of the thirties certainly
grew out of jazz, but those who embraced swing might genuinely profess an
ignorance about the larger subject of jazz itself. Swing, a facet of popular cul-
ture, grew on its own, not because of its links to jazz. Inflections taken from
jazz certainly appeared in the music, but swing represented a much larger
cultural, historical, and musical event that swept aside virtually everything
before it. To paraphrase Duke Ellington, it really didn't mean a thing if it
didn't swing, at least for a while; by the mid-i940s, however, the craze had
run its course.
Music scholars have long proclaimed jazz as "America's music." Many of
its historical roots may lie outside the country, especially certain rhythmic
qualities and vocal nuances, but the music termed "jazz" grew up in the
United States, a melding of influences as diverse as the nation itself. Despite
such a rich heritage, only occasional compositions have attracted a broad,
mass audience. By and large, that audience has traditionally shunned any jazz
in its purer, unadulterated forms, accepting instead watered-down arrange-
ments that tend toward the simplistic and repetitive, or novelty items that rely
on gimmicks.2
With the advent of swing in the 1930s, jazz came the closest it has ever
come to widespread popularity, that brief period called the Swing Era, roughly
1935 to the early 1940s. But swing itself cannot be defined as jazz, at least
not jazz in any academic definition of the term. It, too, exists as an amalgam,
a mix of jazz, dance music, popular songs, and standards that receive a rhyth-
mic emphasis that causes them to "swing."
In swing, the blending of these various components, along with tight in-
strumental arranging, results in a form of popular music that relies on en-
The Rise of Swing and the Triumph of the Big Bands 119
semble playing, not individual improvisation. The end result might contain
considerable jazz-like phrasing, even at times including brilliant, improvised
passages, but such contributions go to the collective whole. The music re-
mains swing, not jazz, and the two get intermixed with enough structure to
be palatable for the general public. Although the roots of much swing might
therefore come from the jazz side of things, the new hybrid forswears a cer-
tain portion of its parentage for commercial success.3
THE BIG BANDS
In the 1920s, bandleader Paul Whiteman had crowned himself "The King
of Jazz." Uneasy lies the crown; within a few short years, an entirely new mu-
sical royalty was enthroned: Count Basie, Duke Ellington, and a new king, the
King of Swing, Benny Goodman. Other high ranks included tenor saxo-
phonist Lester Young as "The President," or "Prez"; the peers of alto saxist
Earle Warren dubbed him "The Earl"; and vocalist Billie Holiday became
"Lady Day." But before the usurpersalong with all their many loyalists
could begin their reigns, a revolution had to be fought over the type of music
being played.
The Crash of 1929 hit the music business hard. Two-thirds of the nation's
unionized musicians found themselves out of work in 1933. Paul Whiteman,
the king of a shaky empire, had to release ten members of his thirty-piece
band. The solution to the problem lay somewhere out there, but it took sev-
eral years for struggling bands, record companies, and radio producers to dis-
cover it.
Sweet Bands and Swing Bands
Despite the Depression, a few orchestras grimly hung on, and a handful
of new ones even came on the scene. Most of these groups could be catego-
rized as "sweet bands," a somewhat condescending phrase that designated
aggregations that played in the tradition of "country club music," or "potted
palm music." These terms translated as a sedate and restrained approach to
performance. Arrangements tended to be uncomplicated and soothing, the
perfect background for polite social dancing, with innocuous, bouncy
rhythms that would never get in the way of conversation and dinner. Their
singers crooned syrupy lyrics that reassured listeners that love would ulti-
mately conquer all.
In the early thirties, the sweet bandsLarry Clinton, Eddie Duchin, Shep
Fields and His Rippling Rhythm, Sammy Kaye ("Swing and Sway with
Sammy Kaye"), Hal Kemp, Wayne King ("The Waltz King"), Guy Lombardo
and His Royal Canadians, Fred Waring and His Pennsylvanians, to name just
a fewdrew increasingly large crowds and sold a respectable number of
recordings.4
At the same time as the sweet bands entertained dancers and diners, an-
other kind of orchestra attempted to establish a foothold among listeners and
critics. At first, no term existed to identify these bands, but they distinguished
themselves by playing many up-tempo numbers, emphasizing rhythm,
soloists, and hard-driving arrangements that revealed the jazz roots anchor-
ing the music. They encouraged listeners to get up and dance, but not nec-
essarily to a waltz or a fox trot. These bandsgroups like Cab Calloway, the
Casa Loma Orchestra, Duke Ellington, Fletcher Henderson, McKinney's Cot-
ton Pickers, Chick Webb, and othersstood on the forefront of a musical rev-
olution.
What they played involved a synthesis of two strands of American music,
popular dance numbers and jazz. Paul Whiteman, the deposed king, had
searched for this synthesis, but seldom achieved it. But this new wave of or-
chestra leadersmostly black and thus unknown to much of the publichad
discovered an approach that found receptive audiences who were tired of the
blandness of so many of the sweet bands. The phrasemakers called them
"swing bands," and they lived up to the name. As more people became aware
of these bands, interest grew and other musicians came aboard. Soon, a quiet
shift became a stampede: Charlie Barnet, Count Basie, the Dorsey brothers,
Benny Goodman, Harry James, Jimmie Lunceford, Artie Shaw, and a host of
other bands, orchestras, and combos demanded America's attention. The
Swing Era had begun.5
Black Bands
A number of trailblazing black orchestras, active during the twenties and

early thirties, experimented with new directions in music. Most recording ex-
ecutives thought an insufficient audience existed for these bands, and tended
to ignore their efforts. A few of the more daring companies, looking to niche
A black entertainer who appealed to all audiences at a time of intense racial segregation, Cab
Calloway (1907-1994) proved successful leading a band, playing night clubs, recording, and per-
forming on radio and in movies. He scored a big hit in 1931 with his own "Minnie the Moodier"
(words and music by Cab Calloway, Barney Bigard, and Irving Mills); its refrain of "Heigh-de-
ho" endeared him to millions. Irrepressible on stage, his energy and solid swing music opened
avenues previously closed to black artists. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
audiences, did issue what they called "race records." These usually consisted
of recordings of blues and jazz, almost always by black performers and aimed
at black consumers. The industry finally discovered, when record sales had
plunged with the impacts of the Depression, that a significant number of
white listeners also displayed an interest in this music (see Chapter i for more
on the recording industry and "race records").
The dawn of the thirties therefore saw a sizable audience already familiar
with many different bands, both black and white. Unfortunately, the bulk of
black musicians labored under the tyranny of segregation. The white public
might know about them through the medium of recording, since most clubs
and other outlets observed strict racial separation, and the majority of radio
stations refused to play black artists. The opportunities to perform live before
white audiences were therefore limited, and integrated bands remained un-
heard of until the later 1930s.
For example, the all-black Fletcher Henderson Orchestra could reasonably
be called the hottest band in the land at the beginning of the thirties, but the
restrictions applied to black musicians kept his genius concealed from a po-
tentially huge audience. Although Henderson (1898-1952) finally recorded
for Victor in 1932, the company failed to effectively promote him. Limited
distribution kept his music from spreading, and it would not be until 1935,
when Henderson began selling charts to Benny Goodman, that recognition
came, and then it arrived in terms of a successful white band.
Despite the setbacks and the segregation, rumors spread in musical circles
about a new kind of dance music, and this word filtered down to a growing
public. Sometimes the news got out through swing bands ensconced in large
cities at clubs or dancehalls; more often people heard about it from groups
large and small that crisscrossed the country, playing wherever and whenever
they could. Called territory bands, hundreds of such groups, black and white,
dotted the musical landscape, setting up for endless one-night stands, pack-
ing up, and moving on to the next town, the next venue. But they carried the
message, and public awareness grew.
In the Midwest, Walter Page's Blue Devils, along with Bennie Moten's
Kansas City Orchestra, experimented with blues-based tunes that possessed
an infectious rhythm. In New York City, Duke Ellington, Fletcher Hender-
son, and Chick Webb formed adventuresome orchestras that featured mostly
new compositions and arrangements. Many of the young black musicians
then on their way up played with these bands at one time or another, and the
impacts of that exposure would be felt throughout the 1930s.
Duke Ellington (1899-1974), always an individualist, early on established

his own distinctive sound and by the late 1920s his pen had contributed such
classics as "East St. Louis Toodle-oo" (1926), "Creole Love Call" (1927), and
"The Mooche" (1928) to his rapidly growing repertoire. But Ellington also had
to cater to preconceptions about jazz. His recordings from the 1920s fre-
quently consist of "jungle music," the old stereotype of African origins and
primitive rhythms. That he could both create so-called "jungle music" and
transcend it at the same time serves as a testament to Ellington's genius. By
the 1930s, that phase of his career lay behind him, and his compositions, in-
creasingly urbane and refined, no longer carried any rhythmic racial conno-
tations. "Mood Indigo" (1930), "Sophisticated Lady" (1933), and "I Let a Song
Go Out of My Heart" (1938) can hardly be categorized as either white or black,
but instead live on as part of the canon of American popular music.6
Fats Waller (1904-1943), with hits like "Ain't Misbehavin'" (1929; music
by Fats Waller and Harry Brooks, lyrics by Andy Razaf) and "Honeysuckle
Rose" (1929; music by Fats Waller, lyrics by Andy Razaf), likewise received
popular acclaim, as did McKinney's Cotton Pickers, a hard-swinging outfit
that featured arrangements by Don Redman, a forward-thinking musician
who eventually took over leadership of the band and then led one under his
own name during the 1930s.
As has been the case numerous times in American life, a seemingly in-
visible subculturein this case, blacklaid the groundwork for what would
later become a dominant part of the majority, or white, culture. Lacking the
attractive recording contracts with the major companies, and forced often to
play in substandard clubs and dancehalls, these bands soldiered on, with lit-
tle expectation of the profits and celebrity that more often accompanied their
white counterparts.
The Count Basie band can serve as an example of this spirit. This aggre-
gation, born in the Midwest, grew out of two competing Kansas City groups,
Walter Page's Blue Devils and Bennie Moten's Orchestra. Everybody in both
bands knew one another, including the leaders, and a friendly but highly com-
petitive rivalry existed. Page could rightfully accuse Moten of stealing musi-
cians, and Moten could cheerfully accept the blame. In the free and easy
atmosphere of Kansas City in the late 1920s, the two coexisted until 1931,
when Page caved in and joined Moten's crew. Then Moten got ill and William
"Count" Basie (1904-1984; an admiring radio announcer granted the royal
title) took over nominal leadership of the group in 1935. He then formed a
new band, the Barons of Rhythm, a name that did not stick, but he carried
A typical shot of Thomas "Fats" Waller (1904-1943), an enormously popular pianist-vocalist-
songwriter who reached his widest audiences during the 1930s. Often teamed with lyricist Andy
Razaf (18951973), m e duo turned out such enduring numbers as "Black and Blue," "Honey-
suckle Rose," "Ain't Misbehavin'," and a host of others. A consummate entertainer, Waller's in-
fectious grin and boisterous singing style endeared him to millions. [Library of Congress, Prints
& Photographs Division]
on, playing every club and dancehall he could find, and finally got a long-
term contract with The Reno, a Kansas City nightclub.7
The Basie aggregation did late-night broadcasts from The Reno on a pow-
erful Midwestern radio station, and John Hammond, a young jazz critic who
also doubled as a talent scout, heard them on his car radio one night. He
liked what he heard and immediately decided to find out more about this
swinging group; in early 1936 he urged them to come East for better expo-
sure. Such is the stuff of legends. After a period of adjustment, the Count
Basie Orchestra left The Reno, went to New York (via Chicago) to become a
significant part of the swing scene there, and even landed a recording con-
tract with Decca Records.
With a rhythm section that consisted of Basie on piano, Walter Page on
bass, Jo Jones on drums, and Freddie Green on guitar, Basie could boast the
best timekeeping machine in the business. The light, airy, but insistent beat
kept dancers on the floor and listeners happy. The band additionally featured
three strong vocalists during this period, Billie Holiday, Helen Humes, and
Jimmy Rushing. With instrumental hits like "One O'Clock Jump" (1937;
music by William "Count" Basie) and "Jumpin' at the Woodside" (1938; music
by Count Basie), and blues like "Sent for You Yesterday" (1938; music and
lyrics by Eddie Durham and Jimmy Rushing), the Basie orchestra quickly
climbed to the top in popularity.
John Hammond (1910-1987), the man behind the discovery of the Count
Basie Orchestra, merits attention. Born into a wealthy family, Hammond en-
joyed the luxury of being able to fund and pursue projects that interested
him. At an early age, he realized his love for jazz, and determined he would
make his career in this field. He became a promoter of little-known artists,
he strove to expand the audience for jazz, and he worked for greater racial
equality among musicians.
With his financial independence and outspoken views, Hammond attained
prominence in jazz circles by the mid-i93os and associated with the leading
names in the music business. He wrote about racial and social injustice in
newspapers and magazines, and often found himself a lonely voice at a time
that still condoned segregation. Some of his debates with other critics ran on
for months, and he at times scored major victories. In the mid-thirties he
struck a rapport with bandleader Benny Goodman, the "King of Swing," and
he urged Goodman to integrate his orchestra, a suggestion that eventually led
to the inclusion of black musicians such as vibraphonist Lionel Hampton and
pianist Teddy Wilson in the previously all-white band. The battle progressed
slowly, but John Hammond could usually be found on the front lines.
In 1935, he paired singer Billie Holiday with pianist Teddy Wilson for a se-
ries of recordings on the Columbia label. Considered classics of their kind,
the records went far in establishing the careers of the two, as well as that of
tenor saxophonist Lester Young, who backed them on most of the tracks. Hol-
iday's singing so impressed Count Basie that he signed her as vocalist with
his band in 1937.
Columbia Records hired Hammond as a producer on a permanent basis
in 1937, a time when Columbia had made the decision to build a library of
big-band swing, and the relationship resulted in a number of classic record-
ings. He would continue to work with Columbia off and on for many years,
and eventually had a hand in establishing the careers of Aretha Franklin, Bob
Dylan, and Bruce Springsteen, among many others, long after the 1930s
faded into memory.
Hammond's concern about the continuing racial divide in jazz and swing
led him to organize a large-scale concert built around these musical formats.
Called From Spirituals to Swing, his idea came to fruition in New York's staid
Carnegie Hall in December of 1938, just eleven months after Benny Good-
man's precedent-breaking appearance there in January of that same year.
With a sell-out crowd in attendance, the festival integrated jazz, swing, blues,
Dixieland, Gospel, and even some folk music.
Most traditional sponsors felt reluctant to associate themselves with such
a racially inclusive event, and so Hammond convinced The New Masses, the
cultural journal of the American Communist Party, to help underwrite the
concert. This controversial move tainted Hammond's reputation in the eyes
of some critics, who painted him as a Communist sympathizer, but their ac-
cusations only further convinced him of the rightness of his cause.
Divided into seven sections, the music ranged from traditional spirituals
performed by Sister Rosetta Tharpe, to big-band swing, in this case the pop-
ular Count Basie orchestra. In between, there were jam sessions, boogie-
woogie, and a healthy dose of the blues, the latter featuring Jimmy Rushing,
Basie's star vocalist.
From Spirituals to Swing served as a celebration of black American music,
particularly jazz, and also as an introduction for any remaining white audi-
ences still unaware of the many black contributions to popular music. For-
tunately, the concerts have been preserved on recordings, an important social
document that pointed to the growing acceptance of black music by white lis-
teners. Audiences loved From Spirituals to Swing and Hammond engineered

a second edition for Christmas Eve of 1939. Even with a war raging in Eu-
rope and the likelihood of U.S. involvement, the concert heightened every-
one's holiday spirits. This time around, Hammond got the Theater Arts
Committee, an avowed leftist theatrical group, to sponsor it. Although the
novelty of the first From Spirituals to Swing had worn off, the second concert
also proved a success, both for Hammond and for jazz and swing.8
White Bands
Despite a prevailing public ignorance about black bandleaders, a handful

of white orchestras recognized the musical advances they advocated and at-
tempted to incorporate elements of this new music into their own arrange-
ments. Even some of the sweet bands, such as Gus Arnheim, Clyde McCoy,
and Ozzie Nelson, carefully mixed some jazz-like phrasing into otherwise tra-
ditional dance numbers, although it must be said they did so cautiously.
One of the first white groups to achieve some success with swing was the
so-called Orange Blossoms band out of Detroit, Michigan. One of many bands
managed by entrepreneur Gene Goldkette and his National Amusement Cor-
poration in the 1920s, the Orange Blossoms broke from his organization in
1929 and became a collective, with the nominal leader being an alto saxist
named Glen Gray. The group also changed its name to the Casa Loma Or-
chestra, after a posh Toronto club they had played.
Gray (1906-1963) continued to lead the Casa Lomans into the 1930s; on
the basis of their popularity, they had the honor of being the first band to
head up the new Camel Caravan show, a CBS network production that de-
buted in 1933 and featured dance music along with a bit of swing. Thanks to
this radio exposure, the Casa Loma Orchestra achieved great popularity, es-
pecially on the college circuit. More in the style of Paul Whiteman than
Fletcher Henderson, Gray and his Casa Lomans nonetheless played some
tightly arranged, up-tempo numbers that got people listening to new trends
in popular music. Bridging the gap between sweetness and swing, they could
play the smooth ballads and standards, but they could occasionally let loose
with an up-tempo "killer-diller" number. Many of these charts came from the
band's chief arranger, Gene Gifford, pieces like "Casa Loma Stomp" (1930)
and "Maniac's Ball" (1933). The band swung as no white band had before it,
opening the way for other leaders and arrangers. In 1937, Gray took over lead-
In 1933, RCA Victor introduced its Bluebird label. Designed to sell for 35 cents, instead of the
75 cents (and even $1.00) then charged for Victor recordings, these economical discs helped
slumping sales. They also proved a boon for popular artists. In this illustration, bandleader Ozzie
Nelson, later remembered for the radio and television series The Adventures of Ozzie and Har-
riet, provides a bit of swing with "Stompin' at the Stadium" (1938; music by Bickley Reichner
and Clay Boland). [Photograph by author; from the Bryan Wright Collection]
ership completely, and henceforth the group would be known as Glen Gray
and the Casa Loma Orchestra.9
Although the Casa Lomans led the way for subsequent white bands, no
story tells the rise of swing better than the odyssey of Benny Goodman
(1909-1986). From late 1934 until May of 1935, the clarinetist and his or-
chestra participated in Let's Dance, a three-hour Saturday night show broad-
cast on NBC. He split airtime with Xavier Cugat, a colorful Latin bandleader,
and Ken Murray, maestro for a decidedly sweet group. Transmitted coast-to-
coast, Let's Dance happened to share its name with the title of Goodman's
theme song. The program originated in New York City, and ran from 10:30
P.M. to 1:30 A.M. Goodman's slot filled the final hour, which meant people on
the West Coast listened to him much earlier, thereby ensuring a larger audi-
ence and greater exposure. The show introduced Goodmanand big-band

swingto millions of listeners, and they liked what they heard.10
In the spring of 1935 he parted company with Let's Dance and embarked
on a nationwide East-to-West road tour with his band. Contrary to much mu-
sical mythology that has grown up about that trip, it did not prove an un-
mitigated disaster. People had been listening to their radios, and so Goodman
and his band had some prior fame. Locations like Pittsburgh, Salt Lake City,
and Oakland gave the group reasonably warm welcomes. On the other hand,
Denver rejected his new music. Management and dancers there wanted cur-
rent hits or old standards. Some even requested that he play "more slowly"
or that he skip the up-tempo numbers. Frustrated, the band pulled into the
Palomar Ballroom in Los Angeles in August. But the Angelenos were ready;
his Let's Dance segment had come on their radios at 9:30 P.M., they had been
listening, and wanted more of the same. The concert, a rousing success, lifted
the spirits of Goodman and his sidemen, but the tour still had many miles
to go.
Heading back east, the band played to a warm welcome in Chicago's Con-
gress Hotel. The Windy City labeled the new music "swing"; the name stuck,
getting the Swing Era officially underway. By the time of his return to New
York, Benny Goodman had gained some celebrity, and he and his band pos-
sessed known, successful qualities. In June of 1936, The Camel Caravan,
which had debuted on CBS Radio in 1933 and featured the aforementioned
Casa Loma band, changed its format slightly. Gray departed, CBS hired the
Goodman aggregation, and used Benny Goodman's Swing School as part of its
new title. Broadcast on Tuesday evenings, the refurbished show would last
for three years and then move to rival NBC for an additional year. Ballrooms
and dancehalls bid for open dates; the band toured New England and played
the Steel Pier in Atlantic City. The Madhattan Room, located in New York's
Hotel Pennsylvania, signed the clarinetist and his orchestra to a long-term
contract that commenced at the end of the year.
Since his work at the Madhattan Room involved evenings, Goodman
agreed to play a matinee at the Paramount Theater on Times Square in New
York City. The orchestra arrived early at the theater for rehearsal on March 3,
1937. Although it was a cold, wintry morning, people had been waiting out-
side the building since before dawn; the crowd, youthful and skipping school,
grew as opening time approached, the line snaking around the theater. Wor-
ried police gathered, and finally ordered the management to open the Para-
i3o Music of the Great Depression
mount's doors at 8:00 A.M. Over 3,000 fans rushed inside, and 2,000 dis-
appointed ones milled around on the street.
The Goodman band ran through a brief rehearsal in the theater's base-
ment, then assembled on its ascending stage and rose to the cheers of thou-
sands of enthusiasts. As the orchestra went into its numbers, the fans,
warmed by the music, got up and began to jitterbug in the aisles. Ushers had
no luck in getting them back into their seats, and the morning concert con-
tinued, with dancers surging down to the bandstand itself, the more daring
actually getting on the stage and jitterbugging next to the musicians. Every-
one seemed to take it all in stride, and the band played five shows that day.
Estimates place overall attendance at 21,000 people, far more than would ever
hear him in a hotel setting. Goodman even made a return visit to the Para-
mount in 1938. It all happened againthe audience out in the aisles, the
dancinggiving birth to a swing tradition. For the first time, mainly working-
class adolescents took a musical event and turned it into a national fad. This
was popular culture at the grassroots level.
In January of 1938, Benny Goodman and His Orchestra stormed one of
the citadels of high culture, Carnegie Hall. The event had been arranged by
impresario Sol Hurok, a man usually connected to the classical world of sym-
phony orchestras and chamber groups. But the remarkable attention Good-
man had been receiving in concerts, hotel appearances, and on radio had
convinced many that he deserved a more "respectable" hearing, that perhaps
swing had qualities unappreciated by the musical elite.11
That winter evening, Carnegie Hall billed his appearance as a "Jazz Con-
cert," although "Swing Concert" would probably be a more accurate descrip-
tion. Either way, Goodman and his entourage legitimatized contemporary
popular music for the broadest possible audience. Reportedly, no one danced
in the aisles, but the black-tie audience clearly tapped its feet and relished the
exposure to this new phenomenon.
Goodman himself, replete in cutaway and tails and clearly the main at-
traction, led his big band and also his trio and quartet, all of whom came
properly attired in tuxedos. Guest musicians included such black stars as
Teddy Wilson, Count Basie and members of his orchestra, Lionel Hampton,
and some Duke Ellington alumni (Ellington himself refrained from playing,
but had a front row box seat)performing side-by-side with their white coun-
terparts. That Carnegie Hall audience witnessed how, in a segregated society,
swing could act as a bridge, bringing blacks and whites together. Not only
that, the music also assimilated popular and high culture in ways seldom at-
tempted before. And what happened at the concert was repeated across the
land: any resistance to swing soon evaporated in the face of its sheer popu-
larity. Thanks largely to concerts and radio, but also to records, jukeboxes,
and the movies, swing amassed the largest, most diverse audience any mu-
sical form had ever enjoyed.
After an impressive opening with "Don't Be That Way" (1934; music by
Edgar Sampson and Benny Goodman, lyrics by Mitchell Parish), a smooth
up-tempo dance tune that epitomized popular swing of the day, the concert
gained momentum. Twenty Years of Jazz, a historical pastiche of styles, pro-
vided a capsule history, from ragtime to "Blue Reverie" (1936; music by Duke
Ellington and Harry Carney), a recent Duke Ellington composition.
The concert moved to smaller, more intimate groupings, with the popular
Benny Goodman trio (Goodman, clarinet; Teddy Wilson, piano; Gene Krupa,
drums) and quartet (adding Lionel Hampton on vibraphone). But finally, the
moment many people had been waiting for arrived: the Goodman band's ex-
tended version of "Sing, Sing, Sing" (1936; music by Louis Prima; arrange-
ment by Jimmy Mundy). Previously recorded, this twelve-minute opus had
become standard fare for Goodman by then, but most recorded versions of
it lack the excitement generated at Carnegie Hall. After a series of spirited
solos by various band members, pianist Jess Stacy took the spotlight. He re-
ciprocated by producing a memorable piano interlude, one of those special
moments that could only happen in a live performance. Fortunately, the con-
cert was recorded, and the moment has been preserved.
As the well-dressed audience filed out of Carnegie Hall, they might not
have been aware they had just witnessed a historic event. Not only had Benny
Goodman brought swing and a healthy serving of jazz to a venue previously
closed to those musical formats, he had also stepped on many of society's re-
strictive practices. His trio and his quartet included black artists (pianist
Teddy Wilson and vibraphonist Lionel Hampton), and most of the guest mu-
sicians also were black. Goodman helped to open the doors to integrated
bands and, given his popularity, he had no hesitation in using the best mu-
sicians, black or white, he could find. No one seemed to mind in the least, a
telling comment on the fallacy of segregation.
The Glenn Miller Orchestra turned out to be another popular aggregation
of the later 1930s. He illustrates both the differences and the similarities be-
tween the sweet and swing categories. Miller's band could play the slow,
syrupy ballads, often accompanied by a singer who made no attempt to
"swing" the lyric. But the orchestra could also perform jazz-tinged arrange-
ments of up-tempo tunes that any swing band could envy. Miller straddled
both camps, but he also pleased both.12
Pitfalls lined the road to stardom for Miller, and he labored in near-
anonymity during much of the decade. He tried some recordings with
Brunswick in the mid-thirties, but they went nowhere and did nothing. With
so many bands competing for the listener's attention, it behooved leaders and
arrangers to create a distinctive sound for a group. Just having a couple of
good sidemen was not enough; the ensemble playing also had to attract no-
tice. Without that extra something, the band blurred off into mediocrity, join-
ing dozensor hundredsof other aggregations plagued with the same
problem. With all the orchestras on the road and recording, it now seems re-
markable that so many achieved a distinctive "sound" during the 1930s.
At first, Miller free-lanced, playing trombone and writing arrangements for
various bands; he joined the Dorsey Brothers Orchestra in the mid-i930s,
and there he experimented with riffs and fadeouts, techniques that would
later become the signature of his own band. He also began employing the
device of having a clarinet playing an octave over the other reeds; it sounded
different, and he liked its potential. After the stint with the Dorseys, Miller
continued freelancing, polishing his skills as an arranger. He tried additional
recording contracts with Decca and Brunswick records, but nothing of any
great distinction ever got cut.
In 1937, he took the plunge and formed a fresh orchestra under his name.
A nondescript aggregation, it failed within a year. By early 1938, however,
Miller tried again. He obtained a new contract with RCA Victor's Bluebird
label, a move that encouraged him to go on. It proved a wise decision; in the
spring of 1939, one of his first discs for Victor/Bluebird contained two new
songs: "Sunrise Serenade" (music by Frankie Carle, lyrics by Jack Lawrence)
and "Moonlight Serenade" (music by Glenn Miller, lyrics by Mitchell Parish).
Both attracted attention"Moonlight Serenade" would shortly become the
band's themeand landed the orchestra a summer job at Glen Island Casino,
a lovely restaurant and ballroom overlooking New York's Long Island Sound.
Once ensconced there, the Miller band attracted still more attention doing
radio spots, plus the records kept cominghits like "Little Brown Jug" (1939,
arranged by Bill Finegan), a remake of an old 1869 tune, "In the Mood" (1939;
music by Joe Garland, lyrics by Andy Razaf), "Tuxedo Junction" (1940; music
by William Johnson, Julian Dash, Erskine Hawkins, and Buddy Feyne), and
"Pennsylvania 6-5000" (1940; music by Jerry Gray, lyrics by Carl Sigman)
could be heard everywhere on the air, and people crowded record shops try-
ing to obtain copies. By early 1940, the newcomer had displaced the king;
Glenn Miller's orchestra enjoyed greater popularity than Benny Goodman's,
and no letup appeared in sight.
DANCING AND SWING
Swing benefited everyone: millions purchased recordings by their favorite

bands, bought tickets to hear them in person, and an impressive number of
fans took to the dance floor. Swing could be up-tempo, but it also emphasized
melody; it could be hummed, whistled, sung, and, for a whole generation of
devotees, danced to. Much popular music in the early 1930s was designed for
dancing, and for most people this meant the fox trot, a traditional combina-
tion of slow and quick steps. But dance crazes came and went, just as they do
in all decades. In addition to the relatively staid fox trot, the 1930s witnessed
the rise of many dances that involved the partners putting on a performance,
or to "cut a rug," as the slang of the day would have it (i.e., the couple's dance
steps are so goodso "sharp"that they destroy the rug or carpeting beneath
their feet). The 1920s may have had the Charleston, but the 1930s had an en-
tire collection of dances summed up by one word: jitterbug.
The term probably derives from the jerky, or "jittery" motions that can
occur in the dance, plus in slang a "jitterbug" defined a personpossibly ine-
briated or similarly impairedwho had the "shakes," the "jitters." In some
circles, instead of "jitterbug," people preferred the simpler "bug," and some
even proclaimed themselves "ickies," the roots of which shall go unexplored.
The jitterbug identified a number of distinctive exhibition-style dances,
several of which provided onlookers as much pleasure as the dancers them-
selves. For example, the Lindy (or Lindy Hop) served as a kind of jitterbug.
Some believe the name derived from Charles Lindbergh (or "Lindy," as he
was fondly called), the man who in 1927 became the first person to fly solo
across the Atlantic. In this acrobatic step, "taking off" and "landing" while
dancing suggested flight. Another popular dance, called the Big Apple, com-
bined square dancing and swing jitterbugging. A group dance, it placed peo-
ple in a circle who obeyed a caller. The caller might instruct individuals or
couples to move to the center of the circle and "shine" or "peel," or other silly
terms associated with apples; a fad, but a popular one.
Other dances associated with the swing craze included the Shag, Truckin',
and the Lambeth Walk, all popular in the later years of the decade. In the
If any dance is associated with the later 1930s, it would be the jitterbug. Usually up-tempo and
vigorous, the steps could be stylized or improvised. The perfect response to big-band swing,
dancers flocked to the floor to try out the latest fads, and orchestras and combos everywhere kept
them happy playing a mix of hits and standards. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Di-
vision]
first, small hops and kicks served as the order of the day; Truckin' involved
shrugging the shoulders rhythmically, plus raising an arm and pointing a
forefinger upward. The Lambeth Walk, an import from England, had couples
walking forward and then backward with their arms linked. At the proper mo-
ment, they would thrust their thumbs into the air and say "Oy!" Another fad,
but it had its moment of fame.
Nothing, however, equaled the jitterbug itself. Danced to medium or up-
tempo numbersthe more up-tempo the better, for manythe jitterbug in-
volved many steps and constant motion. Whatever their choices, Americans
turned out on dance floors in record numbers, all in response to the swing
craze that embraced the entire nation. They were "Stompin'," "Scattin',"
"Jumpin'," and even "Beguining." Translation: the four terms refer to popu-
lar dance tunes of the 1930s: (1) "Stompin' at the Savoy" (1936; music by
The Rise o f Swing and the Triumph o f the Big Bands 135
A 1937 photograph showing a group performing the Big Apple, a popular dance of the Swing
Era. Although the word "jitterbug" has come to identify collectively most of the dance fads that
swept the country then, each had its own distinctive steps and rituals. The Big Apple suppos-
edly resembled picking and peeling apples, although onlookers might be hard put to see the con-
nections. The name, by the way, came from a Columbia, South Carolina, night club where the
dance first evolvedit had nothing to do with New York City. [Library of Congress, Prints & Pho-
tographs Division]
Benny Goodman, Edgar Sampson, and Chick Webb, lyrics by Andy Razaf),
(2) "Scattin' at the Kit Kat" (1936; music by Duke Ellington), (3) "Jumpin' at
the Woodside" (1938; music by Count Basie), and (4) "Begin the Beguine"
(1935; words and music by Cole Porter).
Harlem's Savoy Ballroom, "The Home of Happy Feet," became the mecca
for devoted jitterbugs. In fact, throughout the swinging thirties the Savoy's
management had to replace the club's hardwood dance floor every three years.
"Stompin' at the Savoy" (1936; music by Benny Goodman, Edgar Sampson,
and Chick Webb, lyrics by Andy Razaf), an up-tempo dance classic that shares
its lineage with both Benny Goodman's orchestra and Chick Webb's Savoy
house band, served as an appropriate anthem of the era.13
Fast, furious, improvised, or practiced, the era's attitude toward dancing

can be found in the title of a hit tune associated with the Jimmie Lunceford
band: "Tain't What'cha Do, It's the Way That'cha Do It" (1939; music by Sy
Oliver, lyrics by Trummy Young).
RADIO PROGRAMMING AND SWING
Radio figured prominently in the popularization of swing, since it provided

the means by which most Americans received music in the thirties. What got
programmedand what did notalso illustrates how commercial interests,
once they decided that swing could be profitable, attempted to keep the music
"white." Seldom did black bands enjoy significant air time; the choice shows
went to white bands, and major record labels continued to push their white
stars. As in the larger society, black artists found themselves relegated to
second-class citizenship. But swing's appeal transcended race; its audience,
young and liberal, represented mass values, not traditional class ones. By the
end of the decade, more and more black musicians, buttressed by a huge,
youthful following, finally began receiving their due.
As chronicled above, Benny Goodman had been on the air with Let's Dance
in 1935. By the end of 1937, Goodman and his band had long since moved
to CBS for Camels and recorded for Columbia, Tommy Dorsey's orchestra
performed on NBC for Raleigh-Kools and cut their records with Victor's Blue-
bird label, Kay Kyser and his band could be found on the Mutual network,
and even veteran Paul Whiteman had inaugurated a new swing show on CBS
for Chesterfields (he would be replaced by Glenn Miller in 1939). The biggest
of the new crop of radio shows turned out to be a CBS venture, The Satur-
day Night Swing Club (1936-1939). Virtually every major swing aggregation
played this popular show, although the studio orchestra, led by Leith Stevens
and made up of top sidemen, could easily hold its own. But anywhere one
turned the dial, swing was king. By 1940, estimates had over 200 dance
bands of one kind and another traveling the landscape, playing concerts,
dances, radio shows, and making recordings.
The networks, sensing the appeal of the big bands, made them the spot-
light orchestras for numerous popular shows. For example, The Fitch Band-
wagon (1938-1948), Kay Kyser's Kollege of Musical Knowledge (1937-1949), The
Chesterfield Quarter-Hour (1931-1933), The Old Gold Show (1934), The Camel
Combining a crowd-pleasing mix of music and comedy, Kay Kyser (1906-1985) carved himself
a niche in the entertainment field that lasted well beyond the 1930s. The leader of his own band
since the 1920s, he blossomed with network radio, creating Kay Kyser's Kollege of Musical Knowl-
edge, a musical quiz show that ran from 1937 to 1949. As the "Old Professor," complete with
mortarboard, he amused audiences with his easygoing humor. With him, above, is Penny Wise,
one of his "faculty assistants" on the popular show. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs
Division]
Caravan (1933-1954), and Let's Dance (1934-1935) serve as but a sampling of

the many shows that revolved around orchestras and popular tunes.
In contrast to contemporary American radio, many of the musical per-
formances heard in the 1930s came in the form of live broadcasts. Stations
certainly used recordings in their programming, but in the Big Band Era
many aggregations traveled directly to the studio to perform. Conversely, the
networks and their affiliates sometimes sent crews to clubs or concert halls
to capture the live sound of an orchestra. These broadcasts, called "remotes,"
meant a station possessed the necessary portable equipment that allowed live
coverage of an event. As a result, many bands relied on radio for exposure, a
time when they could play selected numbers from their "book" (a collection
of scores a particular band might perform) and allow the unseen audience an
opportunity to sample more than a single song.
Radio stations found band remotes a cheap way to present music over the
air. Wherever a band might playa dance hall, a pavilion, an auditorium
the station could then transmit the performance to a network (NBC or CBS)
for national distribution. In addition, any station could make a transcription,
usually on a disc, but sometimes on wire recorders, thereby preserving the
performance. Recordings could then be made from these transcriptions. Out
of all this electronic wizardry any kind of music could be captured, a fact that
led to the revitalization of the record business. Swing and the big bands, in
fact, served as a catalyst for the sagging record business, a catalyst that first
began to have its effects through the widespread availability of radio.
In addition to their remote capabilities, larger stations often retained stu-
dio bands. These groups did yeoman service and could have lineups that in-
cluded some of the best instrumentalists in the business. Their job consisted
of playing for live commercials, background music for dramatic shows, back-
ing singers and vocal groups, and generally being available whenever some-
one called for live music. More often than not, what they played could be
categorized as mundane; no one considered the studio band the star, who or
what they accompanied received the attention. Nonetheless, studio orchestras
provided stable employment for countless musicians.14
THE MOVIES AND SWING
When Hollywood realized that swing had all the trappings of a new na-
tional craze, the studios wasted no time in capitalizing on it. Bands big and
small, black and white, band leaders known and unknown, along with vocal-
ists and singing groups, were snatched up and thrust into movies. The qual-
ity of the films mattered little in the haste to have a swing number or two in
the course of the story. That translated as a lot of flops (Check and Double
Check, 1930), some mediocrities (Second Chorus, 1940), and a small group of
pictures that accurately captured the flavor of this new phenomenon
(Hollywood Hotel, 1937). These movies also gave visual representation to a
number of black artists previously invisible to their audiences and heard only
on radio and recordings.
The list of feature-length films in Table 2 (alphabetical by performer) serves
merely to suggest the intense movie interest that surrounded swing. Most of
the roles consist of bit parts or extended cameos; Hollywood's regular roster
of non-musical stars took the leads, and the musicians provided the latest hits
and some occasional dialogue. But their presence signified a growing aware-
ness of swing and those who played it. Dating from the end of the 1920s to
the beginning of the 1940s, this list illustrates what an important part mu-
sical popularity played in determining studio choices for production. In the
interest of brevity, the innumerable band shortsfive- and ten-minute films
featuring a particular group or songhave not been included unless other-
wise noted.
YOUTH AND SWING
Any study of the 1930s and music must address the importance of youth
culture. The 1920s may have had "flaming youth," but the thirties had young
music connoisseurs, particularly in the area of swing. Thanks to fan maga-
zines, radio shows, and the movies, they possessed an incredible amount of
knowledge about the musical changes occurring during the decade. These
self-styled swing experts effectively challenged the elitist authoritarianism
that had traditionally dictated taste in the arts; for their part, they brought
about a refreshing openness to music. Plus, they bought millions of records,
giving them the all-important commercial clout to accompany their aesthetic
preferences. The old wisdom that "experts" dictated standards for art, litera-
ture, and music came tumbling down in the Depression.
The decade witnessed a democratization of the arts, propelled particularly
in popular music by those young people who emerged as the new cognoscenti.
They understood that even jazz and swing practiced a kind of exclusivity: you
Table 2
Movies and Swing in the 1930s11
Artist Movie and Date
Ivie Anderson (vocalist) A Day at the Races (1937)

Louis Armstrong (trumpet and Mixed Doubles (1930), Pennies from Heaven (1936),
band leader) Artists and Models (1937), Every Day's a Holiday
(1938), Going Places (1938)
Ray Bauduc (drummer) Let's Make Music (1940)
Sidney Bechet (saxophonist) Moon Over Harlem (1939)
Cab Calloway (band leader) The Big Broadcast (1932), International House
(1933), The Singing Kid (1936), Manhattan Merry-
Go-Round (1938)
Bob Crosby (band leader) Let's Make Music (1940)
Jimmy Dorsey (band leader) That Girl from Paris (1936)
Duke Ellington (band leader) Black and Tan (1929; short), Check and Double
Check (1930), Dancers in the Dark (1932), Murder
at the Vanities (1934), Many Happy Returns (1934),
Symphony in Black (1934; short), Belle of the Nine-
ties (1934), Hit Parade of 1937 (1936)
Nick Fatool (drummer) Second Chorus (1940)
Nat Gonella (trumpet) Sing as You Swing (1937)
Benny Goodman (band leader) The Big Broadcast of 1937 (1936), Hollywood Hotel
(1937)
Bob Haggart (bassist) Let's Make Music (1940)
Lionel Hampton (vibraphonist) Sing Sinner Sing (1933), Pennies from Heaven
(1936), Hollywood Hotel (1937)
Billie Holiday (vocalist) Symphony in Black (1934; short)
Claude Hopkins (band leader) Dance Team (1931), Wayward (1932)
Ina Ray Hutton (band leader) The Big Broadcast of 2936 (1935)
Gene Krupa (drummer) Hollywood Hotel (1937), Some Like It Hot (1939)
Eddie Lang (guitarist) The Big Broadcast (1932)
Ted Lewis (band leader) Is Everybody Happy? (1929), The Show of Shows
(1929), Here Comes the Band (1935), Manhattan
Merry-Go-Round (1937)
(continued)
Table 2 (Continued)
Artist Movie and Date
Guy Lombardo (band leader) Many Happy Returns (1934)

Wingy Manone (trumpeter) Rhythm on the River (1940)
Lucky Millinder (band leader) Paradise in Harlem (1939)
Ray Noble (band leader) The Big Broadcast of 1936 (1935)
Louis Prima (band leader) Rhythm on the Range (1936), Manhattan Merry-Go-
Round (1937), Start Cheering (1937), You Can't
Have Everything (1937), Rose of Washington Square
(J939)
Raymond Scott (band leader) Ali Baba Goes to Town (1937), Love and Hisses
(1937), Nothing Sacred (1937), Happy Landing
(1938), Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm (1938)
Artie Shaw (band leader) Dancing Co-Ed (1939), Second Chorus (1940)
Stuff Smith (violinist) 52nd Street (1937)
Maxine Sullivan (vocalist) Going Places (1938), St. Louis Blues (1939)
Joe Venuti (violinist) The King of Jazz (1930), Garden of the Moon
(1938)
Fats Waller (pianist) Hooray for Love! (1935), King of Burlesque (1935)
Ethel Waters (vocalist) On with the Show (1929), Gift of Gab (1934)
Paul Whiteman (band leader) King of Jazz (1930), Thanks a Million (1935), Strike
Up the Band (1940)
Teddy Wilson (pianist) Hollywood Hotel (1937)
had to be a fan, know the bands and sidemen, and collect the records. But
they also saw in swing a new expression of independence. Even the jitterbug,
so lamented by many in the older generation, represented a form of sexual
equality and freedom. Certainly the Swing Era marked the emergence of a
mass youth culture, a culture that even hinted at racial harmony, although it
would be a long time coming. Swing's victory over entrenched interests rev-
olutionized the industry, opening once-closed doors to musicians and lead-
ing to the ascendancy of rhythm 'n' blues and rock 'n' roll in the 1940s and
1950s.16
THE TRIUMPH OF SWING
By 1938, swing could be found just about anywhere. That summer, a Swing
Festival on Randall's Island drew 24,000 people. The mammoth event fea-
tured twenty-five bands and lasted some six hours. That same year, band-
leader Tommy Dorsey cut "Boogie Woogie," a big-band instrumental version
of a piano composition written and recorded by Clarence "Pinetop" Smith in
1928 as "Pinetop's Boogie Woogie." Up to that time, most white listeners
viewed boogie-woogie, an instrumental approach to rhythm that stresses a re-
peated bass figure, as a kind of low-class black music, and paid it little heed.
Although collectors sought Smith's record over the years, it had little impact
on the mass audience. Dorsey's version, however, quickly changed all that.
The Dorsey record sold a million copies and made boogie-woogie a part of
the expanding world of swing and a prominent part of white popular culture.
Within the next couple of years, bands and pianists of every description per-
formed boogie-woogie tunes to enthusiastic applause, and white groups
scored most of the hits.
This appropriation of an essentially black musical format by white per-
formers had occurred before in American culture. Ragtime, New Orleans jazz
(but called "Dixieland"), even swing itself saw the same thing happening.
Count Basie's theme, the up-tempo "One O'Clock Jump" (1937; music by
William "Count" Basie), had first been recorded by the band in 1937, but a
majority of record buyers ignored it. Benny Goodman cut the tune in 1938,
and his version enjoyed modest success. Then Harry James and his band re-
leased a 1938 single that included "One O'Clock Jump"; the number took on
hit status, climbed the charts, and proved so successful that the trumpeter
even garnered a second big success with "Two O'Clock Jump" (1942; music
by Harry James, Count Basie, and Benny Goodman), a not-too-subtle varia-
tion on the original.
Big bands and small groups, instrumental and vocalists, originals and
variationsit mattered little to swing enthusiasts. Record sales kept pace with
all the live performances, reaching $26 million in 1938. Singles sold at the
rate of 700,000 discs a month, their highest rate ever. In 1939, Columbia
Records, a perennial third against Decca and RCA Victor, introduced a new,
The Rise of Swing and the Triumph of the Big Bands H3
laminated disc that advertised much better sound quality and longer life than
the shellac records of the competition. It retailed for 50 cents, but no one
seemed to mind. By that time, eager buyers were snatching up 140 million
recordings a year. Said Duke Ellington, "Jazz is music; swing is business."17
Two national magazines closely followed the swing phenomenon, chroni-
cling its meteoric rise and eventual fall. Chicago-based Down Beat (founded
1934) and New York-based Metronome (founded 1932; an outgrowth of two
previous publications of the same name that dated back to the 1880s) quickly
established large circulations and their readership showed no hesitancy about
voicing opinions. Other magazines, among them Swing, Tempo, and Jazz Hot,
also had their followers, but they lacked the large circulations enjoyed by
Down Beat and Metronome. Regardless, all these journals remained fiercely
combative about jazz and swing, taking to task anyone who voiced opposition
to either. Trade journals like Variety and Billboard also covered swing, but
more objectively, tracking record sales, song rankings, and business matters
connected with the music industry.
In 1936, Down Beat inaugurated its annual readers' poll; a short time later,
Metronome followed suit. Hardly scientific, these polls served primarily as
popularity contests instead of indicators of true merit, but they did provide
indications about readers' tastes at the time. Cries of dishonesty and racism
sometimes accompanied these votes, since the magazines included the bal-
lots within their pages and zealous fans could send in multiple copies by buy-
ing extra issues. No accurate statistics exist on the racial breakdown of the
two periodicals' readership, but some people felt white musicians received fa-
voritism at the expense of their black counterparts. On the other hand, a few
black publications ran polls of their own, and then critics voiced the reverse
charge. Despite the scattered complaints, readers eagerly anticipated the
yearly polls, and they doubtless had an effect on resultant record sales.18
As the decade closed, countless musicians and hundreds of bands criss-
crossed the nation, providing swing to an insatiable public. Thousands more
musicians played in stay-at-home bands; every community had at least a few
dance bands or combos that provided nightly or weekend music. Department
stores and specialty shops reveled in skyrocketing record sales, and everyone
talked about his or her favorites. A heady time, the Swing Era gave Ameri-
cans a shared music unlike anything before or since.
[Note: A number of bandleaders have been mentioned in this chapter; the
reader is directed to Chapter 7 for additional information about them, along
with their sidemen, vocalists, and arrangers.]
5
Roots Music
The 1930s, an era of musical innovation, also marked a time of crippling na-
tional economics. It might then be reasonably expected that at least some of
the period's music would reflect the crisis. For the most part, however, song-
writers either ignored economic hardships or they approached them
obliquely, not head-on. Works that attempted to comment on the times tended
to be dismissedor not heard at allby a mass audience. Still, writers turned
out union songs, protest songs, laments about miners and farmers and mi-
grants, but no big hit topical tunes captured the public's fancy.
What follows consists of an overview of some of the secondary musical
movements that arose during the 1930s. Although the popular song, along
with standards, continued to dominate American music, different groups and
regions often had certain musical forms that also enjoyed popularity. In the
western sections of the country, cowboy tunes had their fans. Cajun music,
practically unheard outside Louisiana, had its core of devotees. Labor unrest,
an outgrowth of the Depression, continued a tradition of protest songs that
goes back to the nineteenth century. Long ignored by white audiences, black
blues and Gospel music flourished despite the overwhelming popularity of
the big bands and dance music.
With radios in many homes, and phonograph recordings readily available,
virtually any musical taste could find fulfillment. Small rural stations broad-
cast country songs and regional folk music; their urban counterparts might
reach out for black listeners, ethnic groups, laborers, or other minority audi-
ences largely ignored by the major networks. Via these modern electronic
media, the demassification of American music began in earnest, a process
that would accelerate through the rest of the twentieth century. Today,
"rock"in the broadest of termsserves as the leading form of American
popular music, but no single style completely dominates what people hear.
Soft rock, hard rock, easy listening, Top 40, country, golden oldies, traditional,
avant gardeeach has its fans, and what strikes people's fancy one place may
be ignored in another. Your Hit Parade (discussed in Chapter 1), on the other
hand, spoke for an overwhelming majority in the later 1930s, whereas no
such voice of inclusiveness would be possible today. The seeds of musical di-
versity had germinated during the Depression. They might not bloom until
some years later, but already the first shoots were poking through the sur-
face.
COUNTRY AND WESTERN MUSIC
It may seem hard to believe that most Americans had little acquaintance
with country/Western music during the 1930s. True, the style possessed a
base of fervent fans, but they constituted a distinct demographic minority, a
"niche audience" in media parlance, one that had little voice in most popu-
lar music of the time. As such, it enjoyed little national airplay (but with the
exceptions noted in the paragraphs below), and individual record sales sel-
dom approached the figures attained by swing bands and big-name vocalists.
Your Hit Parade, for example, almost never featured a "country" song in its
weekly countdowns.
In spite of these obstacles, country music began to make its first appear-
ances on radio stations in the mid- to late 1920s. WLS, a Chicago-based sta-
tion, first broadcast The Barn Dance in 1924. The creation of George D. Hay,
one of the early promoters of country music for radio, it proved a commer-
cial success. The show would run on WLS until 1933, at which time NBC
picked it up for network transmission. NBC changed the name to The Na-
tional Barn Dance and retained the show until 1942. WLS continued carrying
it until i960; after a station format change, rival WGN took it over and ran
it until 1969. During the Depression years, Alka-Seltzer, a pain remedy, pro-
vided continuous sponsorship, a fact that suggests a sizable hstenership and
continuing sales.
Roots Music 147
With a strong signal and a location in the essentially rural Midwest, WLS
proved an ideal venue for such a show. A fixture on Saturday evenings, The
National Barn Dance competed directly with a similar show, Grand Ole Opry
(see below). WLS, which had been launched by merchandising giant Sears,
Roebuck (the call letters stand for "World's Largest Store"), reflected in its
programming the large rural audience that also bought many items from the
famous Sears catalog.
The music played on The National Barn Dance came from many sources:
primarily country tunes, but also swing, pop numbers, and plenty of silliness.
Regulars on the show included, among many others, the vocal duet of Lulu
Belle (b. Myrtle Cooper) and Scotty (Scott Wiseman, her husband); Henry
Burr, a crooner; and the Hoosier Hot Shots, a comedy quartet that enjoyed
considerable regional popularity. Originally in vaudeville, the Hot Shots came
to prominence in 1933 after their exposure on The National Barn Dance, and
soon ranked as one of the top musical novelty acts of the day. In addition to
vocalizing and on-stage antics, they employed a slide whistle and clarinet as
their lead instruments, added a washboard for rhythm, with a result that
might be classified as hillbilly hokum. Their repertoire included such num-
bers as "From the Indies to the Andes in His Undies," "I Like Bananas Be-
cause They Have No Bones," and "The Coat and the Pants Do All the Work."
Audiences loved it all, making them the precursors of groups like Spike Jones
and His City Slickers.
Since it billed itself as a "Barn Dance," callers provided instructions to ac-
tual on-stage square dancers, a radio concept perhaps difficult to conceive for
those raised in a visual television age. In addition to the musical acts and the
dancing, various comedians did their routines, and everyone performed in
costume for the studio audience. The show soon outgrew WLS's studio fa-
cilities and had to move to a large Chicago theater, but it continued to be as-
sociated with the radio station. Whereas movie tickets cost only a dime, it
took ninety cents to gain entrance to The National Barn Dance, making it one
of the few radio shows that charged admission. Even in the dark days of the
Depression, it took months of waiting to obtain a reservation to the show.
In 1925, WSM, a Nashville, Tennessee, station, commenced broadcasting
WSM Barn Dance, a direct competitor to The National Barn Dance. Also de-
veloped by George D. Hay, he had no hesitation in making a reference to his
popular WLS creation. In 1927, the show changed its name to Grand Ole
Opry. The "Grand" and "Opry" portion came about because of a preceding
network music show, Walter Damrosch's Music Appreciation Hour (see Chap-
ter 6). Listeners to that show occasionally heard grand opera, and so the hu-
morous play on words. Thanks to WSM's strong signal and its location in the
southern Appalachians, Grand Ole Opry soon attracted a wide audience on
Saturday nights, its regular time. NBC, already leading the country field with
The National Barn Dance, picked up the show for network audiences in 1939,
keeping it in the schedule until 1957. Throughout the 1930s, listeners could
therefore hear both The National Barn Dance and Grand Ole Opry in back-to-
back time slots. Even after NBC dropped the show, WSM has continued its
Opry radio broadcasts into the present.
Often called a "hillbilly show," Grand Ole Opry made no effort to alter that
perception. It relied on rustic humor, costumes, and numerous amateur mu-
sicians, many from the surrounding hills. In time, the show grew more pol-
ished, but it never forsook its rural roots. Like its Chicago counterpart, Grand
Ole Opry quickly outgrew its WSM studios and began to perform in a series
of Nashville theaters and auditoriums. Audiences traveled for miles to be
present for Dr. Humphrey Bate and His Possum Hunters, Uncle Dave
Macon, the Crook Brothers, and Roy Acuff and His Smoky Mountain Boys.
These two shows, plus the ubiquity and popularity of radio, helped raise at
least some public consciousness about country music. With the exception of
Chicago, however, neither show had much play in major urban markets, and
went instead to the smaller stations broadcasting to more rural audiences. Es-
timates range from 5 to 10 million for their Saturday evening programs, but
those geographically scattered listeners did not have a significant impact on
national radio ratings. Given the localized success of The National Barn Dance
and Grand Ole Opry, other country radio shows proliferated, but none could
match the audience for these originals.1
The National Barn Dance and Grand Ole Opry pioneered the popularization
of country music on radio, but numerous country performers established ca-
reers through recordings. Chief among them would be Jimmie Rodgers
(1897-1933). A guitarist and vocalist, or yodeler, Rodgers had worked on re-
gional railroads, thus acquiring the name "The Singing Brakeman." In order
to capitalize on his workingman status and create a shared identity with his
audiences, he frequently appeared in railroader's gear, especially the tradi-
tional peaked cap. These homely touches helped establish his career, partic-
ularly in the rural South during the Depression. More recently, critics and
fans alike have dubbed him "The Father of Country Music."
Whether or not he deserves such a sweeping appellation will have to be left
to future generations, but he did significantly influence the direction Amer-
Roots Music 149
ican country music would take. In 1927, Rodgers signed a recording contract
with Victor Records. At that time, Ralph Peer, one of the first artists-and-
repertoire (or A & R) men in the business, had set up a portable recording
studio in Bristol, Tennessee. An important figure in the spread of country
music through the South, Peer had an ear for new talent. He guided Rodgers
through the process of cutting records, and these early efforts did well enough
that Peer and Victor encouraged Rodgers to do more.
In subsequent recordings, Rodgers branched out, incorporating his trade-
mark yodels into the music. His "Blue Yodel" (1927-1928) series consisted
of thirteen songs incorporating yodels into their structure. "Blue Yodel #1 (T
for Texas)" became one of his early hits, establishing him as an innovative
musician. Others"Blue Yodel #4 (California Blues)" and "Blue Yodel #8
(Muleskinner Blues)"also enjoyed some celebrity.
By incorporating generous elements of black blues and jazz into his music,
Rodgers earned the respect of both blues and jazz players. His compositions
became an amalgam of varied styles, and all the while it attracted diverse ad-
mirers. A true entertainer, he could incorporate the steel guitars of Hawaii in
"Everybody Does It in Hawaii" (ca. 1930), and traditional pop elements in
"My Blue-Eyed Jane" (1933). Rodgers died prematurely from tuberculosis in
1933, but not before recording "Whipping that Old T.B. Blues" and "T.B.
Blues" (both 1933). In 1929, a short film came out that showed Rodgers per-
forming. Called The Singing Brakeman, it has the distinction of being the first
movie that starred a country artist.
During his brief recording career, Rodgers cut over 100 songs, and his es-
timated total sales exceeded 12 million records over a span of just seven years.
Most of those sales went to rural and small-town buyers, although he un-
doubtedly had some urban fans. Despite his impressive output and sales,
Rodgers cannot be thought of as a mainstream performer. He seldom ap-
peared on radioneither The National Barn Dance nor Grand Ole Opry took
advantage of his talentshis movie work consisted of the above short, and
so he remained on the periphery of national show business. His greatest
recognition came after his death, not during his lifetime.2
At the same 1927 Bristol session where Rodgers first recorded, a soon-to-
be famous family also made its recording debut under the direction of Ralph
Peer. Led by A. P. Carter (1891-1960), and including his wife Sara
(1898-1979) and sister-in-law Maybelle (1909-1978), the Carter Family cut
several sides for Victor. The discs did well enough that a year later they
recorded "Keep on the Sunny Side," their signature song.
Innumerable small labels proliferated during the 1930s. Romeo Records, initially a part of the
larger Cameo Records group, could be found in S. H. Kress variety stores. The American Record
Company (ARC) acquired Romeo in 1931 and continued selling the 25-cent discs until 1939. The
Carter Family, led by A. P. Carter, accompanied by his wife Sara and sister-in-law Maybelle, could
be counted among the many varied performers who cut sides for these struggling labels. With
a background in Southern rural churches, the Carters emerged as one of the first country music
groups to be recorded. [Photograph by author; from the Bryan Wright Collection]
Other early recordings like "Wabash Cannonball," "I'm Thinking Tonight

of My Blue Eyes," and "Will You Miss Me when I'm Gone?" gradually circu-
lated throughout the South and Southwest, establishing the Carter Family's
name. One particular Victor recording, "Wildwood Flower" (1928; re-
recorded in 1935), attained considerable stature in country music, selling over
100,000 copies by the early 1930s. The story of a jilted woman, it featured
Sara's singing and Maybelle's guitar. When Peer left Victor and moved to the
ARC label (see Chapter 1), the Carter Family followed. In 1936 they signed
with the new Decca enterprise. More family members joined the group, and
the Carters became a force in country music. Like Jimmy Rodgers, they were
prolific in their output, releasing over 250 sides between 1927 and 1943, the
year the original trio broke up with Sara's departure.
Roots Music 151
During the 1930s, Sara played autoharp and sang in a distinctive alto, and
A. P. (as most knew him) sang bass. Maybelle, capable as a soprano, distin-
guished herself on guitar, employing a new, innovative melodic style that put
the instrument in a lead role instead of just rhythm. Her technique found
many appreciative listeners and would come to be a part of country music.
The trio's utilization of vocal harmony, along with Maybelle's strong guitar
work, shaped both country and bluegrass music for years to come.
A. P. Carter liked to travel through the isolated regions of the mountainous
Southeast, collecting old Appalachian songs, hymns, and lyrics from the peo-
ple who lived there. The trio would then transcribe his findings into arrange-
ments they could perform. Despite their emphasis on traditional music, the
group would on occasion delve into topicality. In 1936, A. P. wrote "No De-
pression (in Heaven)," a tune that acknowledged the world beyond their im-
mediate region.
In the late 1930s, the Carter Family traveled to Del Rio, Texas. There, they
crossed the border into Mexico to perform on radio station XERA in Ciudad
Acuna. A powerful500,000 wattsAM operation, unemcumbered by FCC
regulations, XERA traded in questionable advertising, medical fraud, right-
wing politics, and fundamentalist religion. The Carters, however, seemed
blissfully ignorant of those aspects of the station's broadcasting, or maybe
they just needed the money paid them. At any rate, they did two shows a day,
aiming their music at unseen audiences hundreds of miles away. This wide-
spread exposure allowed the Carters to be heard and known by more people
than they could imagine.
Maybelle's daughter, June Carter (1929-2003), joined the group in 1939.
In time, June Carter would marry (her third marriage) in 1968 none other
than a rising country singer named Johnny Cash (1932-2003). Henceforth,
she carried the name June Carter Cash and emerged as a popular country en-
tertainer. Rosanne Cash (b. 1956), Johnny's daughter from a previous mar-
riage, became June Carter's stepdaughter, and thus continued a musical
dynasty.3
Because of the Depression, musicians of every stripe, urban and rural,
found concerts and even small club dates difficult to procure. No one had the
ready cash to pay them for performing. In order for listeners to know about
them, it became essential to have recording contracts and radio exposure. In
addition, jukeboxes contributed to the expansion and popularity of country
music. Found everywhere, especially in the rural South at bars and cafes, their
selections varied by region and demographics. As might be expected, those
in many roadside eateries included some country and hillbilly music. Per-
formers not likely to be heard on most radio stations could therefore at times
be found on jukebox menus, and this availability stimulated record sales (see
Chapter i for more on the jukebox phenomenon). 4
Sound movies similarly influenced who listened to what. For example,
Westerns have long been a popular genre in film. A number of cowboy ac-
tors achieved stardom when they sang in their own pictures. Examples from
the 1930s would include Bob Baker, Dick Foran, Ken Maynard, and Tex Rit-
ter, but Gene Autry (1907-1998) and Roy Rogers (1911-1998) emerged as the
most successful of "the Singing Cowboys," virtually defining the type.
In movie after movie, the two vocalized and strummed their guitars, often
while astride their own prize horses, Champion and Trigger. Their success
prompted "The World's Only Singing Cowgirl" in the person of Dorothy Page,
although it seems she survived only two films. Collectively, the violence was
low and the humor corny in the bulk of these pictures, but for several gen-
erations of moviegoers, Autry and Rogers epitomized the straight-talkin', fair-
dealin', sharp-shootin' cowboy.
In terms of popularity, fame, or even lifespans, the two closely matched
one another. Autry began his movie career in 1934 with In Old Santa Fe\ he
played a square dance caller. He had earlier recorded a sentimental tune that
rose to be a minor hit in 1931: "That Silver-Haired Daddy of Mine" (words
and music by Jimmy Long and Gene Autry). All of this led to a starring role
in a twelve-part serial, The Phantom Empire (1934). Given his association with
"That Silver-Haired Daddy of Mine," he sang the song in no less than eight
separate episodes of The Phantom Empire.
Autry again appeared on record charts with "Tumbling Tumbleweeds"
(1934; words and music by Bob Nolan), a song featured in a 1935 movie of
the same name. And, in case anyone missed episodes of The Phantom Em-
pire, he also reprised "That Silver-Haired Daddy of Mine" yet again. With
these successes, Autry became a marketable property, starring in dozens of
low-grade Westerns. Most of them featured not just horses and six-guns, but
plenty of country (or cowboy) music. Often accompanied by his humorous
sidekick, Smiley Burnette, Autry went on to make such pictures as Red River
Valley (1936), Rootin' Tootin' Rhythm (1937), Prairie Moon (1938), Rhythm of
the Saddle (1938), and countless others. Out of these efforts would come songs
like "Red River Sweetheart" (1936; words and music by Smiley Burnette),
"Mother Nature's Lullaby" (1938; words and music by Gene Autry, Johnny
Marvin, and Fred Rose), and "Melody Ranch" (1940; words and music by
Roots Music 153
The advent of sound films brought about the birth of the "singing cowboy," a staple of Western
movies throughout the 1930s. Chief among this new, musical breed of hero were Gene Autry
(1907-1998; above) and Roy Rogers (1911-1998). As apt to draw a guitar as a six-gun, they starred
in dozens of low-budget pictures that often emphasized music and comedy over the more tra-
ditional shoot-outs. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
Gene Autry and Fred Rose). A measure of Autry's success: by the mid-thirties,
merchandising giant Sears, Roebuck offered a "Gene Autry" guitar in its cat-
alog for any aspiring singing cowboy.
Roy Rogers' film career did not blossom quite as early as Gene Autry's, but
it also took off during the 1930s. Born Leonard Slye in Ohio, he, along with
Tim Spencer and Bob Nolan, formed a musical group called the International
Cowboys in 1934. That somewhat highbrow title shortly gave way to the more
folksy Sons of the Pioneers, and the group began to appear in movies, espe-
cially Gene Autry's early Westerns. Slyeoriginally billed as "Dick Weston"
also played some solo roles in these pictures. By 1938, he had been christened
"Roy Rogers" in Under Western Stars.
Maintaining a furious pace, Rogers made twenty-one Westerns between
1938 and 1940, and emerged as the only cowboy rival to Autry. His pictures
Country music attracted a broad audience. In this 1937 photograph, a homesteader from south
central Pennsylvania enjoys a moment away from his labors while he fiddles a Western tune. In
rural areas, sheet music might prove the primary source of new and traditional songs, although
sweeping electrification rapidly brought in radio and recordings. [Library of Congress, Prints &
Photographs Division]
all serve up generous amounts of singing, and the titles range from Shine
On, Harvest Moon (1938) to The Ranger and the Lady (1940). Three years after
Autry had recorded it, Rogers performed "Tumbling Tumbleweeds" with the
Sons of the Pioneers in Old Wyoming Trail (1937). It seemed only fitting, since
Bob Nolan, one of the original Sons of the Pioneers, had composed it in 1934.
No big hits came from Roy Rogers, just a steady stream of Western-tinged
songs. "The Man in the Moon Is a Cowhand" (1938; words and music by Roy
Rogers and Tim Spencer), "I've Sold My Saddle for an Old Guitar" (1938;
words and music by Fleming Allan), and "Ridin' Down the Trail" (1939;
words and music by Roy Rogers, Eddie Cherkose, and Cy Fever) never made
any major hit lists, but they did acquaint millions with a popularized form of
country music.
Slightly outside what most people listened to or heard on radio or records,
the music in movie Westerns lacked the glitter and sophistication of the stage
music of a Gershwin or Porter. It seldom provided the rich melodies associ-
ated with standards, but it featured a simplicity and honesty people found at-
Roots Music *55
tractive. A mainstream entertainer like Bing Crosby, recognizing the latent
popularity in such tunes, made a movie entitled Rhythm on the Range (1936).
In it, he sang "I'm an Old Cowhand" (1936; words and music by Johnny Mer-
cer) and "Empty Saddles" (1936; words and music by Billy Hill and J. Kiern
Brennan). The latter number briefly made the listings on radio's Your Hit Pa-
rade, suggesting public receptiveness to Western tunes. Successes like this
helped pave the way for the rise of country music following World War II.5
WESTERN SWING
Western Swing, a kind of spin-off from country music, evolved with the
swing craze that so characterized the national musical mood in the later
1930s. The term more often than not refers to one group, Bob Wills and His
Texas Playboys, although many different bands in the southern and western
states, especially Oklahoma and Texas, attempted to play in the style. Wills
(1905-1975) set most of the patterns for the music; competing groups like
The High Flyers, The Tune Wranglers, The Oklahoma Playboys, and The
Cowboy Ramblers imitated him. At times called "Hilllbilly Swing," "Okie
Jazz," "Country Swing," "Southwestern Swing," and "Texas Swing," the
music possessed a blend of big-band Dixieland and jazz, some blues, and a
healthy dose of traditional country guitars and violins (or "fiddles"), along
with some singing. At first, the term "swing" still had not entered the popu-
lar vocabulary, and so people called these groups "hot string bands," but
somehow it all came together in an infectious mix that proved irresistible for
dancing. Regardless of its name, Western Swing remained a regional phe-
nomenon; few people outside the lower Great Plains knew much about it,
and Wills and his numerous counterparts labored in relative obscurity.
Prior to Wills and the Playboys, many string bandsgroups consisting of
guitars, fiddles, and their variantstraveled the region. Often called "terri-
tory bands," because they covered a designated area, or territory, these groups
played endless one-night stands in small towns and dancehalls. Since record-
ing companies viewed their music as local or regional, with limited appeal,
these bands seldom landed record contracts. Or, if they did, the companies
promoted them to what they saw as narrow niche audiences, just as they did
with "race records" for black performers and listeners. In marketing terms,
"Western Swing" and all its variations designated a type of music that would
not receive national promotion or distribution.
The Light Crust Doughboys (so named by their radio sponsor, the Burris
Flour Company) can be seen as a seminal band in this movement, one that
would influence others in the early years of the decade. Playing out of Fort
Worth, Texas, the personnel included Bob Wills on violin and Milton Brown
on vocals. The group's blend of Texas two-steps and fox trots proved popular,
and led others to try the same.
After a falling-out with management, Brown and Wills quit the Doughboys
and formed bands of their own. In 1932, Milton Brown and His Brownies
began to compete directly with the Light Crust Doughboys in different radio
shows from two Fort Worth stations. Brown (1903-1936), an innovator, added
electrified steel guitars, an upright bass, and a piano to his ensemble, in-
struments that became commonplace in subsequent Western swing bands.
He continued to do the vocals, but the music contained increasingly strong
elements of swing.
For his part, Wills left Texas and moved to Oklahoma where he established
Bob Wills and His Playboys (the "Texas" would come later to avoid confusion
with the Oklahoma Playboys). Although he saw to it that his band had gui-
tars and fiddles, he also borrowed a page from the big swing bands back East
by including horns and drums. Tommy Duncan handled the vocal chores, and
Wills himself added some fiddle playing, along with "hollers" and occasional
comments. He eventually landed some recording contracts, cutting sides like
"Take Me Back to Tulsa" (1941; words and music by Bob Wills and Tommy
Duncan), "Milk Cow Blues" (1934; words and music by K. Arnold), and his
biggest hit, 1940's "San Antonio Rose" (words and music by Bob Wills).
During the latter half of the 1930s, the Wills band filled dancehalls and
roadhouses every night it took to the road. The group played blues, rags,
stomps, and syrupy ballads, but they could also play real jazz and swing num-
bers. They performed hillbilly songs and novelties, but sounded best when
they stuck to swing with a Western touch. Yet Wills and the Playboys had no
real following outside Texas and some neighboring states. Within their terri-
tory, however, they capitalized on radio broadcasts and record purchases to
create a hybrid that utilized both country music and swing.6
WOODY GUTHRIE (1912-1967)
Occupying a curious middle ground between country music and protest

songs, and with a generous helping of folk, blues, and popular tunes thrown
Roots Music 157
in the mix, balladeer Woody Guthrie has come down to the present as a major
voice in the left-wing movements of the thirties. Something of a generaliza-
tion, and part of the contemporary nostalgia about the decade, Guthrie's rep-
utation did grow during the 1930s, but he enjoyed at best a limited following.
His "So Long, It's Been Good to Know Ya" (1935; originally titled "Dusty Old
Dust") came from music used in a traditional work by Carson Robison called
"Ballad of Billy the Kid" (1930); Guthrie reworked it and added his own words.
Among his best-known compositions, it has entered music annals as a "Dust
Bowl ballad" and represents his style well. It reflects the hard times of the
Depression, especially the harsh weather and drought conditions experienced
by farmers in the western half of the nation. Ironically, the song gained its
greatest popularity not in 1935, but in 1951 when a folk group called the
Weavers recorded it, a time far removed from Depressions and Dust Bowls.
As a teenager, Guthrie learned to play the guitar and the harmonica. He
wandered throughout Texas and Oklahoma, absorbing the flavor of the re-
gion and compiling knowledge about country music. Eventually he would
compose more than one thousand songs, many of which relied on the music
of others for their melodies. After the limited success of "Dusty Old Dust,"
Guthrie journeyed to Los Angeles and in 1937 landed a radio program. He
co-starred with singer Maxine Crissmanwho billed herself as "Lefty Lou"
and the two talked and sang for two years as Woody and Lefty Lou, develop-
ing a dedicated audience in the process.
A tireless songwriter, Guthrie continued to compose while on the West
Coast. He celebrated outlaws ("Pretty Boy Floyd," 1939), the dispossessed ("I
Ain't Got No Home," "Dust Bowl Refugees," both 1938), and the poor ("If
You Ain't Got the Do Re Mi," 1937). As the 1930s wound down, much of his
music took on more of a political edge, and by the 1940s he had moved to
compositions about the labor movement and social inequities and injustices.
But, contrary to much popular belief, that segment of Guthrie's career took
place after the 1930s.
In 1938, he also wrote a newspaper column for The People's World, a Com-
munist periodical based in Los Angeles. Called "Woody Sez," the column pre-
sented Guthrie as something of a homespun, populist philosopher. In it, he
espoused the causes of working people and farmers, a thread that he would
amplify in his music. Since The People's World had Communist Party con-
nections, his association with the paper tainted his reputation in the eyes of
many and would haunt him during the 1940s and 1950s, a time of rabid anti-
communism.
Guthrie left Los Angeles and went to New York City in 1939 to pursue
commercial recording. Here he would write "This Land Is Your Land," a kind
of alternative national anthem for many during the turbulent 1960s and
1970s. The melody came from a country blues called "Rock of Ages" by Blind
Willie Davis. The Carter Family (see above) had recorded this song as "When
the World's on Fire," and it featured Maybelle Carter in her distinctive guitar
style. Guthrie, who had few qualms about "borrowing" the music of others,
incorporated the Carter version into his own composition. He himself did not
record "This Land Is Your Land" until 1944 in a series of sessions for Folk-
ways Records. Made immensely more famous in later recordings by such
widely popular artists as Bob Dylan (1961), Pete Seeger (1962), and Peter,
Paul, and Mary (1962), "This Land Is Your Land" displays Guthrie's yearn-
ing for social equality among all Americans, and serves as a fitting summa-
tion of his career (see also the next section).7
LABOR AND PROTEST MUSIC
The Great Depression affected everyone, particularly those in the lower eco-
nomic echelons such as laborers and farmers. Often ignored in popular cul-
ture, these groups occasionally found a small voice through music. Although
the audience tended to be limited to those involved in a particular struggle
or victims of an injustice, protest music flowered during the 1930s as people
tried to articulate their woes and anger through song.
Woody Guthrie, possibly the best-known author of protest music, has been
identified as a spokesman for the dispossessed and downtrodden. He also
wrote a number of pro-labor, anti-business songs that endeared him to work-
ers and enraged "the bosses," "the fat cats," "the Big Crooks," "the Greedy
Rich Folks"those whom he perceived as manipulating and controlling the
fate of ordinary working-class people. Most of these songs, such as "Union
Maid" (1940), "Boomtown Bill" (1942), and "Ludlow Massacre" (1944), came
out after the 1930s had drawn to a close and fall outside the limits of this
study.
Sarah Ogan Gunning (1910-1983), a name not so familiar as Guthrie's,
often sang alongside him. They even co-wrote several labor songs. She com-
posed her music from personal experience and tended to be direct in her
quest for solutions, usually opting for union membership as the way to sur-
vive oppressive conditions. Among her pro-union songs are "Come All Ye
Roots Music 159
Coal Miners" (1931) and "Dreadful Memories" (1932), laments about the fate
of miners and their impoverished families in Harlan County, Kentucky.
Not all the music of the period concerned itself with coal mining. Textile
workers likewise attempted to organize and a number of 1930s songs com-
memorate their battles. Dave McCarn (1905-1964) recorded "Cotton Mill
Colic" in 1930, a significant contribution to the movement. He also wrote
"Poor Man, Rich Man (Cotton Mill Colic No. 2)" (1930) and "Serves Them
Fine (Cotton Mill Colic No. 3)" (1931). Bob Miller (1895-1955) displayed sym-
pathy for farmers and textile workers with "Eleven Cent Cotton, Forty Cent
Meat" (1932) and "The Poor Forgotten Man" (1932). Finally, a man named
Dorsey Dixon had important compositions in this area with his "Weave Room
Blues" (1932) and "Babies in the Mill" (ca. 1933).
In 1935, Sarah Ogan Gunning moved to New York City, making friends
with folk singers, radicals, Communists, and others active in the labor move-
ment and musical protests. During her stay, she broadened her palette and
penned "I Hate the Capitalist System" (ca. 1937) and "I'm Going to Organize"
(ca. 1938). She appeared in concerts and recorded her music, some of which
has survived the passage of time.
Similarly, Florence Reese (1900-1986) wrote "Which Side Are You On?"
in 1931. It celebrated the United Mine Workers of America and the National
Miners Union, labor organizations that represented those working the mines,
and urged people to join. The song would be recorded in 1941 and become
a union organizing favorite. Aunt Molly Jackson (1880-1960; a half-sister to
Sarah Ogan Gunning) also composed many titles; in the hard-hit mining
towns, "Miner's Hungry Ragged Blues" and "Poor Miner's Farewell" (both
1933) did well. She also had the lyrics to some of her songs printed in The
Little Red Song Book, a collection of labor songs that the Workers Library, a
left-wing, radical publisher allied with the Industrial Workers of the World,
or IWW, issued in 1933.
Many other singersTillman Cadle, Jim Garland, Maurice Sugar, plus a
host of anonymous performersprotested on the side of labor throughout
the 1930s. Seldom recorded by any major labelsif recorded at alltheir
voices and names have largely been lost, although a number of their songs
were assimilated into laborers' causes beyond the confines of Kentucky.
Working together, Pete Seeger, Woody Guthrie, and folklorist Alan Lomax
in 1940 compiled a book of labor-oriented protest songs. Given the times, the
collected lyrics were considered too radical, and no publisher could be found.
Eventually, however, attitudes mellowed and Hard Hitting Songs for Hard-Hit
People came out in 1967, a time of renewed interest in folk music. The book
contains a varied selection of songs, and serves as a good introduction to this
kind of music.8
Finally, mention must be made of composer Earl Robinson (1910-1991).
Robinson had enjoyed an academic musical background, but chose to involve
himself in various left-wing causes during the 1930s, such as the Young Com-
munist League. Out of this exposure came socially significant songs like "Joe
Hill" (1936) and "Abe Lincoln" (1938). They had a cult following, but failed
to attract a large, diversified audience. Undoubtedly, Robinson's most popu-
lar composition was "Ballad for Americans" (1938; lyrics by John Latouche),
a frankly pro-American song that came to fame through a CBS radio broad-
cast. The network had on its schedule a show called Pursuit of Happiness that
ran from 1939 to 1940. In one segment during November of 1939, baritone
Paul Robeson performed "Ballad for Americans," and those listening found
it a strong narrative piece (see Chapter 7, "Vocalists," for more on Robeson).
Following its radio success, "Ballad for Americans" emerged as a fixture at
the ongoing 1939-1940 New York World's Fair. By 1939, everyone sensed
World War II was in the offing; it had become a question of when. For many,
the times demanded patriotism, and the RCA Pavilion on the Flushing
Meadow fairground featured the frankly propagandistic song three times a
day. This occasion marked the height of Earl Robinson's public renown.9
FOLK MUSIC, ETHNIC MUSIC, AND THE LOMAXES
The early years of the twentieth century embraced many musical formats.
With the rise of recording technology, the voices and styles of many older mu-
sicians, fortunately, were saved. Much of the music of this era fell into an
oral, nonwritten tradition, a tradition that might have been lost had not
recordings preserved the work of these untrained musicians. Music histori-
ans refer to many of their efforts as "folk music," a general reference that
covers various levels of performance and style. For example, the preceding
comments on country music, especially the compositions played by the Carter
Family, could easily be placed in the broad contexts of folk music.
Burl Ives (1909-1995), himself a rising figure in the folk music scene of
the late 1930s, hosted a fifteen-minute radio show (1940-1941) that gave
many in the audience their first exposure to this kind of music. Broadcast on
The sheet music cover for"Beer Barrel Polka" (1939); music by Jaramir Vejvoda, lyrics by Lew
Brown and Wladimir A. Timm). This tune, an unexpected hit from a little-known Broadway play
entitled Yokel Boy, helped to establish the Lawrence Welk orchestra. The music's popularity did
not, however, lead to a rash of polkas; it stands instead as an illustration of the isolated number
that momentarily catches the public's fancy and then disappears. [Photograph by author; from
the Al Harris Collection]
both NBC and CBS at various times, it served as some of the first media
recognition of a largely ignored branch of American song.
Little in the way of ethnic music achieved great popularity during the
1930s. Cajun songs seldom found audiences much beyond Louisiana's bor-
ders. A few regional bands struggled for recognition, but with little success.
The Hackberry Ramblers, Leo Soileau, and Harry Choates issued recordings
of Cajun tunes, but distribution faltered in surrounding states. Those groups
that enjoyed any commercial success tended to Americanize their repertoires,
usually adding Western Swing and country touches, plus virtually eliminat-
ing the trademark accordion, in their quest for acceptance. Any nationwide
awareness of Cajun music would have to wait until after World War II.10
"Beer Barrel Polka" (1939; music by Jaramir Vejvoda, lyrics by Lew Brown
and Wladimir A. Timm) proved an unexpected hit from a Broadway play en-
titled Yokel Boy. For whatever reasons, the public took to the tune, but that
did not precipitate a sudden showering of polkas or other Polish music. "Beer
Barrel Polka" represented one of those musical shots in the dark, a surprise
hit, but little else.
Were it not for John Lomax (1867-1948) and his son Alan (1915-2002),
knowledge of this rich musical heritage of rural America, especially as oc-
curred in the southern half of the country, would be severely limited today.
A Texan fascinated by all forms of folk music, John Lomax had spent much
of his life in academia. In 1932, the Macmillan Publishing Company accepted
his proposal for a wide-ranging anthology of American folksongs and ballads.
He then worked out an agreement with the Library of Congress's Archive of
American Folk Song for recording equipment so he could capture this music
in the field instead of at a studio. Although he did not know it at the time,
the next ten years of his life would be occupied with this project. The entire
Lomax family became partners in the endeavor, and youngest son Alan even-
tually became a paid employee of the Library of Congress with the title of Di-
rector of the Archive of American Folk Song.
The Lomaxes traveled the back roads and small towns of the country,
recording the songs of everyday people. Generous funding allowed them to
upgrade their recording apparatus. They soon acquired an acetate disc
recorder that they lugged around in the trunk of their car. Its high quality of
reproduction meant that future generations of musicologists would be able
to hear accurate recordings, and written notations meant to accompany them
proved unnecessary.
An undated picture of a young Alan Lomax (1915-2002), a man who, along with his father, mu-
sicologist John Lomax (1867-1948), did much to make Americans aware of their folk heritage.
Covering the country's byways and back roads, the two collected hundreds of examples of true
folk music from its original sources, those largely untrained musicians and singers who had pre-
served and created a body of music ignored by much of the nation. [Library of Congress, Prints
Additional funding allowed the Lomaxes to extend and broaden their quest,
taking them ever farther afield. During this time, they made many acquain-
tances, people who would then lead them to obscure artists they might oth-
erwise have overlooked. In 1939, Alan recorded jazz pianist Jelly Roll Morton,
and in 1940 he captured the music of Woody Guthrie and bluesman Lead-
belly (Huddie Ledbetter).
Considering the enormity of their task, John and Alan Lomax preserved a
remarkable amount of music, over 10,000 songs, ranging from folk, blues,
labor, protest, to ethnic. The war ended the project in 1942, but out of their
efforts the Archive of American Folk Song emerged as the finest collection
of American folk music available anywhere.11
BLUES
Blues, the blues, blues musicthe terms may vary, but they all refer to a
rich body of music that originated in the United States sometime in the late
nineteenth century. With widespread roots in African chants and rhythms,
slave field hollers and work songs, popular narrative melodies, spirituals and
European-American hymns, the blues grew up across the southern tier of
states. New Orleans served as one melting pot, but rural communities in Al-
abama, Mississippi, and Texas, along with the track of the Mississippi River
itself, also made contributions. By the 1930s, the blues had become firmly es-
tablished as an important part of American musical tradition, existing as both
a form and a feeling. Many important performers could be found singing and
playing the blues, formally and informally, in clubs, roadhouses, joints and
dives, preserving and expanding this uniquely American idiom.
Impossible to define with any precision, the blues toldand continue to
tellthe stories of jilted lovers, lost hopes, and the yearning for a better life.
But all was not sadness and despair; often the blues also spoke of faith and
hope, that the sun would "shine in my back door someday." In many ways a
history of the black experience in America, most of the early blues practi-
tioners were themselves black, recounting their own lives. Not until the 1940s
and thereafter would white musicians in any numbers begin to explore the
blues. By and large, however, the blues have remained a primarily black form
of expression.
The popularity of the blues coincides with the rise of the recording indus-
try. Most radio stations refrained from playing blues records, citing fear of
Roots Music i6 5
listener (i.e., white) backlash, and so the marketing of so-called "race records"
in black communities gave most artists their only public exposure beyond
their own regional areas of influence (see Chapter 1 for more on "race
records"). The Great Migration of black workers from the rural South to
northern urban centers also brought with it a heightened awareness of the
blues, especially in Chicago. In time, the blues moved from an emphasis on
the individual performer to a greater reliance on group expression, going
from the vocalist accompanying himself on guitar to a small band playing be-
hind the singer, and with the piano often displacing the guitar. What had been
in essence a kind of folk expression became a much more polished, com-
mercialized style of music. These forces, coupled with the rise of swing and
its almost universal acceptance, allowed a majority of important blues musi-
cians to finally get heard by large audiences.
Among the more notable blues artists of the 1930s, such performers as Big
Bill Broonzy (1893-1958), Lonnie Johnson (1894-1970), Robert Johnson
(1911-1938), Leadbelly (1888-1946), Memphis Minnie (1897-1973), Bessie
Smith (1894-1937), and Josh White (1908-1969) must be counted. But many
others also played the blues. Often, in the tradition of wandering minstrels,
their names have been lost. But in the hard times of the Great Depression,
the blues flourished, even if much of the population never knew the per-
formers and never heard their songs.
Big Bill Broonzy (born William Lee Conley Broonzy) came to prominence
as a country blues singer and guitarist. He sang of the sharecroppers and
rural life of Mississippi, although he could also delve into the timeless sub-
ject of love and its consequences. By the late 1930s, he had established him-
self in Chicago, the new center for many blues musicians, and moved
increasingly to the urban topics so many of his contemporaries featured. An
excellent guitarist, he recorded frequently during the 1930s for small labels,
and reached the height of his popularity during the decade. In 1938 he played
a significant role in John Hammond's From Spirituals to Swing concert (see
Chapter 4 for information about this concert).
Among Broonzy's compositions and recordings are "Southern Flood
Blues" (1937); "J u s t a Dream" (1939), a song about racial inequities; and
"Looking Up at Down" (1940), a protest about black poverty. Despite his pop-
ularity among blues fans, Broonzy's audience remained limited, and so did
his relative freedom to deal with themes that would have been unacceptable
for a more mainstream performer at that time.
With one foot planted in the blues tradition and the other in the evolving
jazz of the day, Lonnie Johnson performed equally well in either area. His
blues, most of them originals, attracted listeners. In 1925, he won a blues
contest sponsored by Okeh Records in St. Louis, and soon thereafter had a
contract with the label. On his way with personal appearances and record-
ings, Johnson soon met trumpeter Louis Armstrong and the two struck up
a friendship. From that relationship came recording dates with Armstrong
and his Hot Fives and Johnson's acceptance in the jazz community. This led
to appearances with Duke Ellington and his orchestra and blueswoman
Bessie Smith. Despite his versatility, Johnson occasionally had to seek em-
ployment outside of music. His is a familiar story: a talented musician who
can never quite achieve that level of recognition that brings with it financial
freedom.
The Mississippi delta region served as the center for much blues activity.
Considered one of the great practitioners of this regional style, Robert John-
son brought an intensity to his singing and playing that moved anyone for-
tunate enough to hear him. A master of the slide guitar, he accompanied
himself and sang of his harsh life and experiences. During a series of ses-
sions in 1936 and 1937, Johnson recorded forty-one songs (including alter-
nate takes) for the American Record Company and its Vocalion label. These
sides constituted his entire recorded output, since he died in 1938. During
his brief life, only a handful of the total saw release; not until 1990 did Co-
lumbia Records package all forty-one, a time when interest in the blues sur-
passed anything he had experienced a half-century earlier.
Many of those forty-one sides have had a great influence on subsequent
artists like the Rolling Stones and Eric Clapton. "Terraplane Blues," possibly
Johnson's best-known song, became something of a blues hit in 1937. The
"Terraplane" of the title refers to a sedan manufactured by the Hudson Motor
Company during the thirties. As such, "Terraplane Blues" joins a select com-
pany of songs about automobiles that reflect much about the car culture of
the country. In addition, his anguished "Hellhound on My Trail" (1937) is
considered by many to be one of his best efforts.
Leadbelly (b. Huddie Ledbetter) came to some fame during the 1920s, es-
pecially among blues fans. A difficult individual, he moved between violence
and performing his music for whomever would listen. In jail for murder be-
tween 1918 and 1925, he turned to composition and mastering the twelve-
string guitar. Imprisoned again in 1930, his release did not occur until 1934,
and that with the considerable help of folklorist John Lomax (see above). Lead-
belly celebrated his freedom with a series of concerts, broadcasts, and record-
Roots Music 167
ings that often featured numbers like "Good Night, Irene" (1939), "Midnight
Special" (traditional), "Easy Rider" (ca. 1935) and "Rock Island Line" (1937),
performances that assured his place among the masters of the blues idiom,
and songs that would go on to become big hits for other artists.
The association with John Lomax meant that Leadbelly often performed be-
fore white audiences, something denied most black blues artists in those seg-
regated times. Despite this exposure, however, he remained outside the
mainstreams of American music. For most white listeners, the blues repre-
sented black culture, an interesting foray into the primitive and unknown,
but something to be approached with caution. Throughout the 1930s, despite
the well-meaning efforts of people like the Lomaxes, neither Leadbelly nor
the blues in general could ever break through the wall of reserve that sepa-
rated this kind of music from other, more popular, formats.
One of the few women to make a name for herself in the blues idiom,
Memphis Minnie (b. Lizzie Douglas) emerged as a big star on the blues cir-
cuit during the 1930s. She wrote and recorded hundreds of songs, manyif
not mostof which have been lost over the years. She moved from singing
in the streets of Memphis to performing in the nightclubs of Chicago. Her
risque "Bumble Bee Blues" (1929) served as her first hit and established her
credibility as a performer among her male counterparts.
Minnie sang about the standard blues subjectslove, money, hardship. Al-
ways a stylish dresser on stage, she played while standing, a break with the
tradition of sitting and playing. She linked the country traditions of the South
with the urban blues of Memphis and Chicago. From the beginning, Minnie
displayed great facility with the guitar and could outplay most of her male
counterparts. By 1940, she had taken up the electric guitar, one of the first
musicians to do so.
A big star in the 1920s, Bessie Smith gained the title "Empress of the
Blues" early in her career. Blessed with a strong voice that required no elec-
tric amplification, Smith could belt out songs over the din of crowds and still
be heard. In her heyday, Smith commanded upwards of $2,000 a week to
perform, making her the highest-paid black entertainer in the country. Yet by
1931, Columbia Records had dropped Smith, citing her "dated style" and
claiming declining sales. Smith tried for a comeback in 1933 with a new burst
of activity and a more contemporary approach to the music. Accurately fore-
telling the rise of swing, her 1933 records lack much of the emotional inten-
sity that had colored her blues performances just a few years earlier.
A new generation of listeners nonetheless came to appreciate Smith and
her selection of popular ballads, and her sidemen in one instance included
Benny Goodman, the later King of Swing. It appeared that a new career had
opened for Smith, but a tragic automobile accident in 1937 stopped this re-
vival of interest and today she is usually remembered more as a figure from
the 1920s.
Another skillful guitarist, and one with a unique voice, Josh White enjoyed
considerable popularity during the 1930s. He signed with ARC's Banner label
in 1932, and recorded a number of sides with them over the next several years.
He worked in a variety of styles, including the blues, gospel, protest songs,
and even some folk and cabaret singing in the 1940s and 1950s.
During the 1930s, he found success with "St. James Infirmary Blues"
(1930; words and music by Joe Primrose), a popular blues; he would continue
to play and record it throughout his career. White also had some association,
both knowingly and unknowingly, with left-wing and radical groups. Al-
though this would get him into trouble during the anti-Communist 1950s, it
also allowed him to compose some harsh protest blues during the 1930s. An
example would be his 1936 "Chain Gang Boun'," an indictment of a justice
system that sometimes placed innocent people, usually black, in the hands
of wardens that made them endure the tortures of a forced-labor chain gang.12
GOSPEL MUSIC
In many ways a kind of ecclesiastical offshoot of the blues, Gospel music

flowered in the 1930s. Credit for this rise in interest and popularity needs to
be directed to the Reverend Thomas A. Dorsey (1899-1993; he should not be
confused with Tommy Dorsey, the popular trombonist and bandleader of the
1930s), a man often considered the father of modern Gospel music. Dorsey
had earlier distinguished himself as a blues pianist. During the 1920s and
until his conversion to the Gospel format, he had teamed with Tampa Red
(1900-1981; b. Hudson Whittaker), a popular blues vocalist and guitarist. At
the time, people knew Dorsey as "Georgia Tom," and he and Tampa Red
recorded often. Their best-known recording was "It's Tight Like That" (1928),
a raucous blues that soon entered the repertoire of many musicians and
groups.
But Dorsey sought more from his music, and looked to religion as a place
to find it. He fused the traditional blues with spirituals, Baptist hymns, and
other musical formats he found in black churches; the mix worked well, ef-
Roots Music 169
fectively blurring the lines between the sacred and the secular. His new form
of Gospel music quickly gained acceptance among black congregations,
blending as it did jazz, blues, and improvisation with the strong foundation
of religious prosody. By 1932, Dorsey had founded a Gospel publishing house,
giving himself and his supporters a ready outlet for their innovative approach
to music. In addition, radio stations, often hesitant to play straight blues,
found no problems broadcasting this uplifting religious music, thus further
increasing the potential audience.
The deaths of his wife and daughter led Dorsey to write "Precious Lord,
Take My Hand" in 1932. Since recorded by many different performers, "Pre-
cious Lord, Take My Hand" has become the best-known Gospel song of all
time. Although it contains blues elements, it also demonstrates a primary dif-
ference between Gospel and most blues music: the blues tend to focus on tri-
als and tribulations, but Gospel music casts an affirmative light on any
situation. The tone remains hopeful; good newsthe implicit message of
much evangelical religionwill win out. In keeping with this view, Dorsey
also wrote "There Will Be Peace in the Valley" in 1937, another classic in the
genre.
A noted performer in the Gospel idiom during the 1930s was Sister Rosetta
Tharpe (1915-1973). A skilled guitarist, she made several Decca recordings in
1938 that carried the Gospel message. One side included a Dorsey composi-
tion, "Hide Me in Thy Bosom." Retitled "Rock Me" for the recording session,
it became a hit. Impresario John Hammond (see Chapter 4), after hearing
these sides, got Tharpe to appear in his 1938 From Spirituals to Swing, a con-
cert that attracted thousands of appreciative listeners. With her strong voice
and stylish guitar playing, Tharpe embarked on the road to stardom. She fol-
lowed this success with another recording, "This Train" (1938), that helped
to put Gospel permanently on the musical map.13
6
The Classical Tradition and the

Federal Music Project
Americans have long embraced a love-hate relationship with classical music.

In a culture that espouses self-improvement, people see serious music as in-
trinsically superior to more popular forms. At the same time, these same in-
dividuals favor the more accessible, "easier" popular formats for their own
listening. This disingenuous situation prevailed throughout the 1930s, a time
when a number of groups, both private and governmental, actively attempted
to raise the level of American musical literacy. Despite the best of intentions,
the efforts failed. Most people continued to buy and listen to pop songs, and
then swing overwhelmed all other music in the latter half of the decade.
AMERICAN CLASSICAL MUSIC DURING THE 1930s
Few serious compositions attracted strong public attention during the pe-
riod, and the classical tradition suffered from both the competition of other
musical formats and continuing economic constraints. For classical record-
ings, that situation translated as disastrous: by 1931, 500 copies constituted
the average sales total for a classical disc, although that figure did begin a
slow upward climb after 1933.
Despite the apparent lack of public interest, many people in broadcasting
and the recording industry felt an obligation to provide American listeners
access to classical music. Both local stations and the networks presented
shows that focused on educating listeners about, and exposing them to, what
critics and musicologists considered the best in serious composition. These
experts believed that with education and exposure, the public's taste in music
could and would be uplifted.
Radio programming, especially on NBC and CBS, the two primary net-
works, included shows that not only played classical recordings or employed
studio orchestras, but also discussions of so-called "serious music" led by
leaders in the field. Far more classical programming could be found on Amer-
ican radio than can be heard today.
Several factors accounted for this emphasis on cultural programming. The
Federal Communications Commission (FCC), an outgrowth of the Federal
Radio Commission (FRC; 1927-1934), had been formed in 1934 to regulate
the rapid, rambunctious growth of the medium. Among its many mandates,
the commission possesses the power to approve new stations by granting
them permission to broadcast and to shut down those already on the air by
revoking their licenses. Without proper FCC sanction, a station can be
banned from the air. Since the commission operates under the principle that
the airwaves belong to the people and not to commercial interests, it there-
fore professes an interest in the content of a station's programs, although it
holds no overt censorship powers and stresses self-regulation. It can forbid
certain obscenities from the air, monitor fraudulent advertising, ban religious
and racial bigotry, along with slanderous or defaming commentary, all in the
name of the "public interest."1
In the years preceding World War II, many broadcasters interpreted this
interest as a not-so-subtle urging on the part of the FCC to maintain high
standards of programming. Such tacit government encouragement reassured
the industry that everyone benefited from classical broadcasting, that these
offerings reflected the required high standards. In addition, some members
of Congress at that time talked openly about "educational radio," and sug-
gested setting aside frequencies to accommodate nonprofit broadcasting.
Whether the FCC's mandates and Congress's threats included classical music
probably depended on a station manager's perception of what constituted
high standards, but certainly radio stations across the country strove to pro-
vide a mix of selections designed to appeal to the widest range of listeners.
Another reason stations featured "serious" music in their schedules in-
volved prestige. Variety and lively competition characterized the early days of
radio, and the contemporary concept of "niche stations," like "Middle of the
The Classical Tradition and the Federal Music Project 173
Road," "Adult Contemporary," or "Golden Oldies" that appeal to a particular

group or class of listeners had not yet evolved. In the thirties, variety ruled
the radio day: A mystery show could be followed by a comedy program which,
in turn, might be followed by something like the NBC Music Appreciation
Hour, The Firestone Hour, or the Radio City Music Hall of the Air, all of which
typically offered classical compositions. The more distinguished the orches-
tra, the greater the fame of the conductor, the better stations and sponsors
liked it, since they saw having the biggest names in classical music as direct
reflections of the excellence of both the station and its underwriters.
This linking of prestige with classical music illustrates the continuing di-
chotomy between elite and popular culture. Although no nation consumes
more popular culturemass-market movies, best-selling fiction, comic
strips, and pop songsthan the United States, well-meaning critics, artists,
and academics at times step forward and try to raise the country's "stan-
dards," implying in their criticism that popular culture somehow does not
measure up to the elitist variety.
It should therefore come as no surprise that American broadcasting suf-
fered this kind of examination, both from within and without the industry.
In response, networks and individual stations offered serious drama ranging
from Shakespeare to the latest avant-garde playwrights, intellectual discus-
sions on many different topics, and classical musiclots of it. Whether or
not increasing on-air classical selections raised anyone's musical standards
can not be answered with any accuracy, but certainly radio in the 1930s of-
fered unparalleled opportunities for listeners to hear the era's finest artists in
performance. In addition, stations viewed the broadcasting of high culture as
good public relations. As radio grew ever more commercialized during the
decade, evidence of cultural programming enhanced a station's (or network's)
reputation.
NBC and CBS, the two primary radio networks, had in-house symphony
orchestras almost from their inceptions, and they vied to land other major
aggregations. Live broadcasts of important orchestras could be heard with
some frequency. Since both networks had connections to the recording in-
dustry, it behooved them to acquaint listeners with the classics, on the the-
ory that such an acquaintance would lead to increased purchases of classical
records, or so the thinking went. Any accurate cause-and-effect data are, how-
ever, impossible to cite. Still, the feeling persisted throughout the 1930s that
classical music programming benefited stations, networks, record compa-
nies, and of course listeners.2
Radio Shows Featuring Classical Music
Among the leading "serious music" network radio shows of the decade, the
following deserve mention (listed alphabetically):
The American Album of Familiar Music (NBC, 1931-1950). Not really a clas-
sical program, The American Album delivered just what its name promised;
familiar music. Neither the pop tunes of the day nor the symphonies of great
composers received air time. Instead, the show mixed "light classics" like
Stephen Foster or John Philip Sousa, adding in a potpourri of older songs
from earlier decades. This meant some of the well-known melodies and
themes from the classics, but seldom the entire work.
The Atwater-Kent Hour (NBC, 1926-1931; CBS, 1934). Sponsored by one of
the best-known radio manufacturers of the day, this pioneering show attracted
some of the leading names in classical music and opera to radio for the first
time. It also brought to light the negative attitude many performers had to-
ward radio, a medium they felt lowered their art to mass entertainment. Some
stars refused to perform on any broadcasts; others only agreed to perform
anonymously at first; but good money, and the realization that the medium
of radio itself neither raised nor lowered artistic standards, changed their at-
titudes. The success of this show opened the gates to many similar produc-
tions. Josef Pasternack ably led the Atwater-Kent Orchestra.
The Bell Telephone Hour (NBC, 1940-1958). A latecomer among serious
music productions, the show featured Donald Voorhees conducting the Tele-
phone Orchestra. It mixed light pops, semiclassical, and the better-known
classics, and followed the format of maximum music and minimal talk, one
established by the Telephone Hour's many predecessors.
The Boston Symphony Orchestra (NBC, 1932-1936). Led by Serge Kousse-
vitzky, the esteemed Boston ensemble also appeared sporadically at other
times throughout the decade. The orchestra and Koussevitzky share the dis-
tinction of being the first to perform a concert live for radio broadcast, an
event that took place on NBC in 1926. An estimated 1 million listeners tuned
in, thus catching the attention of radio executives everywhere and paving the
way for the many classical music shows that would follow.
The Carborundum Hour (CBS, 1929-1938). Instead of a permanent con-
ductor, guest artists filled in most of the time slots of this long-running se-
ries. The producers, however, placed an emphasis on obtaining the services
of prominent classical musicians.
The Cities Service Concerts (NBC, 1927-1956). The Cities Service Orchestra
had only two conductors during the decade: Rosario Bourdon (1927-1938)
and Frank Black (1938-1944). Under their tenures, the show took on a for-
mat resembling a musical mix. Soprano Jessica Dragonette headlined the
show; her voice, not strong enough for the concert stage, proved ideal for the
radio microphone. Already a star of the airwaves when she joined The Cities
Service Concerts in 1930, she had made her name with The Philco Hour (NBC,
1927-1929), a show that served up light operettas. She remained with her
new venue until 1937, giving The Cities Service Concerts consistently high rat-
ings, and offered listeners who might not tune into just a symphony orches-
tra some variety. Dragonette herself emerged as an early celebrity whose
career the technology of radio made possible.
The Cleveland Symphony Orchestra (NBC, 1932-1934; CBS, 1935-1936;
NBC, 1936-1938). From 1933 to 1943, Artur Rodzinski held the baton in
Cleveland. During his stay, the orchestra drew an impressive network radio
audience.
The Columbia Symphony Orchestra (CBS, 1929-1930). The house orchestra
for the fledgling Columbia broadcast network, conductor Howard Barlow
formed and led the group. After 1930, the Columbia orchestra played only
occasionally until the creation of Everybody's Music in 1936 (see below).
The Curtis Institute Musicale (CBS, 1933-1941). The Curtis Institute, based
in Philadelphia, boasted a ninety-piece orchestra under the direction of Fritz
Reiner for this classical offering. Since most of the broadcasts took place in
the late afternoon, it might be presumed that the network saw the show as
an educational venture that would be heard by a school-age audience. Con-
temporary statistics indicated, however, that most children and adolescents
preferred the afternoon adventure serials like Dick Tracy (1934-1939,
1943-1948), Jack Armstrong, the All-American Boy (1933-1951), Little Orphan
Annie (1930-1942), and many others then proliferating across the radio dial.
The Eastman School of Music Symphony (NBC, 1932-1942). Howard Hanson
(see below), a respected American composer and conductor, also served as
the director of the Eastman School based at the University of Rochester in
New York State. Like the broadcasts emanating from the Curtis Institute, the
Eastman program came on in the late afternoon, possibly establishing some
competition between the two schools and the rival networks. For his part,
Hanson saw to it that most of the works performed on the broadcast came
from American composers.
Everybody's Music (CBS, 1936-1938). An outgrowth of the older Columbia

Symphony Orchestra broadcasts mentioned above, the show consisted of maes-
tro Howard Barlow again conducting the Columbia house orchestra. Al-
though the title, Everybody's Music, might suggest a dilution of content into
semiclassics and even pop materials, that did not happen. Barlow stuck to the
classical repertoire, and the Sunday afternoon show remained rigorously tra-
ditional, although he did occasionally include contemporary composers, such
as Aaron Copland.
The Firestone Hour (NBC, 1928-1954; ABC, 1954-1957). One of the longest-
running shows on radio, The Firestone Hour (it later became The Voice of Fire-
stone, the name most people recall) reflected the elitist cultural attitudes of
the Firestone family and even included several members as occasional speak-
ers on the show. Among the many soloists who appeared regularly in the
1930s were Vaughn De Leath, a singer credited with helping to introduce the
crooning style to radio, Lawrence Tibbett and Richard Crooks, two popular
male singers, plus a number of opera stars. William Daly or Alfred Wallen-
stein usually conducted the Firestone Symphony Orchestra. The thirties mark
the high point of popularity for the show, with an audience in the millions
listening to the Firestone offering. In 1949, NBC simulcast the show for tel-
evision, one of the first programs to employ this technology. The Voice of Fire-
stone left radio in 1957, but continued on TV until 1963.
The Ford Sunday Evening Hour (CBS, 1934-1942). A concert-oriented show
that featured different conductors each week, it allowed the Ford Motor Com-
pany to present its products in a dignified, cultural setting. Since the per-
sonnel constantly changed, the show tended to showcase a mix of musical
styles and soloists. Just as the Firestone family played a role in The Firestone
Hour, Henry Ford himself took an interest in the production, to the point of
hiring most of the players from the Detroit Symphony Orchestra as regulars
on the The Ford Sunday Evening Hour.
General Motors Concerts (NBC, 1929-1937). Even an industrial giant like
General Motors felt the compulsion to be associated with high culture. Stars
like Lauritz Melchior, Yehudi Menuhin, and Kirsten Flagstad graced the stage,
treating audiences to the best in music; apparently, high expenses brought
about the show's demise in the recession of 1937-1938.
The Metropolitan Opera (NBC, 1931-1958; CBS, 1958-1960; consortium,
1960-present). Preceded by the Chicago Civic Opera (Westinghouse,
1921-1926; NBC, 1926-1932). Far and away the longest-running show on
radio, the Metropolitan Opera broadcasts have covered the history of Ameri-
can broadcasting. They came to the air waves after NBC engineered a
$100,000 contract for exclusive radio rights to the famed New York opera
company. In a series of firsts, the Saturday afternoon fixture long enjoyed but
one sponsor, Texaco; and, from 1931 until his death in 1975, it had but one
host, Milton Cross. Texaco no longer underwrites the show, but it continues
on the air through foundation support.
Virtually everyone who was or is anyone in the world of opera has at one
time or another appeared on The Metropolitan Opera. Given the show's
longevity, probably only a few operas of any merit remain to be performed
on this venerable showcase for the genre. The live broadcasts parallel the
Met's regular season, and so The Metropolitan Opera can be heard from No-
vember to April, but fans eagerly await those brief five months.
In a nation that critics claim dislikes opera, the long-running success of
the Metropolitan broadcasts would suggest that at least a small cadre of de-
voted listeners exists for this musical form. Certainly, millions have been ex-
posed to Verdi, Puccini, Wagner, and innumerable other composers, and have
heard most of the great operatic voices of the twentieth century. Whether the
current consortium of stations and foundations will see fit to carry it seventy
years into the twenty-first century is anyone's guess, but at present it seems
in no danger of being canceled.
The Minneapolis Symphony Orchestra (NBC, 1933-1936). Another program
of symphonic music in an increasingly crowded network schedule, Eugene
Ormandy served as the symphony's conductor in the years before he took
over the job with the Philadelphia Orchestra.
The NBC Symphony Orchestra (NBC, 1937-1954). This orchestra, created by
NBC in order to secure the services of famed conductor Arturo Toscanini
(1867-1957), illustrates the importance networks placed on having presti-
gious personalities and shows on their schedules. Toscanini, already
renowned for his work with the New York Philharmonic and archrival CBS
earlier in the decade, had retired when NBC made him an offer he could not
refuse: his own show, featuring a top-notch orchestra. The fiery conductor
could choose the musicians, and cost was not to be an object. Further,
Toscanini did not have to lead the orchestra on a weekly basis; NBC agreed
to ten performances each season, with guest conductors filling in for the re-
maining openings. This meant that The NBC Symphony Orchestra had, in ad-
dition to Toscanini, leaders like Dimitri Mitropoulos, Fritz Reiner, Artur
Rodzinski, Leopold Stokowski, and George Szell mounting the podium (see
New York Philharmonic Orchestra, below).
Arturo Toscanini (1867-1957) conducting the National Broadcasting Company Symphony Or-
chestra in 1938. The famed conductor, who two years earlier had apparently retired at the height
of his career, was lured back to the podium by NBC with the promise of his own orchestra. Em-
ploying top-flight musicians, the network created the NBC Symphony, and its Saturday and Sun-
day evening broadcasts, with Toscanini wielding the baton, are considered among the most
popular performances of classical music in radio history. [Library of Congress, Prints & Pho-
tographs Division]
Since NBC employed the musicians who played with the symphony, net-
work administrators expected them to extend their talents to other broadcast
assignments. They played the background music in dramas and variety
shows, and demonstrated techniques on NBC's popular Music Appreciation
Hour (see below). They may have been hired for the orchestra, but the net-
work kept them busy with a variety of tasks.
Over the years, the show transcended mere symphonic performances; it
became one of NBC's top-rated productions and ran on either Saturday or
Sunday evenings, a choice time. Broadcast live from New York City, the net-
work used its largest studio, giving the orchestra an audience of over 1,000
people. Because federal law prohibited selling tickets for public broadcasts,
NBC gave away seats to the Toscanini performances. Invariably, lines formed
and patrons filled the studio. No other radio show featuring classical music
ever engendered such a level of public interest. In 1938, a Fortune magazine

poll indicated that almost 40 percent of the population had heard of
Toscanini, through either his CBS or NBC appearances. Probably no other
individual or orchestra in the realm of classical music had that kind of name
recognition. On the other hand, 85 percent of all record purchases at the time
of the poll went for swing discs, so knowing about someone may not be
enough.3
The New York Philharmonic Orchestra (CBS, 1927-1963). In 1930, CBS
gained the rights to broadcast performances by the New York Philharmonic,
one of the leading American orchestras. This step also meant they had, as
maestro, Arturo Toscanini, arguably the best-known symphonic conductor in
the world, who had led the aggregation since 1928. The relationship contin-
ued until 1936, when Toscanini retired. That same year, John Barbirolli as-
sumed leadership of the orchestra, but the withdrawal of the colorful and
temperamental Toscanini meant a loss both to the music world in general
and to radio, CBS in particular. Although, the network continued the New
York Philharmonic broadcasts until 1963, the show never again had quite the
stature it had enjoyed during the Toscanini years.
The Palmolive Hour (NBC, 1927-1931). An early trailblazer among the rash
of shows that would feature classical programming during the 1930s, The Pal-
molive Hour consisted more of musical variety than straight "serious" music.
Gus Haenschsen led a multitalented orchestra that had to play everything
from jazz to operatic passages. NBC saw valueand prestigein such a ven-
ture, and the show's success led to many efforts by stations and networks to
bring high culture to radio.
The Philadelphia Symphony Orchestra (CBS, 1931-1937; NBC, 1937-1938;
CBS, 1939-1940). Under the colorful leadership of Leopold Stokowski until
1935, and then the baton of Eugene Ormandy, the Philadelphia Symphony
had the well-deserved reputation of being one of America's finest orchestras.
In the competition to acquire broadcasting rights to as many aggregations as
possible, it seemed to matter little to network executives at both NBC and
CBS that they many times competed against themselves.
The Radio City Music Hall of the Air (NBC, 1932-1942). Broadcast directly
from NBC's New York headquarters, this entry in the classical sweepstakes
featured Erno Rapee as conductor. Although the orchestra existed for radio,
it nonetheless provided yet another choice for listeners, and strengthened the
network's lead over CBS for the most classical programming.
The Rochester Civic Orchestra (NBC, 1929-1942). A long-running series by
an orchestra not as well known as some broadcasting over NBC at the time,
the show developed a loyal audience. Guy Fraser Harrison led the Rochester
group for more than a decade.
The Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra (NBC, 1929-1930; 19351937;
1939-1942). A mix of orchestral and operatic works, this series further em-
phasized NBC's commitment to classical broadcasting. After 1935, the color-
ful Jose Iturbi served as leader of the orchestra.
Waltz Time (NBC, 1933-1948). A show identical in many ways to The Amer-
ican Album of Familiar Music (NBC, 1931-1950), this nostalgic offering fea-
tured the old songs and melodies beloved by many. Frank Munn, "the Golden
Voice of Radio" and a typical tenor of the time, sang many of the sentimen-
tal numbers to good effect. Not strictly classical, but not really pop-oriented
either, Waltz Time effectively blended elements of both high and popular cul-
ture.
As the above listing of classically oriented radio shows demonstrates,
American commercial radio devoted considerably more time to such per-
formances than might be expected. Listenershiphow many people actually
tuned inbecomes another question altogether. From the information avail-
able, more listeners than might be expected had their dials turned to stations
carrying classical music, but accurate statistics are hard to come by. In the
eyes of stations and their sponsors, however, enough people listened to jus-
tify the expense. For both groups, the question of vanity and prestige also en-
ters the equation. They clearly liked the veneer of quality, of class, that having
a Toscanini or a Koussevitzky conduct a nationally known symphony bestows.
Plus they saw themselves doing their civic duty of providing quality broad-
casting, a gesture they hoped would cause the FCC to smile benignly on them.
Whether a perceived need to provide the very best in programming or a self-
serving gambit, the fact remains that the 1930s were rich times indeed for
classical music on radio.
In addition to the many shows listed aboveand the listing must by no
means be thought exhaustive or completeseveral other radio productions
also approached serious music, albeit by different means, and one in partic-
ular deserves mention.
The Music Appreciation Hour
In 1928, NBCfar and away the leader in hours of network time devoted
to classical music during the 1930spremiered The Music Appreciation Hour.
This unique show would run until 1942 and make its host, Walter Damrosch,
a household name. At first, it came on the air at 11:00 A.M. every Friday, an
ideal time for classroom use. The Music Appreciation Hour changed to 2:00
P.M. Fridays in 1937, but continued to be broadcast during the normal school
day.
Damrosch (1862-1950) was born into a musical family; his father had been
a noted conductor. Following in his father's footsteps, Damrosch took the
reins of the New York Symphony and toured with it extensively. He also com-
posed operas, and delved into American literature for inspiration. In 1896 he
wrote an opera based on Nathaniel Hawthorne's The Scarlet Letter; in 1937 he
used Edward Everett Hale's The Man without a Country as another source.
Neither composition attracted much attention, but they certified his broad in-
terest in music.
Despite his lack of acclaim as a composer, Damrosch continued working
in the musical field. He soon became an apostle of radio as a teaching tool.
Starting with classrooms in New York City, his presentations were soon heard
across the country. If a rural school lacked a receiver, students and teachers
would gather around an automobile equipped with a radio and listen there.
Given his celebrity, Damrosch even landed a small role in a Bing Crosby
movie entitled The Star Maker (1939). He found wartime cutbacks in broad-
cast time discouraging, and he retired in 1942. Throughout the 1930s, how-
ever, he spoke to students about good music, illustrating his lectures with
recorded and live examples. His personality and well-modulated voice seemed
ideally suited to radio, and he reached audiences measured in the millions.4
NOTED CONDUCTORS OF THE 1930s
A number of orchestral conductors rose to some celebrity during the 1930s.

More often than not, radio served as the vehicle that carried them to success.
The following list is arranged alphabetically.5
Arthur Fiedler (1894-1979)
After a cosmopolitan boyhood spent in Boston, Fiedler went to Austria, but

left Europe in 1914 with the outbreak of World War I. He became associated
with the Boston Symphony Orchestra in 1915, and formed the Boston Sin-
l82 Music of the Great Depression
fonietta in 1924 with twenty-five fellow musicians. This chamber group

toured in New England, bringing live performances to rural areas; the activ-
ity propelled Fiedler toward one of his lifelong goals: to enlarge the audience
for classical music in any way possible.
By 1929, Fiedler was conducting outdoor public concerts in Boston. His
success with these led to his being appointed, in 1930, the conductor of a re-
vitalized Boston Pops Orchestra, a position he would retain until his death
in 1979. This aggregation had been founded in 1885, but languished during
the 1920s. When Fielder took over, he expanded the repertoire of the or-
chestra, and began to include medleys of popular classical themes, show
tunes, and even occasional popular songs. Although this nontraditional ap-
proach did not make everyone happy, Fiedler persevered, successfully bridg-
ing the gaps between musical genres. The income generated by these
activities helped underwrite the budget for the more elite and conservative
Boston Symphony Orchestra. Fiedler also branched out into radio and record-
ing, further enlarging his audience. Despite the economic constraints of the
Depression, he attracted a large, enthusiastic following for classical and semi-
classical music.
Andre Kostelanetz (1901-1980)
A number of personalities made names for themselves via the semiclassi-

cal route, among them conductor Andre Kostelanetz. A kind of musical
drifter in the constantly fluctuating schedules maintained by network radio
during the 1930s, he fronted many orchestras and appeared on many shows.
Under contract to CBS throughout the decade, he presented both classical
and what has been called "light classical," or "semiclassical," music. Such
pieces tend to be briefer, less complex compositions with strong melody com-
ponents couched in lush, string-filled arrangements that appeal to a broader
audience than more "serious" music. This approach turned out to be Koste-
lanetz's preferred area of music. In time, he led a sixty-five-piece orchestra
for CBS, complementing the instrumentation with renowned vocal soloists.
Despite the lack of a regular show under his own name, he developed some-
thing of a following and remained busy, doing one appearance after another
and frequently recording.
A publicity still of Leopold Stokowski (1882-1977), a colorful conductor who worked diligently
to expand the audience for classical music. Leader of the Philadelphia Symphony Orchestra from
1912 until 1936, Stokowski could be found working in movies, doing guest appearances, and
anything else that might draw listeners. His striking looks and regular media exposure made
him something of a celebrity throughout the decade. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs
Division]
Leopold Stokowski (1882-1977)
Born in England to parents of Irish and Polish extraction, Stokowski proved

to be a child prodigy. Accepted into the Royal College of Music at age thir-
teen, he moved to the United States in 1905 to take over the musical respon-
sibilities at New York's St. Bartholomew's Church. He remained there until
1908, and then moved on to the position of conductor for the Cincinnati Sym-
phony Orchestra in 1909. He continued to advance, and became leader of the
mighty Philadelphia Orchestra in 1912, a position he would retain until 1936.
With Philadelphia as a secure home base, Stokowski commenced his life-
long efforts to attract people to classical music. He tinkered with scores to in-
crease their crowd appeal, and mastered much of the existing knowledge
about lighting, design, acoustics, and electronics, always striving to create bet-
ter sound for the audience.
His moves at inclusiveness raised many hackles, and Stokowski came to

represent the eccentric artistic personality. A shock of white hair and a com-
manding presence added to the imagery. He championed young composers
and avant-garde works, much to the consternation of many critics and sym-
phony donors.
Stokowski closed out the decade by working with Walt Disney on the film
Fantasia (1940). He also appeared in several films, notably The Big Broadcast
of 1937 and One Hundred Men and a Girl (1937). As founder of the Ail-
American Youth Orchestra (AAYO), a group of young musicians who shared
many of Stokowski's views, he received backing from Columbia Records, who
promised to record the youthful aggregation. The advent of World War II
blocked the AAYO, but its creation further enhanced Stokowski's reputation.
Arturo Toscanini (1867-1957)
(See the above entries on the NBC Symphony Orchestra and the New York
Philharmonic for information on Toscanini.)
NOTED COMPOSERS OF THE 1930s
By and large, most classical music had a limited following during the De-
pression, especially that attempted by contemporary American composers. In
the latter half of the decade, the big dance bands and the nation's fascination
with swing proved irresistible in terms of public music preferences. With only
a couple of exceptions, the mass audience rejected modernist compositions,
finding them too complex, too technically advanced, and generally non-
melodic. Nevertheless, a handful of American composers soldiered on, and
a few of them even received some public recognition for their efforts. The list
below is arranged alphabetically.6
Aaron Copland (1900-1990)
Possibly the best-known of the decade's composers, Copland owed much of

his success to exposure on radio, recordings, and on film. Like his contem-
porary, Ferde Grofe (see below), he experimented with jazz in the 1920s, reach-
ing out for a more accessible form of classical music, and he finally began to
The Classical Tradition and the Federal Music Project i8 5
achieve the popularity he desired during the 1930s. His El Salon Mexico (1936),
Music for Radio (Prairie Journal) (1937), and Billy the Kid (1938), along with
two film scores, The City (1939; shown continuously at the New York World's
Fair) and Of Mice and Men (1939), all received favorable public hearings.
One of the first American composers to write for the movies, Copland also
wrote for another new medium, radio. CBS commissioned his Music for
Radio, and the piece had its premiere on Everybody's Music, a network show
that showcased the Columbia Symphony Orchestra under the baton of
Howard Barlow. His film scores repeat the nostalgia for American themes
that Music for Radio displays. Later, in the early 1940s, this vernacular ap-
proach reached its zenith with his justly famous and popular ballets Rodeo
(1942) and Appalachian Spring (1944).
George Gershwin (1898-1937)
Hardly a classical composer in the traditional sense, Gershwin enjoyed oc-

casional forays into "serious music." He often returned to earlier works in
new settings. For example, his justly famous Rhapsody in Blue, a work he had
composed in 1924 as "An Experiment in Modern Music," received a number
of performances during the 1930s. Although his concerts enjoyed good at-
tendance, the numbers could not compare to the thousands who would jam
a swing concert. Further, in any discussions of Gershwin and classical music,
most people think of Rhapsody in Blue and little else. He also wrote Concerto
in F (1925) and An American in Paris (1928) in the twenties, compositions
seldom heard in the years following their introductions.
Undaunted, Gershwin kept on writing. In early 1932, the Boston Sym-
phony Orchestra under Serge Koussevitzky premiered his often-overlooked
Second Rhapsody (also called Manhattan Rhapsody, New York Rhapsody, and
Rhapsody in Rivets), a composition that furthered Gershwin's investigations
into the marriage of blues, jazz, and traditional composing. Following a 1932
visit to Cuba, he scored a Latin-influenced work entitled Rhumba. After a suc-
cessful 1932 concert with the New York Philharmonic that featured an all-
Gershwin program including Rhumba, he gave the piece a new title he felt
better described it, Cuban Overture.
Two years later, Gershwin tinkered with one of the best-known songs from
his 1930 musical Girl Crazy. He took the up-tempo "I Got Rhythm" and in
1934 wrote Variations on "I Got Rhythm," an intriguing effort that revealed
much about his compositional techniques. Aside from an occasional orches-

tral performance, however, the Variations elicited little critical acclaim or pub-
lic acceptance. Most people preferred the Gershwin who composed popular
standards, not the composer who wrote "serious music."
A significant exploration of mixed musical genres came with Gershwin's
Porgy and Bess (1935; libretto by Ira Gershwin, with DuBose Heyward). Billed
as a "folk opera," Porgy and Bess includes many short, popular songs that have
stood on their own for decades as standards. Such well-known melodies as
"Summertime," "I Got Plenty o' Nuttin'," and "It Ain't Necessarily So" at-
tracted appreciative audiences outside the confines of the extended work.
With the exception of Rhapsody in Blue, Porgy and Bess stands as George
Gershwin's most successful effort to go beyond the popular idiom. Since it
contains so many melodies considered "nonclassical," however, and because
of the unresolved debate about whether it is truly an opera or just another
Broadway musical dressed in operatic conventions, Porgy and Bess remains
difficult to place in the Gershwin canon (for more on the popular side of
George Gershwin, see Chapter 3)/
Ferde (Ferdinand) Grofe (1892-1972)
Like Aaron Copland, Ferde Grofe proved an exception during the 1930s.
Something of a musical genius, 1907 found him performing professionally
as a pianist and violinist at social gatherings. From these beginnings, Grofe
moved to vaudeville, and then to playing on film sets or at clubs. Bandleader
Paul Whiteman heard Grofe in 1920, and persuaded him to join his organi-
zation as an arranger. This exposure to a large orchestra that played tight, pre-
cise arrangements led him toward the concept of symphonic jazz, the
marriage of two seemingly opposed musical forms. In 1924, Grofe did the
orchestral arrangement of George Gershwin's Rhapsody in Blue for its pre-
miere at Aeolian Hall with the Whiteman aggregation.
Its success led Grofe to compose on his own; the popular Grand Canyon
Suite (1931), a musical exposition on a natural wonder of America, was one
of his early compositions. A section of the suite, entitled "On the Trail," be-
came familiar to millions. Philip Morris cigarettes took this piece and made
it a corporate signature on radio; the clop-clop of mules' hooves as they de-
scend the canyon immediately identified the orchestration as Grofe's and
more importantlythe tobacco company's theme.
A scene from the 1935-1936 Theatre Guild production of Porgy and Bess. The George Gershwin-Ira Gershwin-DuBose Heyward folk opera featured an all-
black cast and blended many musical forms. Frankly experimental for its day, Porgy and Bess attracted a popular following, and much of its music could be
heard on radio and in recordings. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
In 1932, Grofe broke with Whiteman and branched out on his own. He
worked as a radio arranger and received several commissions. He and an all-
electric ensemble played at the New York World's Fair of 1939-1940. Playing
Grofe's own work, the group performed on four "Novachords," electronic or-
gans that simulated various orchestral sounds and thus served as precursors
to the modern synthesizer. In addition, a Hammond organ, an instrument
introduced to the public in 1935, rounded out the quintet.
Grofe often used recognizable, accessible content in his work and it
brought him his modest success. Yankee Doodle Rhapsody (American Fantasie)
(1936), 6 Pictures of Hollywood (1938), and Tin Pan Alley: The Melodic Decades
(1938) stand out among his other works of the 1930s.
Howard Hanson (1896-1985)
After a whirlwind of activity as a youth, Hanson, at the age of twenty-three,

began serving as dean of the Conservatory of Fine Arts at the College of the
Pacific, making him the youngest dean in the United States. As his career as-
cended, he continued to compose, and his Nordic Symphony (1922) brought
him considerable recognition. It also helped in his 1924 appointment as Di-
rector of the Eastman School of Music at the University of Rochester, a pres-
tigious position. He would remain with Eastman for the next forty years.
By the 1930s, Hanson enjoyed a solid reputation as one of the best of the
younger generation of American composers. In 1930, he completed his
Symphony No. 2, "The Romantic." Well-named, it reflected many of Hanson's
romantic tonalities that would color his subsequent work. By 1933, he had
finished his Symphony No. 3.
While writing symphonic works, Hanson also composed a three-act opera,
Merry Mount, its libretto loosely based on an 1835 Nathaniel Hawthorne short
story, "The Maypole of Merry Mount." It premiered at New York's Metropol-
itan Opera in 1934 and received fifty curtain calls, a record for the august
venue. Merry Mount has remained Hanson's best-known work, although he
continued to compose for many years thereafter.
Roy Harris (1898-1979)
In retrospect, Roy Harris proved important in establishing modern Amer-

ican symphonic music as equal to European efforts in the same realm. Es-
teemed by peers as both a teacher and composer, the Boston Symphony's

Serge Koussevitzky championed him during the 1930s and introduced his
Third Symphony in One Movement in 1939. Like Copland and Grofe, Harris
tried using American folk music, dance rhythms, and even a bit of jazz in
his writing. Because of its complexities, his music has not been much per-
formed over the years, further distancing him from any potential audience.
Two of his compositions, Sad Song (1938) and Soliloquy and Dance (1938), did
attract some attention, but he never achieved anything approaching public
popularity.
Walter Piston (1894-1976)
Even more daunting than Harris was Walter Piston, a "composer's com-
poser." Also a teacher and textbook author, Piston brought a precision and
clarity to his work that put him firmly in the modernist camp.
He gained some national recognition through Serge Koussevitzky, the
leader of the Boston Symphony, but he remained unknown outside orches-
tral circles. His The Incredible Flutist (1938), a ballet suite introduced by the
Boston Pops, probably stands as his most successful work from the 1930s.
Richard Rodgers (1902-1979)
Famous for his collaborations with Lorenz Hart and Oscar Hammerstein
II, Richard Rodgers explored the extended, not-quite-classical format with a
ballet, Slaughter on Tenth Avenue. Written for the play On Your Toes (1936),
the number has become much beloved by symphony and pops orchestras. It
has entered the standard repertoire of many such organizations, and is a
perennial crowd-pleaser (for more on the popular compositions of Richard
Rodgers, see Chapter 3).
Roger Sessions (1896-1985)
Another name known primarily by an elite group of classical music lovers,

Sessions escaped notice by the general public. Born a prodigy, he had com-
posed his first opera at age fourteen (it was never published). After graduat-
ing from Harvard in 1915, Sessions chose the academic life. He taught on
and off at Princeton from 1935 to 1965.
The composer worked in a difficult modernist idiom, and his most signif-
icant works did not appear until after the 1940s. Perhaps his violin concer-
tos of 1930-1935 can be counted among his more accessible efforts of the
Depression era. But even then, there existed few derivative qualities in his
work, and most of his compositions have a dense, complex texture that both
orchestras and the public found difficult and unappealing. Although he was
much admired by his peers, few of his works, then or now, ever receive pub-
lic performance.
William Grant Still (1895-1978)
Still, a black American, occupies a unique place among composers of the

1930s. Serious musical composition during the 1930s was almost exclusively
a white domain. Those blacks who succeeded in music usually had to pur-
sue their careers in popular realms, such as jazz, swing, blues, or spirituals.
According to an unspoken assumption, the doors to classical music stayed
closed to blacks. And so it fell to someone like William Grant Still to open
some of those doors.
Early in his life, he worked in various Ohio dance bands, and finally found
work arranging for the great blues writer W. C. Handy. Still stayed with Handy
from 1916 until 1934; he also did some arranging for other bands, including
the little-known Willard Robison group. Robison, who was white, expanded
Still's duties to include leading his radio aggregation, the Deep River Or-
chestra. Later in the 1930s, Still turned to arranging for the theater and work-
ing for small record labels oriented to black consumers, such as Black Swan.
His experiences led him to associations with Sophie Tucker, Paul White-
man, and Artie Shaw. For Shaw, Still wrote the 1940 arrangement for "Fre-
nesi," a number that became one of the biggest sellers of the entire Swing
Era.
Even as he made a living in the popular field, Still also worked on his own
compositions. In 1931, his African-American Symphony received its premiere.
A mix of classicism and blues themes, it gained him some notice. In later edi-
tions of the work, he added verses by poet Paul Lawrence Dunbar to intro-
duce each section. Lenox Avenue (1937) stands as a musical portrait of Harlem.
A love for opera led him to compose Blue Steel (1935) and Troubled Island
Although not as well known to the general public as are many other composers of the period,
William Grant Still (1895-1978) nonetheless established a strong reputation in the field of clas-
sical music. His African-American Symphony premiered in 1931, and went through several revi-
sions during the decade. In a white-dominated profession, his compositional voice proved an
exception, one of the few black Americans to achieve success, albeit limited, in the field. [Library
(1938; did not get publicly performed until 1949), two operas that explore
themes like voodoo and the culture of Haiti, the "troubled island" of the title.
For the general public, however, Still has remained an unknown composer.
Virgil Thomson (1896-1989)
Thomson was born in Kansas City, a heritage that would be reflected in his
music. A true modernist, spare and direct in his phrasing, he and Aaron Cop-
land (see above) had the ability to evoke regional American scenes that audi-
ences found attractive.
This emphasis on region first found expression in Symphony on a Hymn
Tune, an extended work he wrote in 1928. At about the same time, Thomson
completed Four Saints in Three Acts, an opera that did not receive its premiere
until 1934. These two works established his reputation, and he moved onto
his most widely known compositions shortly thereafter.
In 1936, the Works Progress Administration (WPA), working through the
Resettlement Administration, commissioned Thomson to score a documen-
tary film directed by Pare Lorentz. The picture turned out to be The Plow that
Broke the Plains (1936), a powerful essay about farming, conservation, and the
efforts by the WPA to see that another Dust Bowl did not occur. Thomson's
evocative score added to the drama, and the agency asked him to collaborate
on a second picture with Lorentz.
In 1937, The River had its release. Another strong piece of filmmaking, this
time involving the Tennessee Valley Authority and the reclamation of dam-
aged land, The River has come down to the present as possibly the best doc-
umentary of the decade. Unforgettable in its imagery, both visual and
musical, it captured the efforts of the caring government to lend assistance
to people in need and led directly to the formation of the United States Film
Service. These pictures also marked the first time the government actively
promoted its programs via the film medium.
THE FEDERAL MUSIC PROJECT
Throughout the 1930s, and especially during the first half of the decade,
musicians found it difficult to land steady employment. Even in the heyday
of the Swing Era, with bands seemingly playing everywhere, many sidemen
felt the brunt of recession and straitened conditions. Added to the glum eco-
nomic picture were the continuing inroads being made by radio, records,
jukeboxes, and sound movies. Opportunities for live performance and a
steady paycheck improved only slightly in the late 1930s; most players re-
ceived little for any recording sessions in which they participated. The pic-
ture would not appreciably brighten until the American Federation of
Musicians (AFM) staged a prolonged strike that included a recording ban
from 1942 to 1944. Outside the scope of this study, it resulted in the rewrit-
ing of some of the rules for compensation and royalties, and a fairer deal for
those performing on records.
In the late 1920s, a decline in once-booming record sales signaled the be-
ginning of hard times for musicians, regardless of the music they played. The
Depression only exacerbated the situation, sending record sales spiraling
downward (see Chapter 1), and lessening opportunities for live appearances.
Places like hotels, restaurants, and theaters canceled orchestra contracts. To
cut their own costs, radio stations, which in the 1920s had often kept a band
on retention for studio performance, released these groups and instead re-
lied on recordings for their music.
The AFM estimated that upwards of two-thirds of the nation's musicians
needed jobs by 1933. Further research suggested that among those still work-
ing, most received less-than-average pay. As opera companies, symphonies,
and other musical venues closed their doors, more and more musicians had
to rely on jobs other than musical ones to make ends meet.
Aware of the dire straits facing Americans in all occupations, in 1933 the
federal government created some emergency aid programs designed to alle-
viate the situation. The Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA)
came into being that same year to provide temporary aid to the unemployed,
and its largesse included musicians. FERA did not create specifically musi-
cal projects, but it did employ musicians (among many others) in its pro-
grams. A confusing program, FERA had no centralized supervision, and its
eligibility rules varied from state to state. Phased out in 1934, the program
had assisted only a handful of musicians with its scattershot approach to aid.
While FERA struggled, some in government envisioned a heightened role
for relief agencies. In 1935, President Roosevelt received legislation that
would permit direct aid in the area of the arts. Until this proposal began to
make the rounds, the arts usually ended up as the orphans in any discussions
about economic relief. Reflecting a belief that persists into the present day,
many legislators considered the arts unsuitable recipients of government aid.
The arts, went the thinking, should prosper or fail on their own merits and
fell outside the responsibilities of government.
Despite widespread opposition to funding the arts, the proposed legislation
moved ahead. In 1935, the Works Progress Administration (WPA), one of the
crown jewels of President Roosevelt's New Deal, came into being. With Harry
Hopkins as its chief administrator, the WPA moved rapidly to provide aid to
a wide spectrum of unemployed workers, including those in the arts. Hop-
kins, along with his aide, Jacob Baker, saw the WPA and its programs as an
unprecedented opportunity to involve government in, and give direction to,
the nation's cultural life.
The WPA created the Federal Arts Project, or Federal One, in August 1935.
An umbrella title, Federal One consisted of four satellite agencies that would
administer economic aid in the broad area of the arts: the Federal Writer's
Project (FWP), the Federal Art Project (FAP), the Federal Theater Project
(FTP), and the Federal Music Project (FMP).
The charge given these four "alphabet agencies" (a term used to identify
many New Deal organizations, most of which went by their initials instead
of their full names) was one unique in American history. Hopkins and Baker,
as spokesmen for the WPA, asked each agency to employ as many artists as
possible, each in his or her respective fields. Eligibility would be based on a
person's presence on existing relief rolls. In additionand the part of the
charge that proved most problematic for many criticsthe agencies were to
create arts programs that would meet the artistic needs of the American peo-
ple. The question that immediately arose in an area as subjective as art in-
volved deciding who would determine the "artistic needs" of "the people."
Should government be a party to such decisions? These doubts wracked the
program from its onset, and would eventually contribute to its demise, an
ending that commenced in 1939 for the music and theater portions. The writ-
ers and art sections disappeared in the early 1940s.
In September of 1935, President Roosevelt allocated over $27 million for
the enterprise, an enormous sum for any project, especially one dealing with
the arts. For many critics of the New Deal, this kind of money went for "so-
cial engineering," with no guaranteed results. But Hopkins and Baker were
visionaries, and they saw this project as one that could go a long way toward
defining American culture. They chose Henry Alsberg to head up the writ-
ers' section, Holger Cahill the arts, Hallie Flanagan the theater, and Nikolai
Sokoloff for the music section.
Sokoloff (1886-1965) had been born in Russia and studied violin as a child.
At thirteen, he entered the Yale University music school on a special schol-

arship awarded to gifted youngsters. Within three years he had joined the
Boston Symphony; in 1907 he returned to Europe for more study. A regular
traveler between Europe and the United States, Sokoloff became conductor
of the Cleveland Symphony Orchestra in 1918, a position he would hold until
1933.
He retired to Connecticut in 1933 and proceeded to organize a small or-
chestra that gave outdoor concerts in the area. Harry Hopkins tapped him
for the leadership of the Federal Music Project in the midst of this semi-
retired life, and Sokoloff readily agreed.
A man of strong opinions, Sokoloff displayed no hesitation in making his
ideas known. His European background and training had instilled in him a
decided preference for the established classics, and he had little patience with
most contemporary composers, feeling they wasted their time in experimen-
tation. These prejudices extended into the popular realm of music; for ex-
ample, he argued (unsuccessfully) that non-classically trained musicians
should not be paid as much as those who attended conservatories and the
like.
As director, Sokoloff created an advisory committee that would give him
counsel on how best to spend the federal monies the FMP had received.
Given Sokoloff's background, it should come as no surprise that most of the
advisory committee's members came from the realm of "serious," or classi-
cal, music. Of all those serving on the committee, perhaps the leading pro-
ponent of more popular formats was Joseph Weber, the president of the
American Federation of Musicians, a group that represented most of the peo-
ple playing in dance bands, pit orchestras, or otherwise laboring in the field
of popular music. At the time of his appointment, unemployment had struck
two-thirds of the union's membership, so Weber understood the concerns of
working musicians. But Weber's voice served as a minority one; despite his
pleas, the FMP directed a considerable portion of its energies and budget to
more elitist areas of music. But preferences aside, it also provided work for
thousands of otherwise unemployed musiciansand all, regardless of back-
ground or training, received equal wages, except for music teachers, who had
to accept a lower pay scale.
By November, after just three short months, the FMP had already located
jobs for over 900 individuals; after only six months, it had put at least 15,000
un- or underemployed musicians to work, making it the largest employer in
the Federal Arts Project. Historians estimate the agency underwrote a quar-
ter of a million public concerts attended by some 150 million people, usually
charging a nominal admission of twenty-five cents. As a rule, the FMP em-
phasized performance more than it did composing; when the project began,
only eleven recognized symphony orchestras existed in the United States. At
its peak, the FMP funded thirty-four new orchestras across the country. It also
put together thousands of radio broadcasts that reached millions of listeners.
The agency singled out many composers and commissioned new works,
especially if their music employed distinctly American themes. One of its ac-
complishments involved the creation of the Composers Forum Laboratory in
the fall of 1935. This forum originated in New York City, but soon branches
appeared in Boston, Chicago, and Los Angeles. It encouraged composers to
submit their latest work to a committee made up of musicians and project
leaders. Selected compositions underwent rehearsal and enjoyed public per-
formance. Audiences for these new works would be encouraged to evaluate
them, a boon for composers. Limited to larger cities, the Composers Forum
nonetheless opened a small door to those who wrote music.
Many younger American composers saw their works performed for the first
time through the auspices of the FMP. The organization also reached out to
the fringes of American music of the day, urging the participation of women,
blacks, and other underrepresented groups. At the same time, the FMP had
to be careful that it did not appear to be favoring any segment of society. In
retrospect, the FMP did a good job of satisfying its many sponsors and crit-
ics. Alone among the federal arts agencies, it avoided any hint of scandal dur-
ing its brief life.
It also stressed instruction in music and music appreciation, funding over
a million classes that allowed some 14 million students to take lessons under
government auspices. The FMP sponsored broad research on several areas
of music, eventually compiling the Index of American Composers, as well as
recording American blues and folk music. It catalogued 5,000 works by 1,500
composers and accumulated a priceless store of blues and folk recordings;
the Library of Congress eventually housed both collections. Overall, the Fed-
eral Music Project stands as one of the few times that government interested
itself in the arts and supported them enthusiastically.
Ideologically, Sokoloff and the FMP had to face the questions of classical
versus popular music, and modern compositions as opposed to more tradi-
tional ones. These issues carried political implications with them. Many law-
makers wanted the FMP (and the other arts projects, as well) to stress
American artists to the virtual exclusion of anyone foreign. At the same time,
The Federal Music Project (FMP) sponsored numerous orchestras and concerts. The
posters advertising these activities tended to have a distinctive, 1930s style about them.
Most of the posters were products of the Federal Art Project (FAP), a sister organiza-
tion created by the government to create jobs during the Depression. Note the admis-
sion prices on this 1937 example; even with money adjusted for subsequent inflation,
the FMP encouraged attendance by everyone and not a favored few. [Library of Con-
gress, Prints & Photographs Division]
T9 8 Music of the Great Depression
some members of Congress and their constituents spoke suspiciously about

anything "modern," that somehow contemporary works spread the seeds of
discontent and radicalism. So Sokoloff and his advisors had to walk a narrow
line, attempting to keep enough people happy that the complaints of others
would not jeopardize the FMP's mission.
In 1938, Charles Seeger, a man who had worked earlier with John and Alan
Lomax (see Chapter 5) collecting folk materials, became the deputy director
of the FMP. Seeger oversaw the folk and social music division of the agency
and promoted indigenous folk expression and musical education. He worked
diligently to preserve ethnic music, but his efforts came late in the program's
life. Budget-cutting, under the threat of imminent war, began in earnest in
1939. Officials renamed the Federal Music Project as the WPA Music Pro-
gram, but a year later Congress moved to end the agency altogether.8
World War II effectively canceled most ongoing cultural projects under-
written by the U.S. government. Budgets had been slashed in 1939, and Con-
gress looked increasingly askance at any government involvement in the arts.
7
Outstanding Musical Artists

from the 1930s
BANDLEADERS
This listing barely scratches the surface, since so many different bands came and went
during the decade. What follows includes only the better-known leaders of the period,
and deliberately omits those who lacked widespread popular success. More inclusive
listings can be found on the Internet and in numerous books devoted to the big bands
of the 1930s.1
Armstrong, Louis ("Satchmo," "Pops") (1901-1971)

An undisputed genius of jazz, Armstrong distinguished himself during the
1920s with his virtuoso trumpet work, both as leader and sideman. His grav-
elly voice and ability to improvise on lyrics practically defined the art of jazz
singing. The 1930s saw him fronting several innovative bands, including two
years in Europe (1933-1935)- He also toured and recorded as a solo per-
former, creating a lasting body of impressive work. A favorite with audiences
everywhere, Armstrong moved easily between the role of talented musician
and that of popular entertainer, although in neither did he lose his zest for
superlative playing. Many of his recorded efforts in the first half of the 1930s
survive as pioneering excursions into swing, predating the popular white
bands of the latter half of the decade. Whether hamming it up in the movies
with the likes of Bing Crosby (Pennies from Heaven, 1936) or taking a flaw-
less trumpet solo in front of a big band, Armstrong evolved into one of the
great artists of the twentieth century. Capable of playing in almost any style,
he could rise above even the most mediocre material and infuse it with both
consummate showmanship and the essence of swing.
Arnaz, Desi (1917-1986)

Cuban by birth, Arnaz moved to Miami and joined the successful Xavier
Cugat band in 1937. In Florida clubs, the group received billing as "Desi
Arnaz and His Xavier Cugat Orchestra." In time, he broke with Cugat and
formed his own Latin band. In the late 1930s, Arnaz introduced a new dance,
the Conga; it proved so popular that for the remainder of the decade he ad-
vertised his band as "Desi Arnaz and His La Conga Orchestra."
Arnheim, Gus (1917-1986)

Arnheim fronted the Cocoanut Grove Orchestra from Los Angeles during
the decade. The band's popular theme was "Sweet and Lovely" (1931; music
by Gus Arnheim, Harry Tobias, and Jules Lemare) and the group briefly
boasted both Russ Columbo and Bing Crosby as vocalists. Over the years,
the Arnheim aggregation established a reputation as a solid swing band.
Barnet, Charlie (b. Charles Daly; 1913-1991)

Progressive both socially and in their musical arrangements, Barnet's 1930s
orchestras borrowed freely from leaders like Duke Ellington and Jimmie
Lunceford. Barnet displayed no hesitation in hiring black musicians, one of
the first white bandleaders to do so. He also featured clarinetist Artie Shaw
in 1934, and the Modernaires singing group in 1936. The band enjoyed a
big 1939 hit with "Cherokee" (music by Ray Noble).
Basie, Count (b. William Bassie; 1904-1984)

Pianist and arranger with the Bennie Moten Band from Kansas City, Basie
assumed leadership of the orchestra in 1935, following Moten's death. An
accomplished pianist, in 1935 an admiring radio announcer christened Basie
"Count." The nickname stuck, and the orchestra turned out to be a com-
mercial success. Stars like Lester Young on tenor saxophone, Buck Clayton
on trumpet, Jo Jones on drums, and Jimmy Rushing and Helen Humes on
vocals comprised part of the lineup during the 1930s, certainly one of the
most jazz-inflected bands of the era. "One O'Clock Jump" (1937; music by
Count Basie), the band's up-tempo theme, typified its hard-swinging Kansas
City style.
Bernie, Ben (b. Bernard Anzelevitz; 1894-1943)

Calling his band "Ben Bernie and All the Little Lads" and himself "The OF
Maestro," Bernie had wide popular success leading a sweet band through-
out the 1920s, 1930s, and into the 1940s. Recordings, network radio, and
movies featured him, and he developed a trademark expression of "Yowsah,
Bands of every description traveled the United States during the 1930s, playing mainly for
dancers. A typical orchestra of the period would be that led by Ben Bernie (1894-1943), the "OF
Maestro," as his legions of fans called him. With his trademark cigar clamped in his mouth, he
led a sweet band throughout the decade, and proved a natural for radio, hosting network shows
on both NBC and CBS that dispensed dance music, humor, and lots of celebrity guests. [Library
yowsah" to accompany his performance. Although his music sounded in-

nocuous at best, dancers and audiences liked his traditional approach, and
people always clamored for the band's theme, "It's a Lonesome Old Town"
(1931; music by Charles Kisco, lyrics by Harry Tobias).
Calloway, Cab (1907-1994)

During the 1920s, Calloway played in various New York nightspots and ap-
peared in the black revue, Hot Chocolates (1929). In 1930, he got a chance
to perform in Harlem's famed Cotton Club as Cab Calloway and His Or-
chestra; a solid success there established his fame. Film and radio soon beck-
oned, making him one of the first black entertainers to cross the invisible
color line maintained by network radio. "Minnie the Moodier" (1931; words
and music by Cab Calloway, Barney Bigard, and Irving Mills), Calloway's nov-
elty theme, featured him doing scat singing, and made him known as "The
Hi-De-Ho Man," a name taken from the lyrics and one that stuck through
much of his long career. He even published a Hepster's Dictionary in 1936,
a kind of insider's guide to the argot of jazz and swing then growing popu-
lar among fans. A best seller, it went through several reprintings. Despite
the jive talk, clowning, and many theatricsnot the least of which included
outlandish clothingthe orchestra and its irrepressible leader had a repu-
tation as a disciplined, driving group that contained many fine soloists.
Clinton, Larry (1909-1985)

Active as an arranger for, among others, the Dorsey Brothers and the Casa
Loma Orchestra in the first part of the decade, Clinton organized his own
band in 1937. He frequently borrowed from classical composers for his work;
for example, the popular "My Reverie" (1938; music by Claude Debussy,
lyrics and arrangement by Larry Clinton) came from a melody by Debussy,
but with added lyrics sung by vocalist Bea Wain. The orchestra's biggest hit
was 1937's "The Dipsy Doodle" (music by Larry Clinton). The title comes
from the sports world, such as a pitcher's screwball or a football player's eva-
sive run, and the tune quickly became the group's theme.
Crosby, Bob (1913-1993)

The younger brother of crooner Bing Crosby, he found an appreciative pub-
lic as the affable, nonplaying leader of a group called The Bobcats. Mainly a
Dixieland band, the Bobcats scored some recording successes, especially
with "South Rampart Street Parade" (1938; traditional) and a curious piece,
"Big Noise from Winnetka" (1938), a jazzy number written and performed
by bassist Bob Haggart and drummer Ray Bauduc as a duet. Audiences liked
the interplay between the two musicians and it became a regular part of the
Bobcats' repertoire.
Outstanding Musical Artists f r o m the 1930s 203
Cugat, Xavier (1900-1990)

Remembered today mainly as a colorful bandleader who helped familiarize
mass audiences with Latin rhythms, during the 1930s he and his orchestra
were considered an important component of popular music. Seen in many
films of the era, and an effective showman and self-promoter, Cugat came
to be called "The Rhumba King."
Dorsey, Jimmy (1904-1957)

During the 1920s, saxophonist Jimmy Dorsey played with many different
bands. In 1934, partnered with his brother Tommy, he formed the Dorsey
Brothers Orchestra. Glenn Miller, destined to lead one of the most popular
swing bands of all time, served as an important arranger and trombonist for
the group. Personal rivalries between the brothers brought about the disso-
lution of the orchestra, and Jimmy took most of the members and formed
the Jimmy Dorsey Orchestra. In the late 1930s, he added vocalists Bob Eberly
and Helen O'Connell, and their duets on such numbers as "Amapola" (writ-
ten in 1924, revived 1940; words and music by Joseph M. Lacalle) helped
gain the band a broad measure of popularity.
Dorsey, Tommy (1905-1956)

A skilled trombonist, Dorsey established a reputation in the late 1920s as a
talented sideman and soloist. In 1928, he co-led the Dorsey Brothers Or-
chestra with his brother Jimmy (see above), an aggregation that played
mainly for recordings. With the rise of swing, the two formed a dance band
in 1934. After a falling-out with his sibling, he organized the Tommy Dorsey
Orchestra in 1935, featuring vocalist Jack Leonard. A string of hits followed,
including "Marie" (1937; written 1928, words and music by Irving Berlin)
and "Song of India" (1935; from Rimsky-Korsakov; arranged by Tommy
Dorsey, E. W. "Red" Bone, and Carmen Mastren). His popular theme, "I'm
Getting Sentimental Over You" (1932; music by George Bassman, lyrics by
Ned Washington), led to his being dubbed "That Sentimental Gentleman of
Swing." In early 1940, Tommy Dorsey hired an aspiring young vocalist
named Frank Sinatra away from the Harry James band. The sensitive ballad
arrangements of Axel Stordahl and Sinatra's interpretative crooning helped
immensely to carry the band's unique sound to an adoring public, and
launched the singer's career.
Duchin, Eddie (1910-1951)

Leader of a sweet society band, pianist Duchin achieved widespread expo-
sure thanks to radio broadcasts from New York's Central Park Casino the
Waldorf-Astoria, plus numerous recordings. As a bandleader, however, his
image remained that of someone who played for the wealthy and socially
prominent but added little to the music of the day.
Ellington, Duke (b. Edward Kennedy Ellington; 1899-1974)

Called "the Duke" because of his suave elegance, Ellington ranks as one of
America's greatest composers. Also an exceptional pianist, arranger, and
bandleader, he reached a creative peak during the 1930s that would extend
for many years thereafter. His orchestras featured talented sidemen like Bub-
ber Miley, Johnny Hodges, Ben Webster, "Tricky Sam" Nanton, Cootie
Williams, and Harry Carney, and included Adelaide Hall and Ivie Anderson
doing the vocals. One enduring hit after another flowed from his pen dur-
ing the 1930s"Mood Indigo" (1931), "It Don't Mean a Thing (If It Ain't
Got that Swing)" (1932), "Sophisticated Lady" (1933; lyrics by Mitchell
Parish), "Solitude" (1934), "Azure" (1937), and many others too numerous
to mentionensuring Ellington a secure place among the all-time favorites
of the decade. Although his bands swung with the best of them, Ellington's
individualism and his flair for texture and tonality placed him on a unique
plane; no one else duplicated his orchestra's sound, and his always-
innovative compositions and arrangementsfor example, "Creole Rhap-
sody" (1931), "Stompy Jones" (1934), "Reminiscin' in Tempo" (1935), "Ko-Ko"
(1940)put him far ahead of his contemporaries.
Fields, Shep (1910-1981)

Playing primarily in New York-area clubs and hotels from 1934 on, Fields's
orchestra came to be known as Shep Fields and His Rippling Rhythm. Fields
achieved his "rippling rhythm," a definite crowd-pleasing device, by stand-
ing close to a microphone and blowing air through a straw into a glass of
water. Corny as it might seem, it became the trademark of the band for many
years. The orchestra enjoyed a big hit in 1936 with "Plenty of Money and
You" (music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Shep Fields).
Garber, jan (1894-1977)

Inspired by the popularity of the Guy Lombardo Orchestra (see below), Gar-
ber organized a sweet band in the 1930s that emulated the sound of the
Royal Canadians. A commercial success, Garber became known as "the Idol
of the Air Lanes," thanks to his many radio broadcasts. He gained recogni-
tion for promoting the concept of the "one-night stand" for a bandplaying
only one evening at a venue and then moving on to another.
Goodman, Benny (1909-1986)

A superb clarinetist, Goodman led some of the most popular swing orches-
tras and groups of the 1930s. He began playing professionally in the 1920s,
and worked with several groups, including the Ben Pollack orchestra. He or-
ganized his first band in 1932 to accompany crooner Russ Columbo. Good-
man formed his first swing-oriented group in 1934 and immediately gained
some limited recognition. The Let's Dance program on NBC radio
(1934-1935) gave him wider exposure, leading to a national tour that culmi-
nated with a broadcast from Los Angeles' Palomar Ballroom that many credit
with sparking the Swing Era. He continued touring, appeared on radio
(Camel Caravan) and in films (Big Broadcast of 1937, Hollywood Hotel), and
cut studio recordings for several labels. During the decade, Goodman's
bands featured such contemporary stars as Gene Krupa (drums), Teddy Wil-
son (piano), Lionel Hampton (vibes), Harry James (trumpet), and Fletcher
Henderson (arrangements). Dubbed "The King of Swing" because of his
popularity and commercial success, Goodman proved an innovator, leading
racially mixed groups during a time of forced segregation, and playing a phe-
nomenally well-received swing concert at New York's Carnegie Hall in 1938.
Because of his enormous popularity, he probably did more to make swing a
national trend during the 1930s than any other musician.
Cray, Glen (1906-1963)

A saxophonist, Gray began his career with a Detroit dance orchestra that in
the 1920s called itself the Orange Blossoms. In 1929, the Orange Blossoms
became the Casa Loma Orchestra, and Gray later assumed nominal leader-
ship of the group. By 1937, his name came first, Glen Gray and the Casa
Loma Orchestra. Through dances and recordings, the band gained consid-
erable popularity, especially with "hot," or "killer-diller," up-tempo numbers
like "No Name Jive" (1940; music by Larry Wagner). Many of the band's hits
came from the pen of arranger Gene Gifford. He could write a syrupy bal-
lad, such as "Smoke Rings" (1932; music by Gene Gifford, lyrics by Ned
Washington), the group's theme, and turn around and create something fre-
netic like "White Jazz" (1933).
Hawkins, Erskine (1914-1993)

One of a handful of black bandleaders to succeed commercially during the
1930s, Hawkins first achieved fame with his 'Bama State Collegians, a band
that toured extensively in the South. By the late 1930s, the 'Bama Collegians
had become the Erskine Hawkins Orchestra, and boasted a big hit with
"Tuxedo Junction" (1939; music by Erskine Hawkins, William Johnson, Ju-
lian Dash, and Buddy Feyne), a number famously covered by Glenn Miller.
Heidt, Horace (1901-1986)

After a career with vaudeville bands in the 1920s, Heidt formed a group
known variously as Horace Heidt and His Musical Knights and Horace
Heidt and His Brigadeers. By the mid-i930s, he worked regularly on net-
work radio, doing shows that mixed humor, music, contests for prizes, and
even occasional animal acts. The best-known of these was called Pot 0' Gold
(1939-1941). Although his band never reached the top ranks, he did employ
some women musicians, an unusual practice in those days.
Herman, Woody (b. Woodrow Charles Herman; 1913-1987)

A clarinetist with the Isham Jones Orchestra in the mid-i930s, Herman took
over leadership when Jones became ill in 1938. Soon the Herman aggrega-
tion called itself "The Band that Plays the Blues," and included "Blue Pre-
lude" (1933; music by Gordon Jenkins and Joe Bishop), "Blues on Parade"
(1939; music by Toby Tyler), and "Blue Flame" (1940; music by James Noble
and Joe Bishop) among its themes. Although the famous "Herman Herds"
would come later, during the last years of the decade, the orchestra estab-
lished a solid following, and even enjoyed a big hit in 1939 with "Wood-
chopper's Ball" (music by Woody Herman and Joe Bishop). In addition to
his considerable clarinet skills, Herman was also an accomplished vocalist,
frequently singing while his band played behind him.
Hines, Earl ("Fatha") (1903-1983)

A splendid pianist, Hines also fronted an outstanding band during the
1930s. He played from 1928 to 1938 at Chicago's Grand Terrace Ballroom,
and had the good fortune of being broadcast nightly over network radio from
that location. One of his best-known compositions was "Rosetta" (1933;
music by Earl Hines and Henri Woode), and he cashed in on the boogie-
woogie craze with "Boogie-Woogie on the St. Louis Blues" (originally writ-
ten in 1914 by W C. Handy; arranged by Earl Hines) in 1940.
Hutton, Ina Ray (1916-1984)

"The Blonde Bombshell of Rhythm" first caught the public eye in 1934, when
Ina Ray Hutton and Her Melodears began touring and playing as an all-girl
orchestra. Women musicians were virtually absent from popular music in
the 1930s, so Hutton's band challenged the rules. But in the crowded music
field of the day, everyone had to have a gimmick (see Phil Spitalny, below).
She enjoyed modest success, but finally broke up the group in 1939 and
began leading a traditional all-male orchestra.
James, Harry (1916-1983)

After a stint with the Ben Pollack Orchestra, trumpeter James joined Benny
Goodman's band in 1936. His instrumental pyrotechnics electrified every-
one, and he emerged as an important soloist. By the end of 1938, his fame
assured, James left Goodman and formed his own successful band. He is
also remembered for hiring a young singer named Frank Sinatra in 1939;
overnight, Sinatra captured an adoring public and a new era in big bands
and vocalists had commenced.
O u t s t a n d i n g Musical Artists f r o m the 1930s 207
Kaye, Sammy (1910-1987)

The leader of a sweet band, Kaye always tried to please his patrons. His or-
chestra motto read, "Swing and Sway with Sammy Kaye," and the empha-
sis focused more on swaying than it did on swinging. At dances, he
promoted "So You Want to Lead a Band?" a gimmick that allowed audience
members to come onstage and attempt to wield a baton. People enjoyed
these moments, and it quickly became a regular part of his performances.
Although most critics dismissed him and his band, countless fans did not;
Kaye's business acumen paid off and he retired a wealthy man.
Kemp, Hal (1904-1940)

Leader of another sweet orchestra, Kemp's bands tended to play hotels and
large supper clubs. The talented John Scott Trotter turned out many of the
group's arrangements, and he perfected the soft, bouncy sound that charac-
terized Kemp's aggregation. Skinnay Ennis and Nan Wynn sang the vocals,
and they complemented the band by crooning the numbers rather than belt-
ing them. Kemp composed the popular "When the Summer Is Gone" (1937),
and the song became the band's theme. The group enjoyed its biggest hit
with "Got a Date with an Angel" (1931; music by Jack Waller and Joseph
Turnbridge, lyrics by Clifford Grey and Sonnie Miller).
King, Wayne (1901-1985)

Nicknamed "the Waltz King," King made a name for himself and his band
starting in 1927. At that time, he began an eight-year association with
Chicago's Aragon Ballroom, a successful run that led to recordings and sev-
eral network radio shows. A typical set might include such sweet numbers
as "Good Night, Sweetheart" (1931; words and music by Ray Noble, James
Campbell, and Reg Connelly) or "I Don't Know Why (I Just Do)" (1931; music
by Fred E. Ahlert, lyrics by Roy Turk). Although he played more than just
waltzes, his traditional approach to music and dancing assured him a large
popular following.
Kirby, John (1908-1952)

A bassist, and leader of a sextet that achieved considerable popularity, the
group billed itself as "the Biggest Little Band in the World." Comprised of
top musicians, including Charlie Shavers on trumpet and Buster Bailey on
clarinet, the members could read and play virtually anything. After 1937,
Kirby featured his wife, Maxine Sullivan, as the vocalist, and the band pro-
duced polite but swinging renditions of contemporary pop songs.
Kirk, Andy (1898-1992)

Kirk led the Kansas City-based Clouds of Joy Orchestra, and he employed pi-
anist Mary Lou Williams as his primary arranger. This collaboration brought
about such hits as "Froggy Bottom" (1930; music by Mary Lou Williams),
"Roll'em" (1933; music by Mary Lou Williams), and "The Lady Who Swings
the Band" (1936; music by Saul Chaplin, lyrics by Sammy Cahn). The group
had been formed in 1929; it survived until 1948, an unusually long life for
such an aggregation. Kirk's theme, "Until the Real Thing Comes Along"
(1936; music by Saul Chaplin and Alberta Nichols, lyrics by Sammy Cahn,
Mann Holiner, and L. E. Freeman), became a popular hit.
Kyser, Kay (1906-1985)

A band leader since 1926, Kyser showed a certain flair for attracting audi-
ences. He used a vocalist to sing the title of upcoming numbers and em-
ployed a perky vocal chorus; the sidemen would occasionally do hokey
instrumental routines, and it all coalesced into a successful band. He is best
remembered for his network radio broadcasts of Kay Kyser's Kollege of Musi-
cal Knowledge, a musical quiz show. Kyser, the "Old Professor," would dress
in academic regalia, including a mortarboard, and the players dressed as un-
dergraduates complete with beanies. Taking someone from the audience,
Kyser would ask easy questions about popular music. It proved a perfect ve-
hicle for radio, and ran from 1937 until 1949. With listeners everywhere,
Kyser soon found himself a household name, and even appeared in several
Hollywood movies, including That's Right, You're Wrong! (1939) and Scatt-
erbrain (1940). Comic vocalist Ish Kabibble (b. Merwyn A. Bogue) only added
to the lighthearted tone of things, as their biggest hit, "Three Little Fishes"
(1939; words and music by Saxie Dowell), demonstrated. Despite all the
humor, the Kyser band could handle most musical numbers ably and en-
joyed continuing success well into the 1940s.
Lewis, Ted (1892-1971)

Already an internationally known entertainer by the time the 1930s rolled
around, Ted Lewis harked more to vaudeville than to the band business. He
nonetheless fronted a band throughout the decade, an approach that allowed
him to endlessly perform his trademark numbers of "When My Baby Smiles
at Me" (1919; music by Ted Munro, lyrics by Ted Lewis and Andrew B. Ster-
ling) and "Me and My Shadow" (1927; music by Dave Dreyer and Al Jolson,
lyrics by Billy Rose) and to ask of his audience, "Is everybody happy?"
Lombardo, Guy (1902-1977)

For many people raised during the twentieth century, New Year's Eve would
not be complete without hearing Guy Lombardo and His Royal Canadians
playing the traditional "Auld Lang Syne," either in a posh night club or on
the radio. Both the melody and the holiday were associated with this band,
a band that promised "The Sweetest Music This Side of Heaven." It all began
in the 1920s when the Lombardo brothersLebert, Carmen, Victor, and
Guymoved from Canada to the United States. With Guy as the leader, the
band achieved remarkable success, performing stylized dance tunes like
"You're Driving Me Crazy" (1930; words and music by Walter Donaldson),
"Annie Doesn't Live Here Anymore" (1933; music by Harold Spina, lyrics by
Johnny Burke and Joe Young), and "Boo Hoo" (1937; words and music by
Carmen Lombardo, John Jacob Loeb, and Ed Heyman). Almost all of the or-
chestra's numbers concluded with a cymbal shot, a trademark. They landed
a contract to play at and broadcast from the Roosevelt Grill in New York's
Hotel Roosevelt, a job that endured for the next 33 years and made their or-
chestra a household name.
Lopez, Vincent (1895-1975)

Leader of yet another sweet orchestra, pianist Lopez played standards and
stuck with the melody. As such, he gained considerable popularity in the
New York area, eventually spending a good part of the 1930s broadcasting
from the Hotel Taft. An astute businessman, Lopez even had several "Vin-
cent Lopez Orchestras" working during the 1930s; he would make contracts
for dances and such, and then send a band led by someone other than him-
self to fulfill the agreements. Of course, the band would play the regular
Lopez arrangements and employ the same voicings, a practice not unheard
of in large metropolitan areas with busy social calendars.
Lunceford, Jimmie (1902-1947)

A hard-swinging outfit from Memphis, the Jimmie Lunceford band made
the big time in 1933 when it played Harlem's Cotton Club. With infectious
arrangements by Sy Oliver, the group developed a distinctive ensemble
sound appreciated by both listeners and dancers. "Tain't What'cha Do, It's
the Way That'cha Do It" (1939; music by Sy Oliver, lyrics by Trummy Young)
proved to be a hit for the orchestra.
Martin, Freddy (1906-1983)

The leader of a popular sweet band during the 1930s and after, Martin's style
tended to be melodic and uncomplicated. He featured many vocals, often by
Helen Ward or Buddy Clark, two fine big-band singers from that era. Al-
though most of what he played in the thirties consisted of innocuous dance
music, by the onset of the 1940s Martin moved in the direction of popular-
izing classical music; he is best remembered for a rendition of Tchaikovsky's
Piano Concerto that came out on record as "Tonight We Love" (1941; music
2IO Music of the Great Depression
adapted by Freddy Martin and Ray Austin, lyrics added by Bobby Worth). It
soon became the band's theme.
McCoy, Clyde (1903-1990)

Active by the late 1920s as a bandleader, trumpeter McCoy achieved remark-
able success through the clever use of a mute that produced a distinctive "wah-
wah" sound. In 1931, he parlayed this novelty into a multimillion-selling hit,
"Sugar Blues" (1923; music by Clarence Williams, lyrics by Lucy Fletcher), a
tune with which he would be forever associated. His bands remained popu-
lar throughout the decade.
McKinney's Cotton Pickers Orchestra

A pioneer big band, the group gained its name from drummer William McK-
inney (1895-1969), who originally formed it in 1922. At first a traditional
band, it began to experiment with swing arrangements in 1927, when trum-
peter/arranger Don Redman joined the aggregation. The orchestra reached
its greatest popularity in the late 1920s and early 1930s and musical histo-
rians consider it a significant forerunner of the big swing bands that domi-
nated the later thirties.
Miller, Glenn (1904-1944)

Miller, a so-so trombonist, played in and arranged for a variety of orchestras
such as Ben Pollock, the Dorsey Brothers, Red Nichols, and Ray Noble dur-
ing the 1930s; he finally formed his own group in 1937. This first effort pro-
duced a mediocre band that lacked a distinctive sound and crowd appeal.
The following year, he organized a new aggregation that showed a hint of
things to come. Miller employed excellent sidemen (and rarely soloed him-
self), and had the good fortune to land Ray Eberle, Marion Hutton, and the
Modernaires as his vocalists. His personable manner and engaging theme,
"Moonlight Serenade" (1939; music by Glenn Miller, lyrics by Mitchell
Parish), charmed dancers, and he was soon playing casinos, hotels, ball-
rooms, and packing in the audiences. In 1940, the band recorded its biggest
hit, "In the Mood" (1939; music by Joe Garland, lyrics by Andy Razaf) and
saw The Chesterfield Show debut on network radio. These two events fur-
thered his fame, and the Glenn Miller Orchestra stood poised, at the end of
the decade, to become one of the most popular dance bands ever.
Millinder, Lucky (b. Lucius Venable Millinder; 1900-1966)

Although his bands never reached the top, they served as important train-
ing grounds for several generations of musicians. He led his first group from
1931 to 1934, at which time he began fronting the Mills Blue Rhythm Band.
That aggregation broke up in 1938 and Millinder again assembled groups
under his own name. Popular in Harlem, Millinder's bands from 1940 on-
ward paved the way for many of the changes then taking place in jazz.
Moten, Bennie (1894-1935)

A bandleader and entrepreneur from Kansas City, Moten in the 1920s put
together a superb orchestra that highlighted some of the best black musi-
cians in the country. In 1932 and with a secure reputation, he named the
group Bennie Moten's Kansas City Orchestra. A failed tonsillectomy in 1935
left the band briefly leaderless, but pianist Count Basie took over. With vo-
calist Jimmy Rushing belting the blues, and an endless array of instrumen-
tal soloists providing swinging backgrounds, the Moten band quickly
became the Count Basie Orchestra and its success continued unabated
through the rest of the decade.
Nelson, Ozzie (b. Oswald George Nelson; 1906-1975)

Better remembered today as the good-natured father who led the Nelson
family and starred in The Adventures of Ozzie and Harriet, a long-running
radio (1944-1954) and later television comedy (1952-1966), Ozzie Nelson
also led a band during the 1930s. In fact, his wife Harriet served as the vo-
calist for a while. Nelson's band never achieved the popularity of Benny
Goodman's or Glenn Miller's, but it represented just how many orchestras
dotted the musical landscape during the Swing Era.
Nichols, Red (b. Ernest Loring Nichols; 1905-1965)

Nichols, a cornetist, played with many bands during the 1920s and 1930s.
His own groups were dubbed "Red Nichols and His Five Pennies," although
most of them had more than five sidemen. Nichols tended to favor tradi-
tional jazz, or Dixieland, over the polished swing of the 1930s. Nonetheless,
some of the best musicians of the era sat in with the cornetist on his many
recordings.
Norvo, Red (b. Kenneth Norville; 1908-1999)

A talented musician who played an unusual instrumentthe xylophone
Norvo, between 1936 and 1939, had one of the better small bands in the
country. Sometimes introduced as "Mr. and Mrs. Swing," the title referred
to Norvo and his wife, vocalist Mildred Bailey. In dozens of recordings, the
couple produced a unique body of work, a mix of jazz, swing, and popular
elements that attracted a small but enthusiastic audience.
Pollack, Ben (1903-1971)

In a career that dated back to the early 1920s, Pollack led a fine jazz-based
orchestra in the early 1930s that nurtured many of the players who would
come to dominate the Swing Era. Among the more famous alumni from his
band were Benny Goodman and Glenn Miller. Pollack himself played
drums, and he drove his groups with authority, although he never achieved
the commercial success that many of his former sidemen later enjoyed.
Reisman, Leo (1897-1961)

A classically trained violinist, Reisman in the 1920s determined to lead a
proper, "high society" orchestra, one that would play for refined dancing. By
the 1930s, he had achieved his goal, and moved to New York's posh Waldorf-
Astoria for an extended stay. Vocalists Lee Wiley, Fred Astaire, and Dinah
Shore performed under his leadership early in their careers. Reisman also
enjoyed slots on network radio, appearing consistently from 1931 until 1938.
Scott, Raymond (1908-1994)

Leader of a quintet that attracted considerable attention in the mid-i930s,
Scott scored unique music that can be best described as "novelty tunes," al-
though "inspired lunacy" has also been employed. Consisting of complex
arrangements usually played at breakneck tempos, the group is erroneously
remembered today for providing the wacky backgrounds for many Warner
Brothers cartoons. In reality, Scott never wrote for the studio; arranger Carl
Stalling took Scott's material and worked it liberally into the "Merrie
Melodies and Looney Tunes" soundtracks. But numbers like "The Toy Trum-
pet" (1936), "Powerhouse" (1937), "Twilight in Turkey" (1937), and "In an
18th Century Drawing Room" (1939) drew appreciative audiences and sold
well as recordings.
Shaw, Artie (1910-2004)

The Artie Shaw orchestra established a reputation as one of the most pop-
ular bands of the later 1930s. In the early years of the decade, Shaw had
free-lanced with different groups and did not go out on his own until 1936.
An excellent clarinetist, Shaw scored a tremendous hit with Jerry Gray's
arrangement of Cole Porter's "Begin the Beguine" in 1938, a recording that
shot him and his orchestra into the upper echelons of popular music. The
band's moody theme, "Nightmare" (1937, composed by Shaw himself),
hinted at more modern music to come, but spirited renditions of Rudolf
Friml's "Indian Love Call" (1924), "Back Bay Shuffle" (1938; music by
Theodore McCrae) and "Frenesi" (1940; music by Alberto Dominguez, lyrics
by Ray Charles and S.K. Russell) kept the orchestra in the spotlight. Com-
mercial success guaranteed Shaw top musicians and vocalists, including
among the latter Helen Forrest, Billie Holiday, Kitty Kallen, and Tony Pas-
tor.
Outstanding Musical Artists from the 1930s 213
Sissle, Noble (1889-1975)

Sissle co-authored, with pianist Eubie Blake, the successful 1921 Broadway
musical Shuffle Along, that success gave Sissle, who was black, entree into
the white-dominated entertainment field. By the 1930s, he had gained
recognition as a leader in vaudeville, musicals, and the nightclub circuit. His
band appeared in a variety of venues otherwise closed to black artists, mak-
ing Sissle something of a pioneer. In 1937, he introduced a young Lena
Home as his band's vocalist.
Spitalny, Phil (1905-1970)

Leader of a band that featured women as its players, Spitalny's group re-
ceived billing as "Phil Spitalny and His All-Girl Orchestra." Like Ina Ray
Hutton (see above), this maestro had a gimmick that worked for over ten
years. Thanks to good promotion, Spitalny landed a radio show entitled The
Hour of Charm; it ran on network radio from 1934 to 1948. All of the mu-
sicians went by first names only"Vivien," "Lola," "Velma," "Connie," and
so on. A regular feature included "Evelyn and Her Magic Violin," a segment
that allowed Evelyn Klein to talk about and play her 1756 violin. Much of
what the Spitalny group did consisted of musical hokum, but it also brought
about modest success for this unusual band.
Waller, Fats (b. Thomas Waller; 1904-1943)

Waller's band, Fats Waller and His Rhythm, proved enormously popular
throughout the 1930s. The bandmore accurately a sextet, for the most
partplayed clubs and recorded innumerable tunes, ranging from novelty
and swing to jazz. The combination of Waller's stride piano and infectious
humor, along with the lyrics of collaborator Andy Razaf, made for a string
of hits, such as "Ain't Misbehavin'" (1929), "Honeysuckle Rose" (1929),
"Black and Blue" (1929), "Keepin' Out of Mischief Now" (1932), and count-
less others.
Waring, Fred (1900-1984)

A native of Pennsylvania, Waring in the 1920s created an unusual combi-
nation of orchestra and glee club/chorus that he called Fred Waring and His
Pennsylvanians. Using lush arrangements of old standards and patriotic
songs, he built an enduring reputation as a purveyor of nostalgia and Amer-
icana and was fondly called "America's Singing Master." The 1930s found
Waring established on network radio; The Fred Waring Show ran consistently
from 1933 until 1949, and he also took his orchestra and chorus to Broad-
way and to films. Hardly a dance band, Waring's orchestra and massed voices
combined music with entertainment and show business.
Webb, Chick (1902-1939)

A superb drummer, Webb led, from 1931 until 1935, the house band at New
York's Savoy Ballroom, a Harlem mecca for swing and jazz. The aggregation
featured compositions and arrangements by Edgar Sampson (including, nat-
urally, his own "Stompin' at the Savoy," 1936), and served as a proving
ground for a host of future stars. In 1934, Webb hired Ella Fitzgerald as the
band's vocalist; in fact, she led the band after Webb's 1939 death, keeping it
going for three years, but she finally went out on her own.
Weems, Ted (1901-1963)

Weems fronted a band that featured singers more than it did instrumental-
ists. Crooner Perry Como stands out as the most famous alumnus of the
group; he would rise to enormous heights of popularity in the decades to
come. In the 1930s, however, Como was on the way up, and vocalizing for
the Weems orchestra got him his start. The band also featured a whistler,
Elmo Tanner, who recorded "Heartaches" (music by Al Hoffman; lyrics by
John Klenner) in 1931. Mildly popular initiallyGuy Lombardo and His
Royal Canadians also recorded itTanner and Weems re-recorded it several
years later and it became a popular favorite. Then, in 1947, a new genera-
tion of listeners rediscovered the tune, and the old recording enjoyed re-
newed success, making it one of one of the biggest hits of the year.
Welk, Lawrence (1903-1992)

Although he soared to great fame as a television bandleader in the 1960s,
Welk had actually led orchestras since the 1920s, and attracted wide atten-
tion in 1934 with "Beer Barrel Polka" (music by Jaramir Vejvoda, lyrics by
Lew Brown and Wladimire A. Timm). His admittedly corny approach to
presentation and his penchant for polkas made him an easy target for crit-
ics, but generations of Americans have loved his showmanship, and he and
his orchestra, almost alone among the many musicians of the era, live on
through endless syndicated replays of his long-running television series, The
Lawrence Welk Show (1955-1982).
Whiteman, Paul (1890-1967)

Whiteman organized his first band in 1918, and by the 1920s had been
dubbed "The King of Jazz," a press agent's title that stayed with him until
his death. He began recording in 1920 and became widely known as a re-
sult. His orchestras hardly qualify as jazz or swing aggregations, but he did
hire some of the best people in the business. Names like the Dorsey Broth-
ers, Bing Crosby, Mildred Bailey, Johnny Mercer, and other musical celebri-
ties at one time or another worked for "Pops" Whiteman. He strove to make
jazz "respectable," that is, acceptable to more educated and socially elite pa-
trons, and even commissioned George Gershwin to write his famous
Rhapsody in Blue (1924) for a concert he was planning. But the later 1930s
and the emphasis on swing found Whiteman's rather pompus, overarranged
style out of date. He soldiered on, performing in movies and on radio in ad-
dition to clubs and shows, but his bands no longer attracted as great a fol-
lowing, and many saw him as a relic of the Roaring Twenties.
VOCALISTS
Most of the bands of the 1930s featured vocalists, both male ("boy singers") and fe-
male ("canaries"). In fact, with the widespread availability of radio and recordings,
these singers could sometimes be identified more readily than the orchestras backing
them. Usually younger than either the leaders or most of the sidemen, vocalists at-
tained increasing importance and popularity, a situation that would intensify in the
1940s. The listing below briefly describes some of those singers who achieved acclaim
in the 1930s.2
Anderson, I vie (1905-1949)

After a career of clubs and shows, Anderson joined Duke Ellington in 1931,
his first full-time vocalist. She remained with the band until 1942, and fans
remember her both for ballads and up-tempo numbers, especially "Rose of
the Rio Grande" (1938; music by Harry Warren and Ross Gorman, lyrics by
Edgar Leslie) and "It Don't Mean a Thing (If It Ain't Got That Swing)" (1932;
words and music by Duke Ellington and Irving Mills), a tune she introduced,
thus helping with the popularization of the term "swing."
Astaire, Fred (1899-1987)

Usually thought of as one of the best dancers and most popular movie stars
of the era, Fred Astaire also enjoyed a successful career as a vocalist. Most
of what he sang came from his films, especially those musicals in which he
co-starred with Ginger Rogers. His taste in music proved as impeccable as
his dancing, and major composers, such as Irving Berlin, Jerome Kern, and
George Gershwin regularly provided scores for his movies. For example, in
Top Hat (Irving Berlin, 1935) he performs "Top Hat, White Tie, and Tails";
in Swing Time (1936; Jerome Kern and Dorothy Fields) the number is "The
Way You Look Tonight"; and in A Damsel in Distress (1937; George and Ira
Gershwin), he sings "I Can't Be Bothered Now" and his dancing can also be
heard on the recording. Over the span of the decade, Astaire had numerous
2l6 Music of the Great Depression
other hits, a testament to his singing abilities and the popularity of his
movies.
Bailey, Mildred (1907-1951)

The first woman to be a featured vocalist behind a famous band, Bailey rose
to fame singing with Paul Whiteman from 1929 to 1934. She was often
called "The Rockin' Chair Lady" because of her hit version of Hoagy
Carmichael's "Rockin' Chair" in 1932. The following year she married band-
leader/xylophonist Red Norvo, and the couple, dubbed "Mr. and Mrs. Jazz,"
enjoyed modest success in clubs and on radio and recordings.
Boswell, Connee (b. Connie Boswell; 1907-1976)

With her sisters Martha and Helvetia ("Vet"), she formed, in the early 1930s,
the Boswell Sisters vocal trio, a jazz-oriented group that helped popularize
up-tempo swing numbers. They enjoyed a popular hit in "Life Is Just a Bowl
of Cherries" (1931; music by Ray Henderson, lyrics by Lew Brown) in 1933.
In many ways, the Boswells presaged the style taken by another trio, the An-
drews Sisters, in the 1940s. In 1935, Connee Boswell became a soloist, de-
spite the challenge of being wheelchair-bound. Her interpretation of "The
Nearness of You" (1938; music by Hoagy Carmichael, lyrics by Ned Wash-
ington) reached the charts. In the meantime, she performed with Tommy
Dorsey, Benny Goodman, Bing Crosby, and many other headliners.
Carlisle, Una Mae (1918-1956)

A prolific songwriter in addition to being an accomplished singer, Carlisle
toured with Fats Waller. The two recorded "I Can't Give You Anything but
Love" (1928; music by Jimmy McHugh, words by Dorothy Fields) in 1939,
and she had a minor hit with her own composition, "Walkin' by the River"
(1940; lyrics by Robert Sour).
Clark, Buddy (b. Walter Clark; 1912-1949)

Clark began his career with Benny Goodman on his Let's Dance radio series.
The exposure led him to Hollywood where he dubbed his voice for non-
singing actors. His style grew out of the crooning developed by Bing Crosby
and Rudy Vallee and adapted particularly well to the medium of radio. He
worked on the network show Your Hit Parade in the late 1930s, as well as
making a number of recordings. Never a big star, he typified the hard-
working band singer.
Cox, Ida (1896-1967)

Hardly a household name in the 1930s, Cox began her career as a church
singer and performer in minstrels. She graduated to theaters and stage pro-
ductions around 1910. The thirties saw her leading her own tent show acts.
In 1939, she sang in John Hammond's Carnegie Hall extravaganza, From
Spirituals to Swing. This exposure led to some recording activity for the blues
veteran, but she never achieved the fame she deserved.
Ennis, Skinnay (1909-1963)

A regular with the Hal Kemp orchestra from 1925 until 1938, Ennis also did
some comedy routines on radio. He is best remembered for his hit with
Kemp, "Got a Date with an Angel" (1931; music by Jack Waller and Joseph
Turnbridge, lyrics by Clifford Grey and Sonnie Miller).
Fitzgerald, Ella (1917-1996)

In 1934, while performing in an amateur show at Harlem's Apollo Theater,
scouts spotted Fitzgerald's considerable talents and she soon thereafter
joined the Chick Webb band. "A-Tisket, A-Tasket" (1938; words and music
by Al Feldman and Ella Fitzgerald), recorded with Webb in 1938, became
her first major hit. The following year saw Fitzgerald take over leadership of
the Webb orchestra when he died. Although her years of superstardom still
lay ahead, she had already mastered her distinctive "scat" style of singing, a
technique that involves improvising on lyrics and instrumental passages
using nonsense syllables, often phrasing them in a manner similar to mu-
sical instruments instead of traditional vocal inflections.
Garland, Judy (1922-1969)

A teenaged star in the movies, Garland first attracted musical attention in
Broadway Melody of 1938 (1937) when she sang "Dear Mr. Gable/You Made
Me Love You" (1913; music by James V. Monaco, lyrics by Joseph McCarthy)
to a photograph of Clark Gable. She followed that success with "Zing! Went
the Strings of My Heart" (1935; words and music by James F. Hanley) in the
movie Listen, Darling (1938). Her casting as Dorothy in The Wizard of Oz
(1939) assured her stardom, especially her rendition of Harold Arlen's "Over
the Rainbow" (lyrics by E.Y. Harburg). She had two more hits from Andy
Hardy Meets Debutante (1940), one of the pictures in the popular Andy Hardy
series, "I'm Nobody's Baby" (1921; music by Lester Santly and Milton Ager,
lyrics by Benny Davis) and "Alone" (1935; music by Nacio Herb Brown, lyrics
by Arthur Freed). From then on she emerged as one of the country's most
popular entertainers.
Holiday, Billie ("Lady Day") (1915-1959)

Critic John Hammond discovered Billie Holiday while working the Harlem
club scene. He set up her recording debut with Benny Goodman in 1933;
from there she appeared with Teddy Wilson, Count Basie, Artie Shaw, and
2l8 Music of the Great Depression
a number of pick-up swing groups. Unfortunately, her personal life often at-
tracted as much attention as her splendid jazz singing. Insiders, however,
early on recognized Holiday as one of the finest interpreters of lyrics and
their connection to the music. She can be heard on "Your Mother's Son-in-
Law" (1933; music by Alberta Nichols, lyrics by Mann Holiner) with the early
Goodman band, "Any Old Time" (1938; words and music by Artie Shaw)
with Artie Shaw, and on "Strange Fruit" (1939; words and music by Lewis
Allan [Abel Meeropol]), a controversial anti-lynching song. The major record-
ing companies and radio networks refused to touch "Strange Fruit," fearing
an audience backlash, but the small Commodore label fortunately recorded
it, thereby saving it for posterity.
Humes, Helen (1913-1981)

Humes began recording as a teenager in the late 1920s doing blues and up-
tempo numbers. A decade later found her singing with Count Basie's or-
chestra, although the bandleader usually limited her to ballads (Jimmy
Rushing did most of the blues for the band). She remained with Basie from
1938 until 1942, and gained recognition as an outstanding vocalist. Her dis-
tinctive style can be heard on numbers like "Blame It on My Last Affair"
(1939; music by Henry Nemo, lyrics by Irving Mills) and "My Heart Belongs
to Daddy" (1939; words and music by Cole Porter).
Robeson, Paul (1898-1976)

Hardly a band singer, or even a popular entertainer in the broad sense of
the term, Robeson excelled at acting, and his concert singing electrified au-
diences for several decades. The son of an escaped slave, he led in every-
thing he attempted, from athletics to academics. Although trained as a
lawyer, racial prejudice ended that career. He became a noted Broadway per-
former (Show Boat, 1932) and Shakespearean actor (Othello, 1930), starred
in a number of films (The Emperor Jones, 1933, Song of Freedom, 1936, Proud
Valley, 1939, others), and recorded frequently. His rendition of Earl Robin-
son's "Ballad for Americans" (1938; lyrics by John Latouche) on both CBS
radio and at the 1939-1940 New York World's Fair became legendary for its
power (see Chapter 5). In time, his activist stands on civil rights brought him
under the scrutiny of Congress. Continual persecution for his outspoken
views led to depression and eventual seclusion. During the 1930s and 1940s,
however, Paul Robeson gained recognition as a leading voice for equality,
and stages around the world served as his podium.
Rushing, Jimmy ("Mr. Five-by-Five") (1903-1972)

Jimmy Rushing will always be associated with Count Basie. From 1927 on-
ward, or back in the days before Basie led a band, Rushing performed with
both Bennie Moten and Walter Page's Blue Devils, the predecessors of the
Basie aggregation. With his burly frame (thus his nickname) and manner of
shouting the blues, Rushing proved a real crowd pleaser, and he remained
with Basie until 1948. During that time, he recorded such classics as "Good
Morning Blues" (1937; music by Count Basie and Eddie Durham, lyrics by
Jimmy Rushing), "Sent for You Yesterday" (1938; music by Eddie Durham,
lyrics by Jimmy Rushing), and "Evil Blues" (1939; music by Count Basie and
Harry Edison, lyrics by Jimmy Rushing).
Sinatra, Frank (1915-1998)

Although his fame touched only the very last years of the decade, Sinatra's
success and popularity as a "boy singer" marked the end of the dominance
of the bands and their leaders and the gradual ascendancy of the vocalist as
the star attraction. Stories of Sinatra's dedication to his craft have long cir-
culated; his apprenticeship under Harry James and, later, Tommy Dorsey,
set the stage for the smitten teens who could not resist the kid from Hobo-
ken. Little survives from those early years; he recorded "All or Nothing at
All" (1939; words and music by Arthur Altman and Jack Lawrence) with the
James band in mid-1939 and a handful of tunes in 1940 with Tommy Dorsey,
such as "I'll Never Smile Again" (1940; words and music by Ruth Lowe),
but little else. As Sinatra's fame grew, a new code of behavior came into ef-
fect between fans and their favorite singers: the vocalist took center stage;
the band and its leader had become secondary.
Smith, Bessie (1894-1937)

Nicknamed "The Empress of the Blues," Smith enjoyed her greatest fame
in the 1920s, but she continued as a strong force in American blues music
until her death in 1937. Capable of filling a theater with her powerful voice
without the aid of amplification, her music nonetheless had a dated quality
in the Swing Era. She tried to change, but a deadly automobile accident pre-
vented her from completing a comeback.
Smith, Kate (1907-1986)

Kate Smith first began to attract attention in the mid-1920s; she would re-
main a favorite for the next fifty years. A native of North Carolina, promot-
ers billed her as "The Songbird of the South," and she soon had a continuing
series of her own radio shows. Her broadcasts ran under varying titles, be-
ginning in 1931 with Kate Smith Sings and continuing virtually without in-
terruption until 1952. Her rendition of "When the Moon Comes Over the
Mountain" (1931; music by Harry Woods, lyrics by Howard Johnson) made
her a star of the first rank; the song became her theme and hit after hit fol-
lowed. In 1938, composer Irving Berlin gave her exclusive rights to the words
and music to "God Bless America" (written in 1918, at the close of World
War I for a musical entitled Yip, Yip, Yaphank, but dropped from the score).
With World War II on the horizon, Smith's strong, optimistic singing of the
song lifted people's spirits, making it a kind of second National Anthem.
Sullivan, Maxine (1911-1987)

Best known for her swinging interpretations of old folk songs, such as "Loch
Lomond" (1937; traditional), "Annie Laurie" (1938; traditional), and "Darling
Nellie Gray" (1938; traditional), Sullivan brought her artistry to many other
styles of music as well. Married to bandleader John Kirby, the couple had a
popular CBS radio show, Flow Gently Sweet Rhythm, in 1939-1940. They
were the first black artists to host a jazz-oriented series.
Tibbett, Lawrence (1896-1960)

Although opera singers have usually failed to appeal to the general Ameri-
can public, Lawrence Tibbett proved the exception. A bass-baritone with the
Metropolitan Opera Company from 1923 until 1950, Tibbett took the lead in
Hollywood's The Rogue Song (1930). Audiences loved him; nominated for an
Academy Award (Best Actor), he went on to star in a number of other
movies. Tibbett branched out into radio and recording, moves that further
broadened his popularity. A white performer, he gained part of his fame as
an interpreter of black spirituals, often in blackface. Taking the role of Porgy,
he did the first recording of Gershwin's Porgy and Bess in 1935, and his in-
terpretation of "I Got Plenty o' Nuttin'" (1935; music by George Gershwin,
lyrics by Ira Gershwin and DuBose Heyward) became a hit.
Turner, Joe ("Big Joe") (1911-1985)

Teamed with pianist Pete Johnson in 1938's historic From Spirituals to Swing,
the exposure made the duo overnight hits, although they had actually worked
together for many years prior to the concert. A true blues shouter, Turner
went on to considerable popularity in subsequent years. His best-known ef-
forts with Johnson include 1938's "Roll'em Pete" (music by Pete Johnson,
lyrics by Joe Turner) and "Cherry Red" (1939; music by Pete Johnson, lyrics
by Joe Turner), both boogie-woogie classics.
Ward, Helen (1916-1998)

The quintessential big band singer, Ward toured and recorded with Benny
Goodman during the mid-thirties. Able to sing just about anything in the
band's book, she projected professionalism, whether in a crowded dancehall
or a stuffy recording studio. She can be heard with Goodman in such num-
bers as "All My Life" (1935; music by Sam H. Stept, lyrics by Sidney D.
Mitchell) and her biggest hit with the band, "Goody, Goody" (1936; music
by Matty Malneck, lyrics by Johnny Mercer).
A publicitiy shot of band vocalist Helen Ward (1916-1998) with clarinetist Benny Goodman
(1909-1986), the "King of Swing." Ward exemplified the attractive and talented "girl singer" that
accompanied most big bands during the 1930s; Goodman, of course, led one of the most suc-
cessful orchestras around, and Ward performed ably with him. Together they cut many records,
including "It's Been So Long" (1936; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Harold Adamson),
"Too Good to be True" (1928; music by Ray Henderson, lyrics by Buddy DeSylva and Lew Brown),
and "All My Life" (1936; music by Sam H. Stept, lyrics by Sidney D. Mitchell). [Library of Con-
gress, Prints & Photographs Division]
Wiley, Lee (1915-1975)

If Helen Ward epitomizes the band singer, Wiley does the same for cabaret
singers. Possessed of a distinctive, husky voice, as well as striking good
looks, she seems the ideal person to be singing ballads in a smoky night-
club. Her numerous recordings with some of the best names in jazz rein-
force the image. She enjoyed her first hit in 1931, a rendition of "Time On
My Hands" (1930; music by Vincent Youmans, lyrics by Harold Adamson
and Mack Gordon). In addition, she pioneered in the making of "concept al-
bums"recordings based on certain themes or the works of specific song-
writers. In 1939 she began the first of a series of albums dedicated to
composers; in time, the albums would include the Gershwins, Cole Porter,
Rodgers and Hart, and Harold Arlen (1939-1943).
SONGWRITERS, LYRICISTS, AND ARRANGERS
What follows consists of a brief listing of some of those people who composed the
melodies, put memorable words to the music, and possessed the skills necessary to
arrange words and music in such ways that bands and vocalists could have their own
distinctive sound. Often overlooked by the public, this group of individuals created
some of the most enduring American music of the 1930s or any other time. As a rule,
they resided behind the scenes; the public knew little about them and only a handful
achieved any celebrity; instead, millions knew their music.3
Arlen, Harold (b. Hyman Arluck; 1905-1986)

Arlen first appeared on the music scene in the 1920s; by 1930 he was writ-
ing songs for the Cotton Club and for Broadway, and soon had composed
such standards as "I Gotta Right to Sing the Blues" (Earl Carroll's Vanities,
1932; lyrics by Ted Koehler), "Stormy Weather" (1933; lyrics by Ted Koehler),
and "Last Night When We Were Young" (1936; lyrics by E.Y. Harburg). His
greatest popular fame came in 1939 with the release of MGM's The Wizard
ofOz. Arlen wrote the score, and it included many favorites; "Over the Rain-
bow" (1939; lyrics by E.Y. Harburg), especially as sung by Judy Garland,
probably remains the best remembered piece from the picture.
Berlin, Irving (b. Israel Baline; 1888-1989)

One of the handful of composers/songwriters to escape anonymity, Berlin
achieved a certain celebrity with the general public. Given his extraordinary
long life, Berlin wrote for most of the twentieth century, composing over
1,000 songs, hundreds of which went on to become hits, and many of those
now considered standards. He personified Tin Pan Alley; he could work in
virtually any format and he usually wrote his own lyrics. Unable to read
music (an arranger would transcribe his ideas to paper), Berlin composed
for the theater, the movies, and general popular consumption. The 1930s
proved a banner decade for him, with dozens of standards coming from his
prolific imagination. "Easter Parade" (As Thousands Cheer, 1933), "Top Hat,
White Tie, and Tails" (Top Hat, 1935), "Cheek to Cheek" (Top Hat, 1935), and
"Let Yourself Go" (Follow the Fleet, 1936) serve only as examples of his vari-
ety. Fred Astaire, one of his favorite vocalists, incidentally sang all of the fore-
going, a tribute to Berlin's skills and Astaire's taste. "God Bless America,"
Berlin's well-loved ode to patriotism, had been originally written in 1918; it
reappeared, literally pulled out of a trunk, as the shadows of World War II
began to stretch across the nation. The song caught the national imagina-
tion in 1939, especially in the recorded version by Kate Smith.
Cahn, Sammy (1913-1993)

An often-overlooked lyricist, Cahn established himself with Hollywood in
the mid-thirties, although most of his best work would not gain notice until
the 1940s or later. With the swing craze reaching its peak in the last years
of the decade, Cahn began to attract notice with soundtrack songs from films
like Manhattan Merry-Go-Round (1938; music by Saul Chaplin) and 32nd
Street (1937; music by Walter Bullock). His first hit occurred when he scored
the English words for "Bei Mir Bist Du Shoen" (1938; music by Sholom Se-
cunda), an old Yiddish song that achieved great popularity when the An-
drews Sisters recorded it. As Cahn carefully points out in his lyrics, the title
means "you are grand." This number proved so successful that it appeared
in two films, Love, Honor and Behave and Prisoner of Swing (both 1938).
Carmichael, Hoagy (b. Howard Hoagland Carmichael; 1899-1981)

Throughout much of his long career, the Indiana-born Carmichael com-
posed for, and also appeared in, a number of films as an actor, singer, and
pianist. Best known for "Star Dust" (1927; lyrics by Mitchell Parish added in
1929), possibly the most recorded title in the history of popular American
music, he also composed such evergreens as "Rockin' Chair" (1930), "Lazy
River" (1931; lyrics by Sidney Arodin), "Lazybones" (1934; lyrics by Johnny
Mercer), and "The Nearness of You" (1938; lyrics by Ned Washington). His
lanky looks, plus his laconic manner, made him a recognizable Hollywood
character actor and he appeared in fourteen films. Being on screen gave him
the opportunity to perform his music before a huge captive audience.
Donaldson, Walter (1893-1947)

As the composer of "Yes, Sir, That's My Baby" (1925; lyrics by Gus Kahn)
and "My Blue Heaven" (1927; lyrics by George Whiting), plus dozens of
other pop tunes, Donaldson was already a well-known songwriter when the
1930s began. He enlarged on his fame by creating two big hits for Guy Lom-
bardo and His Royal Canadians: "Little White Lies" and "You're Driving Me
Crazy! (What Did I Do?)," both written in 1930. At this time, he moved to
Hollywood and churned out song after song for the movies. In 1933, he wrote
"Dancing in the Moonlight" (lyrics by Gus Kahn) for The Prizefighter and the
Lady; three years later he earned an Academy Award nomination for Best
Song with "Did I Remember?" (lyrics by Harold Adamson) in the film Suzy
(1936).
Dubin, Al (1891-1945)
A Swiss-born lyricist, Dubin came to Hollywood in the early 1930s. He
teamed up with composer Harry Warren to create a remarkable series of
standards during the decade, beginning with the score for the musical hit
42nd Street (1933). The powerful "Remember My Forgotten Man" (1933;
music by Harry Warren) in the film Gold Diggers of 1933 established his cre-
dentials to write timely lyrics. Among his other works with Warren are
"Boulevard of Broken Dreams" (Moulin Rouge, 1933), "I Only Have Eyes for
You" (Dames, 1934), and the novelty number, "Flagenheimer's Odorless
Cheese" (Broadway Gondolier, 1935).
Duke, Vernon (b. Vladimir Dukelsky; 1903-1969)

A Russian-born songwriter, Duke pursued both popular music and classical
composition, retaining his birth name of Dukelsky until 1955 for his ballets,
concertos, and oratorios. From 1921 onward, he used the more familiar "Ver-
non Duke" for his lighter work. On the popular side, Duke achieved renown
on Broadway with "April in Paris" (1932; lyrics by E.Y. Harburg) and two
songs from the Zigfield Follies of 1934, "I Like the Likes of You" and "What
Is There to Say?" (both with lyrics by E. Y. Harburg). In 1936 he penned both
music and lyrics for the haunting "Autumn in New York" and collaborated
with lyricist Ira Gershwin for "I Can't Get Started." He continued his dual
careers until his death in 1969.
Ellington, Duke (b. Edward Kennedy Ellington; 1899-1974)

Although Ellington certainly ranks as one of the premier American com-
posers and arrangers, his orchestra clearly served as his primary method of
expression. Therefore, he can be found under the "Bandleader" section
above, but also see "Strayhorn, Billy" below.
Fields, Dorothy (1905-1974)

In a profession long dominated by men, Dorothy Fields managed to over-
come gender biases and rose to become an outstanding songwriter. But she
also proved the exception; most women languished in the music business,
and few achieved any measure of success. A lyricist, she first collaborated
with composer Jimmy McHugh, creating such standards as "On the Sunny
Side of the Street" (Lew Leslie's International Revue, 1930), "Don't Blame Me"
On the left, composer Vernon Duke (1903-1969); on the right, lyricist Ira Gershwin (1896-1983).
Both masters of their musical crafts, they also worked together on a number of occasions. Duke
first attempted classical composition, but found his strength lay in more popular genres. Gersh-
win, of course, usually collaborated with his brother George, but took time in 1936 to set words
to a Vernon Duke melody. "I Can't Get Started," one of the classics of the 1930s, resulted from
that joint effort. [Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division]
(Clowns in Clover, 1933), and "I'm in the Mood for Love" (Every Night at Eight,
1935). Soon she worked with additional songwriters, especially Jerome Kern
in Hollywood, a union that resulted in "Never Gonna Dance" (Swing Time,
1936) and "You Couldn't Be Cuter" (Joy of Living, 1938), among many others.
Friml, Rudolf (1879-1972)

Born in Czechoslovakia, Friml came to the United States in 1906. He made
his mark composing in a form unfamiliar to most Americans, the operetta.
Actress/singer Jeanette MacDonald frequently starred in Friml musicals, and
he reached his largest audiences doing film scores; he even adapted his pre-
vious stage works to screen. For example, his The Vagabond King (1925) be-
came a movie with the same name in 1930. His best-known work, Rose Marie
(play, 1924; film, 1936), stars MacDonald and Nelson Eddy, the second op-
eretta in a long-running series by the two actors. Friml's The Firefly (1912)
went to Hollywood in 1937, and served as another MacDonald vehicle. The
film also includes "The Donkey Serenade" (music by Rudolf Friml and Her-
bert Stothart, lyrics by Bob Wright and Chet Forrest), a popular favorite that
actually came from a 1923 song he called "Chansonette."
Gershwin, George (1898-1937)

One of the giants of American music, Gershwin excelled in all areas of pop-
ular song. A skilled pianist and composer, he usually worked in partnership
with his brother, lyricist Ira Gershwin. Their collective talents resulted in
dozens of classics"Bidin' My Time" (Girl Crazy, 1930), "Let's Call the
Whole Thing Off" (Shall We Dance, 1937), "A Foggy Day (in London Town)"
(A Damsel in Distress, 1937), "Love Is Here to Stay" (The Goldwyn Follies,
1938)that ranged from songs for theater, movies, and recordings, to the
opera Porgy and Bess, composed in 1935. In that last effort, DuBose Heyward,
the librettist, contributed some lyrics, but Ira Gershwin wrote most of the
words to the score. A man of wide-ranging genius, George Gershwin also
wanted to create more serious music, and works like Rhapsody in Blue (1924),
his famous concert work, resulted. During the 1930s, he continued to fol-
low that urge with Second Rhapsody for Piano and Orchestra (1931) and
Variations on "I Got Rhythm" (1934).
Gershwin, Ira (1896-1983)

A brilliant lyricist, Ira Gershwin is often thought of as George Gershwin's
brother. But without Ira's ability to create memorable words for George's
music, it seems unlikely that George Gershwin would rank as high on the
pantheon of American songwriters as he does. The melodies of "But Not for
Me" (Girl Crazy, 1930), "Who Cares?" (Of Thee I Sing, 1931), and "I Was
Doing All Right" (Goldwyn Follies, 1938) certainly linger in the mind, but the
words bring the music to life, the recalled snippets of a line or two that allow
the song to live on in memory. After George's untimely death, Ira contin-
ued to write, working with many different composers.
Gifford, Gene (1908-1970)

Best remembered as the chief arranger for the Casa Loma Orchestra, Gif-
ford represents those composer/arrangers who worked to give a band a dis-
tinctive "sound." In Gifford's case, his approach involved the use of riffs, or
repeated musical phrases, and it proved so successful in the Swing Era that
others frequently imitated his techniques. He proved particularly good at up-
tempo pieces, as attested by the popularity of the Casa Lomans' perform-
ances of his "Maniac's Ball" (1932), "Black Jazz" (1932), and "White Jazz"
(I933)-
Gray, Jerry (1915-1976)

Gray joined the Artie Shaw band in 1938 as an arranger. That same year, he
took Cole Porter's 1935 "Begin the Beguine" and completely altered the Latin-
influenced song into a smooth swing tune designed for American dancers.
An overwhelming success, it made Gray an in-demand arranger. He con-
tinued with Shaw, contributing arrangements of such numbers as "Lover
Come Back to Me" (1939; originally 1928, music by Sigmund Romberg,
lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II) and "Non-Stop Flight" (1938). In 1939, he
moved to the Glenn Miller Orchestra and began creating arrangements that
catapulted the Miller aggregation to the top of all the bands. One of his first
contributions was an interpretation of "In the Mood" (1938), a song written
by Joe Garland. In 1939, in an RCA Victor Bluebird recording, "In the Mood"
proved a tremendous hit, and Gray would continue with the Miller band for
a number of years.
Grofe, Ferde (b. Ferdinand Rudolf von Grofe; 1892-1972)

Grofe stands among a tiny group of serious composers who also had a pop-
ular following during the 1930s. He first came into prominence when he or-
chestrated George Gershwin's Rhapsody in Blue for the Paul Whiteman
orchestra (1924). He continued working with Whiteman, helping to write
arrangements for The King ofJazz (1930), a big Hollywood musical that in-
cluded Gershwin performing his by-now famous Rhapsody. In 1931, White-
man premiered Grofe's Grand Canyon Suite, a classical composition that
attempts to musically picture the canyon. People liked his approach and the
suite received considerable acclaim. The best-known section is "On the
Trail," where the clop-clop-clop of donkey hooves can be heard. That work
gained Grofe much radio exposure, conducting jobs, and arranging, making
him one of the most visible serious musicians of the period.
Hammerstein, Oscar, II (1895-1960)

Perhaps best known by modern audiences for his longtime (1943-1960) col-
laboration with composer Richard Rodgers, Oscar Hammerstein had years
earlier established a significant reputation on Broadway as a lyricist. Work-
ing with composer Jerome Kern (see below), the two practically defined the
modern stage musical with Show Boat (1927). They continued their collabo-
ration in an on-again, off-again way with hits like "I've Told Ev'ry Little Star"
and "The Song Is You" (both Music in the Air, 1932), and "All the Things You
Are" (Very Warm for May, 1939). When not working with Kern, Hammer-
stein teamed up with Rudolf Friml for the operetta Rose Marie (stage, 1924;
film, 1936), creating such popular favorites as "Indian Love Call." He worked
in a similar manner with Sigmund Romberg for May Wine (1935), con-
tributing the words for "Once Around the Clock." He even provided lyrics
for the zany Olsen-Johnson comedy Hellzapoppin' (1938). By and large, how-
ever, Hammerstein's career coasted during the 1930s; not until he and
Richard Rodgers formed their partnership in the early 1940s would he
achieve the heights for which he has become most famous.
Harburg, E.Y. ("Yip") (1896-1981)

"Yip" Harburg wrote the powerful story of Depression loss that unfolds in
"Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?" (1932; music by Jay Gorney). But it was
also Harburg who penned the hilarious stanzas for "Lydia, the Tattooed
Lady" (At the Circus, 1939; music by Harold Arlen). The topical distance be-
tween the two songs could not be greater, and it shows how thoroughly pro-
fessional, how multitalented, were the men (and occasional women) working
in Tin Pan Alley during the thirties. Harburg would also create the lovely
lyrics that grace "April in Paris" (Walk a Little Faster, 1932; music by Vernon
Duke) and "What Is There to Say?" (Ziegfeld Follies of 1934; music by Vernon
Duke), and contributed to dozens of other melodies of the decade.
Hart, Lorenz (1895-1943)

Best known as the lyricist half of Rodgers and Hart, he teamed up with com-
poser Richard Rodgers in 1920 (see below). Although success eluded the
pair for several years, in 1925 they achieved some fame for Garrick Gaieties,
and thereafter found themselves in demand for Broadway shows and Hol-
lywood movies. The partnership dissolved in the early 1940s, but music
lovers have been left with a body of work that is often wry, always sophisti-
cated, and reflective in many ways of the era. A sampling of Hart's memo-
rable lyrics set to Rodgers' music might include "Ten Cents a Dance" (Simple
Simon, 1930), "Blue Moon" (one of their few songs written neither for stage
nor screen, 1935), "It's Easy to Remember" (Mississippi, 1935), and "The Lady
Is a Tramp" (Babes in Arms, 1937).
The songwriting team of Richard Rodgers (1902-1979; left) and Lorenz Hart (1895-1943; right)
created one stage and screen hit after another throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Masters of so-
phisticated songs long favored by vocalists and instrumentalists alike"Ten Cents a Dance," "Lit-
tle Girl Blue," "My Funny Valentine," and "The Lady Is a Tramp" have certainly stood the test
of timethey lifted the popular standard to a new level of maturity. [Library of Congress, Prints
Henderson, Fletcher (1898-1952)

A distinguished black bandleader in his own right, Henderson reached his
largest audiences working as an arranger for Benny Goodman and other
white-led orchestras. Because his band did not succeed commercially, Hen-
derson fell into financial straits and had to sell many of his arrangements
to Goodman. In that roundabout manner, Henderson's music reached far
more people than it might otherwise have done. For example, Jelly Roll Mor-
ton wrote and recorded "King Porter Stomp" in 1923; ten years later, Hen-
derson did an arrangement of it for his own band, but it went nowhere in
sales. Then, in 1935, the Goodman band, using Henderson's arrangement,
recorded "King Porter Stomp" and it became a big hit. For many reasons
and race is primary among themFletcher Henderson could never achieve
the commercial success of a Goodman or a Miller, yet his brilliant arrange-
ments helped define the swing style of the 1930s.
Kern, Jerome (1885-1945)

With stage hits like Sunny (1925), Show Boat (1927), and Sweet Adeline (1929)
behind him, Jerome Kern entered the 1930s as the dean of American the-
ater composers. But like so many others at the time, Kern turned increas-
ingly from Broadway to Hollywood, focusing on film scores for much of the
decade. He nonetheless completed the music for a number of outstanding
stage musicals during the 1930s, including Music in the Air (lyrics by Oscar
Hammerstein II) and Roberta (lyrics by Otto Harbach). Among his many
memorable movie melodies, "A Fine Romance" and "The Way You Look
Tonight" (both from Swing Time, 1936; lyrics by Dorothy Fields) could more
than show Kern's range and versatility. In addition, he also created the film
scores for several of his stage hits that Hollywood adapted for the screen.
Loesser, Frank (1910-1969)

Only twenty years old when the decade began, Frank Loesser can be counted
as something of a latecomer to the 1930s. But he made up for any lost time
by joining Paramount Studios and writing the lyrics to dozens of songs fea-
tured in movies from 1938 to 1940. He put words to "Two Sleepy People"
(Thanks for the Memory, 1938; music by Hoagy Carmichael), "See What the
Boys in the Backroom Will Have" (Destry Rides Again, 1939; music by Fred
Hollender), and "I Hear Music" (Dancing on a Dime, 1940; music by Bur-
ton Lane) during a sustained burst of creativity. Greater fame awaited
Loesser, but he had established himself in a brief period of time.
McHugh, Jimmy (1895-1969)

McHugh began his career in music as a song plugger, but quickly moved to
composing his own music. By 1924 he had his first hit, "When My Sugar
Walks Down the Street" (lyrics by Gene Austin). He began collaborating with
lyricist Dorothy Fields in 1928, a partnership that would last well into the
1930s. "Exactly Like You" (1930) and "I Feel a Song Coming On" (1935) were
among their successes, but he also worked with many other lyricists and en-
joyed a string of successes in the 1940s.
Mercer, Johnny (1909-1976)

A composer and a lyricist of some note, and also an accomplished popular
singer, Mercer quickly rose to modest fame in the 1930s. "Lazybones" (1933;
music by Hoagy Carmichael) served as his breakthrough work, and he fol-
lowed that with a string of hits including "I'm an Old Cowhand" (Rhythm
on the Range, 1936), "Too Marvelous for Words" (Ready, Willing, and Able,
1937; music by Richard Whiting), "Jeepers, Creepers" (Going Places, 1939;
music by Harry Warren), and the swing classic, "And the Angels Sing" (1939;
music by Ziggy Elman). Before the end of his long career in the 1970s, Mer-
cer had written the words to over 1,500 songs.
Mundy, Jimmy (1907-1983)

An arranger who began his professional career working with pianist Earl
Hines from 1932 to 1936, Mundy joined the Benny Goodman band in 1936
and stayed until 1939. During his tenure, he contributed dozens of arrange-
ments to Goodman, then riding on a crest of unparalleled popularity. Num-
bers like the show-stopping "Sing, Sing, Sing" (1936; original music by Louis
Prima and Andy Razaf) owe their excitement to Mundy's skills. Originally
two distinct melodies, plus riffs from several soloists, "Sing, Sing, Sing"
dates from the early 1930s. Mundy combined these disparate elements into
the familiar, lengthy swing anthem that belongs to Goodman alone. Other
Mundy big-band hits followedoften referred to as "killer-dillers," since
they thrilled listeners and dancers with their up-tempo sense of excite-
mentsuch as "Bugle Call Rag" (originally 1923; music by Jack Pettis, Billy
Meyers, and Elmer Schoebel) and "Airmail Special" (1941; music by Benny
Goodman, Charlie Christian, and Jimmy Mundy).
Noble, Ray (1903-1978)

An Englishman of many talents, bandleader and composer Ray Noble spent
most of his working life in the United States. He led a good dance band in
the early 1930s and it included some of the best sidemen of the day. But he
will probably be remembered for several standards he wrote, such as "The
Very Thought of You" (1934), "Cherokee" (1939), and that sentimental fa-
vorite with which many orchestras choose to end a dance, "Goodnight,
Sweetheart" (1931; with James Campbell and Reg Connelly).
Oliver, Sy (b. Melvin James Oliver; 1910-1988)

Oliver contributed memorable arrangements to both the Jimmie Lunceford
and the Tommy Dorsey bands. He first attracted attention with Lunceford,
contributing such charts as "Four or Five Times" (1927; music by Byron Gay,
lyrics by Marco H. Hellman), "For Dancers Only" (1937; music by Don Raye,
Vic Schoen, and Sy Oliver), and the band's trademark "Tain't What'cha Do,
It's the Way That'cha Do It" (1939; music by Sy Oliver, lyrics by Trummy
Young). In 1939, he joined Dorsey as chief arranger, and there he estab-
lished a reputation for creating crisp, swinging versions of many songs.
Among his earliest hits with the band was "Easy Does It" (1939; music by
Sy Oliver), and in time he virtually defined the musical style of the Dorsey
orchestra.
Parish, Mitchell (1900-1993)

A lyricist, Parish built his fame on taking the instrumental melodies of oth-
ers and putting appropriate words to them. The best example of this skill
rests with Hoagy Carmichael's "Star Dust," a tune composed in 1927. But
"Star Dust" got lost among a plethora of similar medium-tempo songs, and
not until 1929 did Parish write the words that made it one of the all-time
great standards. His lyrics slowed the music down and gave it a dreamy,
ethereal quality. His reputation assured, Parish went on to add words to
Duke Ellington's "Sophisticated Lady" (1933), one of the few times someone
outside the tight circle of the Ellington orchestra had a major hand in cre-
ating the music. "Stars Fell on Alabama" (1934) was composed by Frank
Perkins, but the Parish lyrics make it memorable. A song long associated
with big-band swing is "Don't Be That Way" (1934; music by Edgar Samp-
son and Benny Goodman). Popular for dancing, it took on a second life when
Parish wrote lyrics for it in 1938. In a similar vein, "Stairway to the Stars"
(1935; music by Matty Malneck and Frank Signorelli), first appeared as an
instrumental. It did little until Parish worked his magic in 1939, whereupon
it proved a big hit for Glenn Miller and his band. Finally, Miller's own theme
song, "Moonlight Serenade" (1939; music by Glenn Miller) features a set of
Mitchell Parish lyrics.
Porter, Cole (1891-1964)

Another major figure in American popular music, Porter composed a col-
lection of unforgettable tunes for which he provided his own sophisticated
lyrics. The Broadway stage and the movies served as his bailiwick, and each
year saw new Porter scores. Some 1930s samplings from those scores would
include the controversial "Love for Sale" (The New Yorkers, 1930), "Night and
Day" (Gay Divorce, 1932), "Anything Goes" (Anything Goes, 1934), the hugely
successful "Begin the Beguine" (Jubilee, 1935), and "My Heart Belongs to
Daddy" (Leave It to Me! 1938). His career went on long after the 1930s, and
he consistently added laurels to his already distinguished crown.
Razaf, Andy (b. Andreamentania Paul Razafkeriefo; 1895-1973)

Best known as the lyricist partner of pianist Fats Waller, Razaf had created,
by the beginning of the 1930s, a memorable body of work. He did not slow
down, however, but instead collaborated with a number of musicians, in-
cluding Waller, and proceeded to write such hits as "Blue Turning Grey Over
You" (1930; music by Fats Waller), "Memories of You" (Lew Leslie's Blackbirds
f 193> niusic by Eubie Blake), "Christopher Columbus" (1936; music by
Leon Berry), and the dancer's delight, "Stompin' at the Savoy" (1936; music
by Edgar Sampson, Benny Goodman, and Chick Webb, lyrics by Andy Razaf).
Redman, Don (1900-1964)

Although he led his own big band from 1931 to 1940, it did not prosper and
had few recording opportunities. He did, however, gain his own radio show
in the late 1930s, the first black bandleader to do so. Redman will be re-
membered as one of the fathers of swing because of his compositions and
arrangements. What he pioneered in the 1920s and 1930s with bands like
Fletcher Henderson, McKinney's Cotton Pickers, plus his own group, be-
came the basics of swing composition and arranging. His theme song,
"Chant of the Weed" (1932), stands as a harmonically complex work, sug-
gesting some of the more difficult Duke Ellington compositions of the era.
Despite his adventuresome arrangements, he remained more of a favorite
among his colleagues than he did the general public, although that same
public bought and danced to music much influenced by Don Redman.
Rodgers, Richard (1902-1979)

One of the most esteemed American composers of the twentieth century,
Rodgers in reality enjoyed two careers: his long-time partnership with
Lorenz Hart (see above), and his equally rewarding association with Oscar
Hammerstein II (see above) following Hart's death in 1943. During the
1930s, Rodgers and Hart could do no wrong as far as the stage and screen
were concerned. The two penned a remarkable number of songs destined
to become standards, and each tune contained a blend of witty, sophisticated
lyrics and a memorable melody. Hummable, hard-to-forget music seemed
to flow naturally from Rodgers' pen, a characteristic he would successfully
carry on when he later teamed with Hammerstein. For the thirties, the in-
souciant "I've Got Five Dollars" (America's Sweetheart, 1931) perfectly cap-
tured the era, along with such melodic classics as "Lover" (Love Me Tonight,
1933), "My Romance" (Billy Rose's Jumbo, 1935), "There's a Small Hotel" (On
Your Toes, 1935), and "My Funny Valentine" (Babes in Arms, 1936).
Romberg, Sigmund (1887-1951)

A Hungarian by birth, Romberg emigrated to the United States in 1909, but
it was not until 1917 that he began to garner some acclaim. Like his coun-
terpart, Rudolf Friml (see above), he often worked in the operetta format.
He, too, went on to Hollywood, helping to fashion many of his plays into
movies, although some did not make the transition until well after the 1930s.
He saw The New Moon (1928) filmed twice; once in 1930 with Lawrence Tib-
bett and Grace Moore, and again in 1940 with Jeanette MacDonald and Nel-
son Eddy. It includes the popular "Stout-Hearted Men." (lyrics by Oscar
Hammerstein II). Maytime (1917) reached screens in 1937, once more fea-
turing the team of Eddy and MacDonald. He even scored an original movie,
The Night Is Young, in 1935. It features "When I Grow Too Old to Dream"
(lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II), a hit song for Nelson Eddy.
Sampson, Edgar (1907-1973)

Yet another arranger who learned his craft with the Fletcher Henderson or-
chestra (1931-1933), Sampson went on to acclaim working with Chick Webb
until 1937 at the famous Savoy Ballroom. During this time, he wrote several
swing standards, among them "Blue Lou" (1935; music by Edgar Sampson
and Irving Mills), "Stompin' at the Savoy" (1936; music by Edgar Sampson,
Benny Goodman, and Chick Webb, lyrics by Andy Razaf), and "Don't Be
that Way" (1938; music by Benny Goodman and Edgar Sampson, lyrics by
Mitchell Parish). Benny Goodman, who always recognized good writing and
arranging, had popular hits of these numbers, and helped make Sampson a
major figure during this period.
Schwartz, Arthur (1900-1984)

Educated as an attorney, Schwartz practiced law during the day but lived for
the theater and music in his free time. By the late 1920s, he pretty much
forsook his law books and embarked on a songwriting career. Frequently
teamed with lyricist Howard Dietz, he also collaborated with many other dis-
tinguished lyricists. Among Schwartz's better-known works are "Something
to Remember You By" (Three's a Crowd, 1930; lyrics by Howard Dietz),
"Dancing in the Dark" (The Band Wagon, 1931; lyrics by Howard Dietz),
"Alone Together" (Flying Colors, 1931; lyrics by Howard Dietz), and "Seal It
with a Kiss" (That Girl from Paris, 1936; lyrics by Edward Heyman).
Strayhorn, Billy ("Swee'Pea") (1915-1967)

Duke Ellington's collaborator, arranger, and lyricist from 1938 onward,
Strayhorn brought a new level of sophistication to one of the most polished
orchestras of the decade. His remarkable lyrics to "Lush Life" (1938) stand
among the most worldly wise as anything in American music, and had been
initially written a year before he joined Ellington, which meant that Stray-
horn was all of sixteen years old. He contributed the band's rousing theme,
"Take the A' Train" in 1941, and many others, such as "Something to Live
For" (1939) and "I'm Checking Out Goombye" (1939). Strayhorn helped
fashion the distinctive sound of the orchestra for some thirty years; in many
ways, he served as Ellington's indispensible right-hand man.
Warren, Harry (1893-1981)

Unlike many of his fellow songwriters, Warren devoted most of his career
to movie songs. Keeping with tradition, however, he started out in New York
City. With the 1922 publication of "Rose of the Rio Grande" (co-composer,
Ross Gorman; lyrics by Edgar Leslie), he was on his way. In 1930, he wrote
"Cheerful Little Earful" (lyrics by Ira Gershwin and Billy Rose) for the Broad-
way revue Sweet and Low. Already well-established in Hollywood by the early
Thirties, the release of 42nd Street in 1933 merely added new luster to his
reputation. He went on to score forty films throughout the decade, and he
teamed up with lyricist Al Dubin in thirty-three of them, including such hits
O u t s t a n d i n g Musical Artists from the 1930s 235
as "42nd Street" (42nd Street, 1933), "The Gold Digger's Song (We're in the
Money)" (Gold Diggers of 1933, 1933), and "Lullaby of Broadway" (Gold Dig-
gers of 1935, 1935), the last of which won Warren his first of three Academy
Awards for Best Song. "Hooray for Spinach" (Naughty but Nice, 1938; lyrics
by Johnny Mercer) stands as possibly his most unusual title.
Washington, Ned (1901-1976)

A talented lyricist, Washington collaborated with some of the era's best com-
posers, and enjoyed an especially rewarding partnership with Victor Young.
Together, the two wrote "Can't We Talk It Over?" (1932), "A Ghost of a
Chance," and "A Hundred Years from Today" (both 1933), along with many
others. With other composers, Washington gave words to "I'm Getting Sen-
timental over Your" (1932; music by George Bassman), the Casa Loma Or-
chestra theme, "Smoke Rings" (1933; music by Gene Gifford), "The
Nearness of You" (1940; music by Hoagy Carmichael), and the Academy
Award-winning song from Pinocchio, "When You Wish Upon a Star" (1940;
music by Leigh Harline).
Whiting, Richard A. (1891-1938)

Yet another writer of songs destined to become standards, Whiting spent
most of his all-too-brief career in Hollywood. Working with the best lyricists
in the business, he wrote such melodies as "Beyond the Blue Horizon"
(Monte Carlo, 1930; lyrics by Leo Robin), the Shirley Temple classic "On the
Good Ship Lollipop" (Bright Eyes, 1934; lyrics by Sidney Clare), "Too Mar-
velous for Words" (Ready, Willing, and Able, 1937; lyrics by Johnny Mercer),
and probably the first popular song to feature the term in its titlebut hardly
in the way it would later be used"Rock and Roll" (1934; lyrics by Sidney
Clare). This last number appeared in the film Transatlantic Merry-Go-Round
(1934), and features the Boswell Sisters in a rousing rendition. He also com-
posed the unofficial anthem of the film industry, "Hooray for Hollywood"
(lyrics by Johnny Mercer) in 1937. It highlighted the movie Hollywood Hotel
(!937)-
Youmans, Vincent (1898-1946)

An established Broadway composer by the early 1920s, Youmans hit the big
time with No, No, Nanette (1925), especially "Tea for Two" (lyrics by Irving
Caesar). With the onset of the thirties, he did the music for a show entitled
Smiles (1930) that flopped, but out of it came "Time on My Hands" (lyrics
by Harold Adamson and Mack Gordon). Like so many others, Youmans
moved to Hollywood and enjoyed success with Hit the Deck (1930), a movie
that includes "Sometimes I'm Happy" (lyrics by Irving Caesar). In 1933, he
scored the music for the film Flying Down to Rio, the picture that almost
overnight made the careers of Ginger Rogers and Fred Astaire. With
Youmans' "The Carioca" (lyrics by Gus Kahn and Edward Eliscu), the two
dancers stole the show and went on to rank among the biggest movie stars
of the decade.
INSTRUMENTALISTS AND SIDEMEN
Given space limitations, the instrumentalists mentioned below include only those who
had wide popular acclaim. Since hundreds of bands roamed the nation throughout
the 1930s, a figure that translates as thousands of sidemen, any attempts at inclu-
siveness or commentary would necessitate a much lengthier text, something outside
the scope of this book. In many cases, instrumentalists went on to lead bands of their
own, but as a rule those efforts failed to meet commercial expectations. Details on
who played what with whom and when can be found in numerous sources, and these
selections should be considered as starting points and nothing more.4
Bassists and Guitarists
Blanton, Jimmy (1918-1942)bass.

Christian, Charlie (1916-1942)guitar.
Foster, Pops (1892-1969)bass.
Gaillard, Slim (1916-1991)guitar.
Green, Freddie (1911-1987)guitar.
Guy, Fred (1899-1971)guitar.
Haggart, Bob (1914-1998)bass.
Hinton, Milt (1910-2002)bass.
Lang, Eddie (1902-1933)guitar.
Page, Walter (1900-1957)bass.
Reinhardt, Django (1910-1953)guitar.
Stewart, Slam (1914-1987)bass.
Brass
Allen, Henry ("Red") (1908-1967)trumpet.

Anderson, Cat (1916-1981)trumpet.
Berigan, Bunny (1908-1942)trumpet.
Cheatham, Doc (1905-1997)trumpet.
Outstanding Musical Artists from the 1930s
Clayton, Buck (1911-1991)trumpet.

Edison, Harry ("Sweets") (1915-1999)trumpet.
Eldridge, Roy ("Little Jazz") (1911-1989)trumpet.
Elman, Ziggy (1914-1968)trumpet.
James, Harry (1916-1983)trumpet.
Jenney, Jack (1910-1945)trombone.
Manone, Wingy (1904-1982)trumpet.
Nanton, Joe ("Tricky Sam") (1904-1948)trombone.
Page, Hot Lips (1908-1954)trumpet.
Shavers, Charlie (1917-1971)trumpet.
Stewart, Rex (1907-1967)trumpet.
Teagarden, Jack (1905-1964)trombone.
Williams, Cootie (1910-1985)trumpet.
Drummers
Bauduc, Ray (1906-1988).

Catlett, Sid ("Big Sid") (1910-1951).
Greer, Sonny (1895-1982).
Jones, Jo (1911-1985).
Krupa, Gene (1909-1973).
McKinley, Ray (1910-1995).
Rich, Buddy (1917-1987).
Singleton, Zutty (1898-1975).
Pianists
Blake, Eubie (1883-1983).

Davenport, Cow Cow (1894-1955).
Johnson, James P. (1891-1955).
Johnson, Pete (1904-1967).
Lewis, Meade Lux (1905-1964).
Powell, Mel (1923-1998).
Slack, Freddie (1910-1965).
Smith, Clarence ("Pinetop") (1904-1929).
Smith, Willie ("The Lion") (1887-1973).

Stacy, Jess (1904-1994).
Sullivan, Joe (1906-1971).
Tatum, Art (1909-1956).
Waller, Thomas ("Fats") (1904-1943).
Williams, Mary Lou (1910-1981).
Wilson, Teddy (1912-1986).
Yancey, Jimmy (1898-1951).
Zurke, Bob (1912-1944).
Reeds
Bechet, Sidney (1897-1959)soprano saxophone.

Bigard, Barney (1906-1980)clarinet.
Freeman, Bud (1906-1991)tenor saxophone.
Hawkins, Coleman ("Hawk," "Bean") (1904-1969)tenor saxophone.
Hodges, Johnny (1906-1970)alto saxophone.
Johnson, Budd (1910-1984)tenor saxophone.
Miller, Eddie (1911-1991)tenor saxophone.
Russell, Pee Wee (1906-1969)clarinet.
Smith, Willie (1910-1967)alto saxophone.
Webster, Ben (1909-1973)tenor saxophone.
Young, Lester ("Prez") (1909-1959)tenor saxophone.
Vibraphonists and Xylophonists
Hampton, Lionel (1908-2002)vibraphone.

Norvo, Red (1908-1999)xylophone.
Violinists
Grappelli, Stephane (1908-1997).

Smith, Stuff (1909-1967).
Venuti, Joe (1894-1978).
Appendix: Timeline
1929 "Star Dust," a medium-tempo instrumental written by

Hoagy Carmichael in 1927, receives a haunting set of lyrics
by Mitchell Parish and becomes one of the most performed
and recorded popular songs of all time.
A young and relatively unknown clarinetist named Benny

Goodman begins recording with Red Nichols and His Five
Pennies, a Dixieland band; he would continue to do so until
!933-
Record sales soar to $75 million for the year.
1930 The Ipana Troubadours, a singing group named after a tooth

powder and featured on radio since 1926, scores a big hit
with their rendition of "Three Little Words" (music by Harry
Ruby, lyrics by Bert Kalmar).
"St. James Infirmary" (arranged by Joe Primrose), a much-

recorded blues song from the turn of the century, enjoys new
life in popular renditions by Louis Armstrong and Cab Cal-
loway.
1931 On March 3, 1931, the United States Congress officially de-

clares "The Star-Spangled Banner" to be the National An-
them.
240 Appendix: Timeline
1931 Ferde Grofe's Grand Canyon Suite is introduced by Paul

Whiteman and his orchestra.
Metropolitan Opera broadcasts begin; they would continue

without interruption into the present.
1932 The title to Duke Ellington's "It Don't Mean a Thing (If It
Ain't Got That Swing)" has one of the first mentions of the
word "swing."
In the Broadway revue Americana, "Brother, Can You Spare

a Dime?" (music by Jay Gorney, lyrics by E. Y Harburg), the
song most closely associated with the Depression, gets in-
troduced.
1933 The National Barn Dance, which debuted in 1924, is picked

up by NBC network radio.
The movie Flying Down to Rio for the first time teams Fred
Astaire and Ginger Rogers; they get to do "The Carioca"
(music by Vincent Youmans, lyrics by Gus Kahn and Edward
Eliscu) and steal the show; they would star in eight additional
films during the 1930s.
As proof of the influence of movies on audiences, popular

musicals like 42nd Street and Gold Diggers of 1933 spawn nu-
merous recorded hits.
Record sales, after slumping since the stock market crash,

bottom out at $5 million for the year, a drop of over 90 per-
cent since 1929.
Western Union delivers the first singing telegram; it consists

of the song "Happy Birthday," and the recipient is enter-
tainer Rudy Vallee.
1934 Billboard Magazine begins tracking the airplay of pop songs;

in 1938 it would add jukebox figures.
The first popular use of the word "jitterbug" occurs in a Cab

Calloway tune of the same name recorded in 1934.
Muzak begins in Cleveland, Ohio, piping music directly into

homes and businesses using telephone lines.
Decca Records enters the American music scene; it signs

Bing Crosby as its first major artist.
Appendix: Timeline 241
1935 George Gershwin's Porgy and Bess opens; written as a "folk

opera," it contains a wealth of popular standards and quickly
endears itself with audiences and musicians alike.
Your Hit Parade premieres on NBC network radio; it attempts

to chart what songs are the most popular across the country.
An immediate success, it will remain on radio until 1957.
1936 The Kate Smith Hour, a major variety show, makes its debut
on the CBS network. The singer had previously performed
on both NBC and CBS in other formats.
Aaron Copland's El Salon Mexico helps establish him as a

major American composer.
1937 Famed conductor Arturo Toscanini assumes leadership of

the NBC Symphony Orchestra, an aggregation formed by the
network to gain prestige and capitalize on Toscanini's con-
siderable fame. The show would run until 1954.
The Tanglewood music complex in Lenox, Massachusetts,

opens.
A number of contemporary American composers, such as

Aaron Copland, Howard Hanson, Roy Harris, Walter Piston,
and William Grant Still, have their compositions played on
network radio.
1938 In January, Benny Goodman and his orchestra, plus guest

artists like Count Basie, Buck Clayton, Johnny Hodges,
Lester Young, and many others, perform at Carnegie Hall,
the first jazz/swing concert ever held at the prestigious site.
Arthur Fiedler, conducting the Boston Pops Orchestra,

records "Jalousie" (1925; words and music by Jacob Gade and
Vera Bloom), a period piece with tango overtones; it becomes
the first million-selling recording of a light classic.
A novelty song, "Chiquita Banana" (words and music by Len

Mackenzie, Garth Montgomery, and William Wirges), as
performed by Carmen Miranda decked out in an outlandish
tropical fruit headdress, captures a large following.
The Texas Wanderers, a country group, have an unexpected

hit with "It Makes No Difference Now" (words and music by
Floyd Tillman).
242 Appendix: Timeline
1939 "Ciribiribin" (1909; words and music by Rudolf Thaler and

A. Pestalozza), a trumpet showpiece, becomes a major hit
for Harry James.
Because of her race, contralto Marian Anderson is denied

the use of Constitution Hall by the Daughters of the Amer-
ican Revolution; she instead sings at the Lincoln Memorial
with the blessing of President Roosevelt. The integrated
crowd is estimated to be 75,000 people.
At Eleanor Roosevelt's invitation, the Coon Creek Girls, an

old-time country string band, perform for the King and
Queen of England.
1940 Beat the Band, a musical quiz show, premieres on NBC radio,
while Gene Autry's Melody Ranch, a country-western variety
series, does likewise on rival CBS.
In light of the boogie-woogie craze, the Andrews Sisters

make Your Hit Parade with "Beat Me, Daddy, Eight to the
Bar" (music by Don Raye, lyrics by Hughie Prince and
Eleanor Sheehy).
The biggest-selling record of the year is Tommy Dorsey's

rendition of "I'll Never Smile Again" (words and music by
Ruth Lowe), a number that features his hugely popular vo-
calist, Frank Sinatra. Unnoticed by most people, this success
signaled a change: singers would become dominant in the
1940s, replacing the bands themselves as the popular fa-
vorites.
Notes
CHAPTER l
i. Extensive statistics on the growth of radio can be found in Christopher H. Ster-

ling and John M. Kitross, Stay Tuned: A Concise History of American Broadcasting (Bel-
mont, CA: Wads worth Publishing Company, 1990), 631-61.
2. Erik Barnouw, in A History of Broadcasting in the United States. Vol. 1: A Tower
in Babel (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), does a good job of chronicling
the early days of radio. Sterling and Kitross also provide early technical background
in their Stay Tuned, 62-99.
3. In a series of informative articles, Ian Whitcomb has written a history of croon-
ing. They are "The First Crooners, Volume One: The Twenties," http://www.
picklehead.com/ian/ian_txt_firstcroonersi.html and "The First Crooners, Volume
Two: 1930-1934," http://www.picklehead.com/ian/ian_txt_firstcr00ners2.html.
4. See Whitcomb, "The First Crooners, Volume Three: 1935-1940," http://www.
picklehead.com/ian/ian_txt_firstcr00ners3.html.
5. Allison McCracken, "'God's Gift to Us Girls': Crooning, Gender, and the Re-
creation of American Popular Song, 1928-1933," American Music 17:4 (Winter 1999),
http://www.findarticles.com/cf_dis/m2298/4_17/63583955/p2/article.jhtml.
6. A study of Columbo's life that links him also to crooning is Joseph Lanza and
Dennis Penn, Russ Columbo and the Crooner Mystique (Los Angeles: Feral House,
2002).
7. Crosby's life is covered in Gary Giddins, Bing Crosby: A Pocketful of Dreams; The
Early Years, 1^03-1^40 (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2001).
244 Notes
8. See McCracken, " 'God's Gift to Us Girls.'"

9. The subject of programming popular music on 1930s radio is covered in John
Gray Peatman, "Radio and Popular Music," in Radio Research 10)42-10)43, ed. Paul F.
Lazarsfeld and Frank N. Stanton (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1944), 33593.
10. For a detailed listing of "Hit Parade" selections, see John R. Williams, This Was
"Your Hit Parade" (Camden, ME: Courier-Gazette, 1973); the show itself is discussed
in John Dunning, On the Air: The Encyclopedia of Old-Time Radio (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1998), 738-40.
11. Lewis A. Erenberg, Swingin' the Dream: Big Band Jazz and the Rebirth of Amer-
ican Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 41-47.
12. See Duncan MacDougald Jr., "The Popular Music Industry," in Radio Research
10)41, ed. Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Frank N. Stanton (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce,
1941), 65-109; and Russell Sanjek, Pennies from Heaven: The American Popular Music
Business in the Twentieth Century (New York: Da Capo Press, 1996), 47-183.
13. The history of the recording industry is a complex and confusing one. Helpful
resources include Michael Chanin, Repeated Takes: A Short History of Recording and Its
Effects on Music (New York: Verso, 1995), 62-67; Andre Millard, America on Record: A
History of Recorded Sound (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 158-69; and
Oliver Read and Walter L. Welch, From Tin Foil to Stereo: Evolution of the Phonograph
(Indianapolis, IN: Howard W Sams & Company, 1959), 399-407.
14. Sanjek, Pennies from Heaven, 117-211.
15. A detailed history of jukeboxes, with many illustrations, is John Krivine, Jukebox
Saturday Night (London: New English Library, 1977). Another useful source is Vin-
cent Lynch and Bill Henkin, Jukebox: The Golden Age (Berkeley, CA: Lancaster-Miller,
1981). Additional jukebox information can be obtained at http://www.nationaljukebox.
com./history.html and http://www.tomszone.com.
CHAPTER 2
1. A good introduction to the construction of popular songs can be found in Allen

Forte, Listening to Classic American Popular Songs [Includes CD] (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 2001), especially chapters 1 and 2.
2. The popular music business is chronicled in David Ewen, The Life and Death
of Tin Pan Alley: The Golden Age of American Popular Music (New York: Funk and Wag-
nails Company, 1964) and David A. Jasen, Tin Pan Alley: The Composers, the Songs, the
Performers and Their Times (New York: Donald I. Fine, 1988).
3. Russell Sanjek, Pennies from Heaven: The American Popular Music Business in
the Twentieth Century (New York: Da Capo Press, 1996), v-xv, 1-27, 66-142.
4. Duncan MacDougald Jr., "The Popular Music Industry," in Radio Research 10)41,
ed. Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Frank N. Stanton (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce,
Notes 245
1941), 65-109; and John Gray Peatman, "Radio and Popular Music," in Radio Research
10)42-10)43, ed. Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Frank N. Stanton (New York: Duell, Sloan and
Pearce, 1944), 335-93.
5. Ewen, The Life and Death of Tin Pan Alley, 304-10.
6. Composer Alec Wilder has written a good study of standards. See American
Popular Song: The Great Innovators, 10)00-1950 (New York: Oxford University Press,
1972).
7. Max Morath, The NPR Curious Listener's Guide to Popular Standards (New York:
Berkley Publishing [Perigee Book], 2002), 1-6.
8. Discussions about accuracy when tracking popular music can be found in Mac-
Dougald, "The Popular Music Industry," 65-109; and Joel Whitburn, A Century of Pop
Music (Menomonee Falls, WI: Record Research, 1999), vii-x, 45-46.
9. The rankings for 1929 and the subsequent years listed in the chapter are taken
from Whitburn, A Century of Pop Music.
10. Will Friedwald, Stardust Melodies: A Biography of Twelve of America's Most Pop-
ular Songs (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002), 212-41.
11. Gary Giddins' Bing Crosby: A Pocketful of Dreams; The Early Years, 10)03-1940
(Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2001) includes a complete discography.
12. Friedwald, Stardust Melodies, 143-jO).
CHAPTER 3
1. Good overviews of the Broadway musical of the 1930s can be found in Martin
Gottfried, Broadway Musicals (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1979) and Stanley Green,
Ring Bells! Sing Songs! Broadway Musicals ojthe 1930's (New Rochelle, NY: Arlington
House, 1971).
2. Much has been written about Irving Berlin. An introductory source is Lawrence
Bergreen, As Thousands Cheer: The Life of Irving Berlin (New York: Viking-Penguin,
1990).
3. For additional information on the Gershwins, see David Ewen, A Journey to
Greatness: The Life and Music of George Gershwin (New York: Henry Holt and Com-
pany, 1956) and Edward Jablonski, Gershwin (New York: Doubleday, 1987).
4. For additional information on Jerome Kern, see Gerald Bordman, Jerome Kern:
His Life and Music (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980).
5. A colorful individual, much has been written about Cole Porter. Two possible
sources are George Eells, The Life That Late He Led: A Biography of Cole Porter (New
York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1967) and William McBrien, Cole Porter: A Biography (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998).
6. Given their distinctive personalities, individual studies of both Hart and
Rodgers are essential. Recommended are Dorothy Hart, Thou Swell, Thou Witty: The
246 Notes
Life and Lyrics of Lorenz Hart (New York: Harper & Row, 1976) and William G. Hy-
land, Richard Rodgers (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998). See also Samuel
Marx and Jan Clayton, Rodgers and Hart: Bewitched, Bothered, and Bedeviled (New York:
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1976) for information on the writing team.
7. One way to better understand musicals is to hear the songs performed. Two
useful and well-packaged collections of stage music are American Musical Theater [6
LPs], Smithsonian Collection of Recordings, R 036, 1989 and Star Spangled Rhythm:
Voices of Broadway and Hollywood [4 CDs], Smithsonian Collection of Recordings, RD
i n , 1997. Both sets include detailed pamphlets about the music.
8. Two Web sites that will provide more detailed information on these plays are
(for The Cradle Will Rock) http://www.americancentury.org/cradleguide.htm and (for
Pins and Needles) http://www.ibdb.com/show?ID=7i02.
9. For more on this aspect of the music business, see Michael Chanin, Repeated
Takes: A Short History of Recording and Its Effects on Music (New York: Verso, 1995),
54-62.
10. On the musical in general, see John Springer, All Talking! All Singing! All Danc-
ing! A Pictorial History of the Movie Musical (Secaucus, NJ: The Citadel Press, 1966);
on Berkeley in particular, see John Baxter, Hollywood in the Thirties (New York: A. S.
Barnes & Company, 1968), especially 131-33.
11. For more on Berlin's movie career, see Bergreen, As Thousands Cheer.
12. For the Gershwins' movie contributions, see Edward Jablonski and Lawrence
D. Stewart, The Gershwin Years (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, 1958) and
Deena Rosenberg, Fascinating Rhythm: The Collaboration of George and Ira Gershwin
(New York: Penguin Books [Plume], 1991).
13. Bordman's Jerome Kern covers Kern's movie career.
14. For Porter and the movies, see Eells, The Life That Late He Led and McBrien,
Cole Porter.
15. Details about the music Rodgers and Hart composed for the movies can be
found in Hart's Thou Swell, Thou Witty and Hyland's Richard Rodgers.
16. A source for materials on underrepresented figures like McKinney is http://
www.geocities.com/nina_mae_mckinney/. For more information on movies in gen-
eral, see the Internet Movie Database, http://us.imdb.com/; it provides detailed statis-
tics on thousands of films.
CHAPTER 4
1. For a usable definition of jazz, see Loren Schoenberg, The NPR Curious Lis-
tener's Guide to Jazz (New York: Berkeley Publishing [Perigee Book], 2002), 1-5. For
swing, see Gunther Schuller, The Swing Era: The Development of Jazz, 1930-1945 (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 222-25.
Notes 247
2. A good general jazz history can be found in Gary Giddens, Visions ofJazz: The
First Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), especially 67-230.
3. Max Harrison, "Swing Era Big Bands and Jazz Composing and Arranging," in
The Oxford Companion to Jazz, ed. Bill Kirchener (New York: Oxford University Press,
2000), 277-91.
4. Both George T. Simon's The Big Bands (New York: The Macmillan Company,
1967) and Leo Walker's The Wonderful Era of the Great Dance Bands (Berkeley, CA:
Howell-North Books, 1964) contain information on virtually every band, sweet or
swing, that played during the 1930s.
5. Lewis A. Erenberg, Swingin' the Dream: Big Band Jazz and the Rebirth of Amer-
ican Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998) and David W Stowe, Swing
Changes: Big-Band Jazz in New Deal America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1994) present compelling arguments about the rise of swing and its connec-
tions to the Depression and the New Deal.
6. A good critical and biographical study of Duke Ellington is Stanley Dance's The
World of Duke Ellington (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1970).
7. Stanley Dance, The World of Count Basie (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,
1980).
8. Fortunately, the concerts have been preserved on record, along with extensive
liner notes. From Spirituals to Swing [3 CDs], Vanguard 70169, 1999.
9. Information on Glen Gray and the Casa Loma Band can be found at the Big
Bands Database Plus, http://www.nfo.net/USA/index.html.
10. An informative biography of Goodman is James Lincoln Collier's Benny Good-
man and the Swing Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).
11. The complete Carnegie Hall Concert can be found on Benny Goodman at
Carnegie Hall: 1938 [2 CDs], Columbia/Legacy C2K 65143, 1999.
12. See George T. Simon, Glenn Miller and His Orchestra (New York: Thomas Y.
Crowell Company, 1974).
13. The phenomenon of swing dancing is covered in Geoffrey C. Ward and Ken
Burns, Jazz: A History of America's Music (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000), 174-77,
217-21, 261.
14. John Dunning, On the Air: The Encyclopedia of Old-Time Radio (New York: Ox-
ford University Press, 1998), 60-74.
15. The names of movies and the musicians who appeared in them can be found
at David Meeker, Jazz in the Movies (New York: Da Capo Press, 1981) and Scott
Yanow, Swing: Great Musicians, Influential Groups (San Francisco: Miller Freeman,
2000).
16. See Erenberg, Swingin' the Dream: Big Band Jazz and the Rebirth of American
Culture, and Stowe, Swing Changes, for more on youth and new musical trends.
17. Quoted in Ward and Burns, Jazz, 246.
18. Stowe, Swing Changes, 46-49.
248 Notes
CHAPTER 5
1. Information on both shows can found in John Dunning, On the Air: The Ency-
clopedia of Old-Time Radio (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 291-92,
478-80. A more detailed source is Charles K. Wolfe, A Good-Natured Riot: The Birth
of the Grand Ole Opry (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 1999).
2. The life of Jimmy Rodgers is covered at http://www.nativeground.com/
jimmyrodgers.asp/.
3. An excellent source about the Carter Family is Mark Zwonitzer, with Charles
Hirshberg, Will You Miss Me when I'm Gone? The Carter Family and Their Legacy in
American Music (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002).
4. A detailed history of jukeboxes, with many illustrations, is John Krivine, Jukebox
Saturday Night (London: New English Library, 1977). Another useful source is Vin-
cent Lynch and Bill Henkin, Jukebox: The Golden Age (Berkeley, CA: Lancaster-Miller,
1981). Additional jukebox information can be obtained at http://www.nationaljuke
box.com./history.html and http://www.tomszone.com.
5. Materials on singing cowboys in general can be found at http://www.allmusic.
com/cg/amg.dll. For information specific to Gene Autry or to Roy Rogers, see http://
www.ubl.artistdirect.com/music/artist/bio/. In addition, the Internet Movie Database,
http: //www.us. imdb.com, gives complete details on all of their films, including sound-
tracks.
6. A good synopsis of Western Swing and its performers is http://www.nfo.net/
usa/weswing.html. A complete retrospective of Bob Wills's recorded work is Bob Wills
el His Texas Playboys [4 CDs], Proper Records, Ltd., Properbox 32, 2001. This set also
includes a booklet by Adam Koromorski that details the history of the group.
7. Robert Santelli and Emily Davidson, eds., Hard Travelin': The Life and Legacy of
Woody Guthrie (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1999).
8. Sources that deal with protest music abound. See Timothy P. Lynch, Strike
Songs of the Depression (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2001); R. Serge
Denisoff, Great Day Coming: Folk Music and the American Left (Baltimore, MD: Pen-
guin Books, 1971); R. Serge Denisoff and Richard A. Peterson, eds., The Sounds of So-
cial Change (New York: Rand McNally & Company, 1972). For the lyrics to some of
this music, see Alan Lomax, Hard Hitting Songs for Hard-Hit People (New York: Oak
Publications, 1967).
9. Information on Earl Robinson can be found at http://www.entertainment.
msn.com/artist/ and http://www.historylink.org/output.cfm.
10. More on Cajun contributions to American music can be found in Barry Jean
Ancelet, Jay D. Edwards, and Glen Pitre, Cajun Country (Jackson: University Press of
Mississippi, 1991). See also http://www.cajunculture.com/other/musiccajun.htm.
11. The Library of Congress provides information on the Lomaxes at http://www.
memory.loc.gov/ammem/lohtml/lojohnbio.html. Also, the Fall 2002 ISAM Newslet-
Notes 249
ter provides biographical data at http://www.depthome.brooklyn.cuny.edu/isam/

coheni.html.
12. The blues have been written about widely. A good starting point is Paul Oliver,
ed., The Blackwell Guide to Recorded Blues (Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell, Ltd. [Black-
well Reference], 1991). An extensive bibliography and discography accompany the text.
Nelson George's The Death of Rhythm and Blues (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988)
has two chapters on the blues during the 1930s (3-58). A general history would be
Francis Davis, The History of the Blues (New York: Hyperion, 1995).
13. Timothy M. Kahil, "Thomas A. Dorsey and the Development and Diffusion of
Traditional Black Gospel Piano," in Perspectives on American Music, 1900-1950, ed.
Michael Saffle (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), 171-91. See also http://www.
arts.state.ms.us/crossroads/music/gospel/mu2_text.html.
CHAPTER 6
1. A detailed history of the FCC and its radio impacts can be found in Erik
Barnouw's A History of Broadcasting in the United States. Vol. 1: A Tower in Babel (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1966), 200-219, 243-61. See also Christopher H. Ster-
ling and John M. Kitross, Stay Tuned: A Concise History of American Broadcasting (Bel-
mont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1990), 94-137, 632-59.
2. Descriptions of these and other classically oriented radio shows can be found in
John Dunning's On the Air: The Encyclopedia of Old-Time Radio (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1998).
3. For more on Toscanini, see Mortimer H. Frank, Arturo Toscanini: The NBC Years
(Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 2002), and Donald C. Meyer, "Toscanini and the NBC
Symphony Orchestra: High, Middle, and Low Culture, 1937-1954," in Perspectives on
American Music, 1900-1950, ed. Michael Saffle (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000),
301-22.
4. Sondra Wieland Howie, "The NBC Music Appreciation Hour: Radio Broadcasts
of Walter Damrosch, 1928-1942," Journal of Research in Music Education 51:1 (Spring
2003): 64-76.
5. Two good starting points for researching American conductors are John A. Gar-
raty and Mark C. Carnes, eds., American National Biography, 24 vols. (New York: Ox-
ford University Press, 1999) and Stanley Sadie, ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Music
and Musicians, 29 vols. (New York: Macmillan Publishers, 2001).
6. Two good, nontechnical starting points for researching American composers are
Sadie, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, and Ronald L. Davis, A His-
tory of Music in American Life. Vol. Ill: The Modern Era, 1920-Present (Malabar, FL:
Robert Krieger Publishing Company, 1981), 97-239.
7. David Ewen, A Journey to Greatness: The Life and Music of George Gershwin (New
250 Notes
York: Henry Holt and Company, 1956) and Edward Jablonski, Gershwin (New York:
Doubleday, 1987) both provide material on Gershwin and his place in American
music.
8. For the complete story of the FMP, see Kenneth J. Bindas, All of This Music Be-
longs to the Nation: The WPA's Federal Music Project and American Society (Knoxville:
University of Tennessee Press, 1995). Additional information can be found in Richard
Crawford, America's Musical Life (New York: W W Norton & Company, 2001), espe-
cially pp. 580-96.
CHAPTER 7
1. The sources for information on the bands, both sweet and swinging, and the
bandleaders of the era are plentiful. Among the best books on the subject, the fol-
lowing deserve mention: Scott Yanow, Swing: Great Musicians, Influential Groups (San
Francisco, CA: Miller Freeman, 2000). Encyclopedic in its coverage, the Yanow text
omits virtually no one. More folksy in tone, but nonetheless comprehensive, is George
T. Simon's The Big Bands (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1967). As much pic-
torial as it is textual, Leo Walker's The Wonderful Era of the Great Dance Bands (Berke-
ley, CA: Howell-North Books, 1964) provides a glimpse of both the bands and their
audiences. Another encyclopedic source can be found on the World Wide Web: Big
Bands Database Plus, http://www.nfo.net/USA/index.html. This vast archive covers
bands, leaders, sidemen, vocalists, and even composers, lyricists, and arrangers.
Recorded compilations include Big Band Jazz [4 CDs], Smithsonian Collection RD
030, 1983, and Swing That Music! The Big Bands, the Soloists, and the Singers [4 CDs],
Smithsonian Collection RD 102,1993. Both sets include informative booklets of notes.
2. Many of the leading vocalists of the 1930s can be found discussed in the sources
noted above (note 1). In fact, one of the best places for information on singers is the
Big Bands Database Plus, http://www.nfo.net/USA/index.html. It even contains a sep-
arate section on the subject. Bruce Crowther and Mike Pinfold cover numerous vo-
calists in Singing Jazz: The Singers and Their Styles (San Francisco, CA: Miller Freeman,
1997). Another comprehensive text is Will Friedwald's Jazz Singing: America's Great
Voices (New York: Da Capo Press, 1996). In a like manner, Leslie Gourse's Louis' Chil-
dren: American Jazz Singers (New York: Quill, 1984) does a good job with the Swing
Era.
3. Information about the many composers, lyricists, and arrangers who helped de-
fine the music of the era is as copious as that about bands and bandleaders. The reader
is directed to Max Morath, The NPR Curious Listener's Guide to Popular Standards (New
York: Berkley Publishing [Perigee Book], 2002), as a good starting point. A resource
guide including books and Web addresses is an added plus. Other useful materials
on the subject include Composers el Lyricists Database, http://www.nfo.net/cal/tri.html;
Notes 251
David Ewen, The Life and Death of Tin Pan Alley: The Golden Age of American Popular
Music (New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company, 1964); William G. Hyland, The Song
Is Ended: Songwriters and American Music, 1900-1950 (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1995); David A. Jasen, Tin Pan Alley: The Composers, the Songs, the Performers
and Their Times (New York: Donald I. Fine, 1988); Alec Wilder, American Popular Song:
The Great Innovators, 1900-1950 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972); and
William Zinsser, Easy to Remember: The Great American Songwriters and Their Songs
(Jaffrey, NH: David R. Godine, 2000).
4. Individual studies exist for virtually every important sideman (and woman) ever
to grace a bandstand during the 1930s. The works mentioned in note 1 (above) tend
to cover band members as well as the many leaders and vocalists. For brief thumb-
nail sketches of innumerable instrumentalists, a good starting point is Leonard
Feather and Ira Gitler, The Biographical Encyclopedia of Jazz (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1999). The Smithsonian Institution has compiled several collections of
music from the period; one of the best for identifying sidemen and soloists is Swing
That Music! An informative booklet by critic Martin Williams accompanies the set.
Selected Bibliography
Allen, Bob, ed. The Blackwell Guide to Recorded Country Music. Oxford: Blackwell Pub-
lishers, 1994.
Allen, Frederick Lewis. Only Yesterday. New York: Harper & Row, 1931.
. Since Yesterday. New York: Bantam Books, 1940.
American Heritage Editors. The American Heritage History of the 20's 8130's. New York:
American Heritage Publishing Company, 1970.
American Musical Theater [6 LPs]. Smithsonian Collection of Recordings. R 036,1989.
American Popular Song [7 LPs]. Smithsonian Collection of Recordings. R 031, 1984.
Ancelet, Barry Jean, Jay D. Edwards, and Glen Pitre. Cajun Country. Jackson: Univer-
sity Press of Mississippi, 1991.
An Anthology of Big Band Swing, 1930-1955. 2 CDs. Decca GRD 2-629, 1993.
"Autry, Gene." http://www.ubl.artistdirect.com/music/artist/bio/. Accessed April 12,
2004.
Awmiller, Craig. This House on Fire: The Story of the Blues. New York: Franklin Watts,
1996.
Barfield, Ray. Listening to Radio, 1920-1950. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1996.
Barnouw, Erik. A History of Broadcasting in the United States. Vol. 1: A Tower in Babel.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1966.
. A History of Broadcasting in the United States. Vol. 2: The Golden Web. New
York: Oxford University Press, 1968.
Bastin, Bruce. Red River Blues: The Blues Tradition in the Southeast. Urbana: Univer-
sity of Illinois Press, 1986.
Baxter, John. Hollywood in the Thirties. New York: A. S. Barnes & Company, 1968.
Benny Goodman at Carnegie Hall: 1938 [2 CDs]. Columbia/Legacy C2K 65143, 1999.
Bergreen, Lawrence. As Thousands Cheer: The Life of Irving Berlin. New York: Viking-
Penguin, 1990.
254 Selected Bibliography
Best, Gary Dean. The Nickel and Dime Decade: American Popular Culture during the
1930s. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1993.
Big Band Jazz [4 CDs]. Smithsonian Collection of Recordings. RD 030, 1983.
Big Bands Database Plus. http://www.nfo.net/USA/index.html. Accessed January 17,
2004.
Bindas, Kenneth J. All of This Music Belongs to the Nation: The WPA's Federal Music
Project and American Society. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1995.
. Swing, That Modern Sound. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2001.
Block, Geoffrey. Enchanted Evenings: The Broadway Musical from Show Boat to Sond-
heim. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
Bordman, Gerald. Jerome Kern: His Life and Music. New York: Oxford University Press,
1980.
Boyd, Jean A. "Western Swing: Working-Class Southwestern Jazz of the 1930s and
1940s." In Perspectives on American Music, 1900-1950. Ed. Michael Saffle. New
York: Garland Publishing, 2000, 193-214.
"Cajun Music." http://www.cajunculture.com/other/musiccajun.htm. Accessed
March 25, 2004.
Chanin, Michael. Repeated Takes: A Short History of Recording and Its Effects on Music.
New York: Verso, 1995.
Clarke, Donald. The Rise and Fall of Popular Music. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.
Collier, James Lincoln. Benny Goodman and the Swing Era. New York: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1989.
Composers el Lyricists Database, http://www.nfo.net/cal/tri.html. Accessed February 15,
2004.
Country Music Magazine Editors. The Comprehensive Country Music Encyclopedia. New
York: Random House [Times Books], 1994.
The Cradle Will Rock, http://www.americancentury.org/cradleguide.htm. Accessed
January 27, 2004.
Crawford, Richard. America's Musical Life. New York: W W Norton & Company, 2001.
Crowther, Bruce, and Mike Pinfold. Singing Jazz: The Singers and Their Styles. San
Francisco, CA: Miller Freeman, 1997.
Csida, Joseph, and June Bundy Csida. American Entertainment: A Unique History of
Popular Show Business. New York: Watson-Guptil Publications, 1978.
Dale, Rodney. The World ofJazz. New York: Elsevier-Dutton, 1980.
Dance, Stanley. The World of Count Basie. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1980.
. The World of Duke Ellington. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1970.
Davis, Francis. The History of the Blues. New York: Hyperion, 1995.
Davis, Ronald L. A History of Music in American Life: Volume III: The Modern Era,
1920-Present. Malabar, FL: Robert Krieger Publishing Company, 1981.
Denisoff, R. Serge. Great Day Coming: Folk Music and the American Left. Baltimore,
MD: Penguin Books, 1971.
Denisoff, R. Serge, and Richard A. Peterson, eds. The Sounds of Social Change. New
York: Rand McNally & Company, 1972.
Dunning, John. On the Air: The Encyclopedia of Old-Time Radio. New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1998.
. Tune in Yesterday: The Ultimate Encyclopedia of Old-Time Radio, 1925-1976. En-
glewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1976.
Eells, George. The Life That Late He Led: A Biography of Cole Porter. New York: G.P.
Putnam's Sons, 1967.
Erdelyi, Michael. "The Relation between 'Radio Plugs' and Sheet Sales of Popular
Music." Journal of Applied Psychology 24 (1940): 696-702.
Erenberg, Lewis A. Swingin' the Dream: Big Band Jazz and the Rebirth of American Cul-
ture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998.
Ewen, David. All the Years of American Popular Music. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-
Hall, 1977.
. A Journey to Greatness: The Life and Music of George Gershwin. New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1956.
. The Life and Death of Tin Pan Alley: The Golden Age of American Popular Music.
New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company, 1964.
. Panorama of American Popular Music. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall,
1957-
The Fabulous Swing Collection [CD]. Jazz Heritage 515799L, 1998.
Feather, Leonard. The New Edition of the Encyclopedia of Jazz. New York: Bonanza
Books, 1962.
Feather, Leonard, and Ira Gitler. The Biographical Encyclopedia ofJazz. New York: Ox-
ford University Press, 1999.
Forte, Allen. Listening to Classic American Popular Songs [Includes CD]. New Haven,
CT: Yale University Press, 2001.
Frank, Mortimer H. Arturo Toscanini: The NBC Years. Portland, OR: Amadeus Press,
2002.
Friedwald, Will. Jazz Singing: America's Great Voices. New York: Da Capo Press, 1996.
. Stardust Melodies: A Biography of Twelve of America's Most Popular Songs. New
York: Pantheon Books, 2002.
From Spirituals to Swing [3 CDs]. Vanguard 70169, 1999.
Furia, Philip. The Poets of Tin Pan Alley: A History of America's Great Lyricists. New
Garraty, John A., and Mark C. Games, eds. American National Biography. 24 vols. New
George, Nelson. The Death of Rhythm and Blues. New York: Pantheon Books, 1988.
Giddins, Gary. Bing Crosby: A Pocketful of Dreams; The Early Years, 1903-1940. Boston:
Little, Brown and Company, 2001.
. Visions of Jazz: The First Century. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.
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Broadway Show Title Index
Americana (1932), 240 Earl Carroll Sketch Book (1935), 85

America's Sweetheart (1931), 82, 233 Earl Carroll's Vanities (1931), 48,
Annie Get Your Gun (1946), 98 109
Anything Goes (1934), 80, 106, 232 Earl Carroll's Vanities (1932), 85, 222
As Thousands Cheer (1933), 70, 222 Every Night at Eight (1935), 226
Everybody's Welcome (1931), 51
Babes in Arms (1937), 82-83, 109, 228,
233 Face the Music (1932), 69-70
Band Wagon, The (1931), 234 Fifty Million Frenchmen (1929), 79
Betsy (1911), 95 Firefly, The (1912), 226
Billy Rose's Crazy Quilt (1931), 48, 84 Flying Colors (1932), 234
Billy Rose's Jumbo (1935), 82, 233
Blackbirds of 1933 (1933), 85 Garrick Gaieties, The (1925), 81, 228
Boys and Betty, The (1908), 69 Gay Divorce (1932), 49, 79, 106, 232
Boys from Syracuse, The (1938), 83, George White Scandals, nth Edition
in (1931-1932), 47
Girl Crazy (1930), 73, 88, 185, 226
Carousel (1945), i n Greenwich Village Follies of 1924 (1924),
Cat and the Fiddle, The (1931), 76, 101 78
Clowns in Clover (1933), 226
Cocoanuts, The (1925), 95 Heads Up (1929), 81, 107
Cotton Club Parade (1933), 51 Hellzapoppin' (1938), 228
Cradle Will Rock, The (1937), 86-87 Higher and Higher (1940), 83
Hooray for What! (1937), 85
DuBarry Was a Lady (1939), 80 Hot Chocolates (1929), 202
262 Broadway Show Title Index
I Married an Angel (1938), 83 Red Hot and Blue! (1936), 80

I'd Rather Be Right (1937), 83 Roberta (1933), 76-78, 88, 102, 230
Rosalie (1928), 106
Jubilee (1935), 63-64, 80, 107, 232 Rose Marie (1924), 226, 228
Keep Off the Grass (1940), 86 Sally (1920), 76

King and I, The (1951), 84 Show Boat (1927, 1932), 76, 100, 103,
Knickerbocker Holiday (1938), 59, 85 218, 228, 230
Show Girl (1929), 71
Leave It to Me! (1938), 80, 232 Shuffle Along (1921), 213
Let 'em Eat Cake (1933), 7374 Simple Simon (1930), 81, 108-9, 22&
Lew Leslie's Blackbirds of 1928 (1928), 114 Smiles (1930), 235
Lew Leslie's Blackbirds of 1930 (1930), Song of the Flame (1926), 98
84, 232 Sound of Music, The (1959), 84
Lew Leslie's International Revue (1930), South Pacific (1949), 84, i n
47, 224 Spread It Abroad (1935), 56
Life Begins at 8:40 (1934), 85 Spring Is Here (1929), 81, 107
Louisiana Purchase (1940), 70 Stars in Your Eyes (1939), 86
Strike Up the Band (1927; rewritten
May Wine (1935), 228 1930), 53, 71, 73, 100, n o
Maytime (1917), 233 Sunny (1925), 76, 101, 104, 230
Mexican Hayride (1944), 80 Sweet Adeline (1929), 76, 102, 230
Mr. Bones (1928), 96 Sweet and Low (1930), 234
Mr. Wix ofWickham (1904), 76
Music in the Air (1932), 76, 228, 230 Three-Penny Opera, The (1954 adapta-
tion), 87
New Americana (1932), 49 Three's a Crowd (1930), 62, 234
New Moon, The (1928), 233 Thumb's Up! (1934), 85
New Yorkers, The (1930), 79, 232 Too Many Girls (1939), 83, i n
No, No, Nanette (1925), 235
Vagabond King, The (1925), 226
Of Thee I Sing (1931), 73-74. 226 Very Warm for May (1939), 7S, 104,
Oklahoma! (1943), 84, i n 228
On Your Toes (1936), 82, 88, 100, n o ,
189, 233 Wake Up and Dream (1929), 79
Othello (1930), 218 Walk a Little Faster (1932), 228
Whoopie (1928), 82
Pal Joey (1940), 83
Panama Hattie (1940), 80 Yip, Yip, Yaphank (1918), 48, 220
Pardon My English (1933), 73 Yokel Boy (1939), 161-62
Paris (1928), 7^, 105 You Never Know (1938), 80
Pins and Needles (1937), 87-88
Porgy and Bess (1935), 74-76, 186-87, Ziegfeld Follies (1936 Edition) (1936),
220, 226, 241 85
Present Arms (1928), 107 Ziegfeld Follies of 1934 (1934), 51, 85,
Provincetown Follies (1935), 85 224, 228
Film Title Index
Alexander's Ragtime Band (1938), 98 Broadway Melody of 1938 (1937), 217

Ali Baba Goes to Town (1937), 141 Broadway Melody of 1940 (1939), 106-7
Andy Hardy Meets Debutante (1940), Broadway through a Keyhole (1933), 10
217 Bundle of Blues, A (1933), 51
Anything Goes (1936), 80, 106
Argentine Nights (1940), 114 Carefree (1938), 98
Artists and Models (1937), 140 Carousel (1956), i n
At the Circus (1939), 85, 114, 228 Casablanca (1942), 51
Cat and the Fiddle, The (1934), 101
Babes in Arms (1939), 109-11 Chasing Rainbows (never released), 46
Belle of the Nineties (1934), 113, 140 Check and Double Check (1930), 139
Big Broadcast, The (1932), 2-3, 140 City, The (1939)
Big Broadcast of 1936, The (1935), 53, Cocoanuts, The (1929), 95
140-41 Cradle Will Rock, The (1999), 87
Big Broadcast of 1937, The (1936), 140, Crooner (1932), 13, 49, 112
184, 205
Big Broadcast of 1938, The (1937), 58 Dames (1934), 224
Bitter Sweet (1940), 113 Damsel in Distress, A (1937), 99, 215,
Black and Tan (1929; short), 140 226
Blue Skies (1946), 96 Dance Team (1931), 140
Born to Dance (1936), 106 Dancers in the Dark (1932), 140
Boys from Syracuse, The (1940), i n Dancing Co-Ed (1939), 141
Bright Eyes (1934), 52, 235 Dancing Lady (1933), 108
Broadway Gondolier (1935), 94, 224 Dancing on a Dime (1940), 230
Broadway Melody, The (1929), 89, 91, Dancing Pirate (1936), 109
112 Day at the Races, A (1937), 140
264 Film Title Index
Delicious (1931), 99 Hit the Deck (1930), 235

Destry Rides Again (1939), 230 Holiday Inn (1942), 98
Devil's Daughter, The (1939), 115 Hollywood Hotel (1937), 139-40, 205,
Dracula (1931), 91 2
35
Hollywood Party (1934), 55, 108
Easter Parade (1948), 98 Hollywood Revue (1929), 90
Emperor Jones, The (1933), 218 Hooray for Love! (1935), 141
Evergreen (1934), 109 Hot Heiress, The (1931), 108
Every Day's a Holiday (1938), 140
I Dream Too Much (1935), 101, 104
Fantasia (1940), 50, 184 I Surrender, Dear (1931), 13
32nd Street (1937), 223 In Old Santa Fe (1934), 152
Firefly, The (1937), 226 International House (1933), 140
Flying Down to Rio (1933), 79, 112, 235, Is Everybody Happy? (1929), 140
240
Follow the Fleet (1936), 55, 96-97, Jazz Singer, The (1927), 89, 91, 95
223 Joy of Living (1938), 104, 226
Fools for Scandal (1938), 109
Footlight Parade (1933), 93 Kentucky Minstrels (1934), 115
42nd Street (1933), 91-94, 108, 112, Kid Millions (1934), 96
224, 234-35, 240 King of Burlesque (1935), 141
Frankenstein (1931), 91 King ofJazz, The (1930), 98, 112, 141,
227
Garden of the Moon (1938), 141
Gay Divorcee, The (1934), 49-50, 79, Leathernecking (1930), 107
105-6 Let's Make Music (1940), 140
Gay Lady, The (aka The Battle of Paris) Listen, Darling (1938), 217
(1929), 105 Little Caesar (1930), 91
Gift of Gab (1934), 141 Little Nellie Kelly (1940), 90
Girl Crazy (1932; remade 1943), 98 Love and Hisses (1937), 141
Going Places (1938), 113, 140-41, 230 Love, Honor and Behave (1938), 223
Gold Diggers of Broadway (1929), 44 Love Me Tonight (1932), 108, 233
Gold Diggers of 1933 (1933), 93, 108,
112, 224, 235, 240 Mammy (1930), 95-96
Gold Diggers of 1933 (1935), 92, 113, 235 Manhattan Melodrama (1934), 55
Goldwyn Follies, The (1938), 99-100, Manhattan Merry-Go-Round (1938),
226 140, 223
Gone with the Wind (1939), 61 Many Happy Returns (1934), 140
Grand Hotel (1932), 91 Maytime (1937), 233
Mississippi (1935), 53, 109, 228
Hallelujah (1929), 95, 114 Mixed Doubles (1930), 140
Hallelujah, I'm a Bum! (1933), 108 Monte Carlo (1930), 235
Happy Landing (1938), 141 Moon Over Harlem (1939), 140
Heads Up (1930), 107 Moulin Rouge (1933), 224
Here Comes the Band (1935), 140 Murder at the Vanities (1934), 140
Here Is My Heart (1934), 12, 52 Music Goes 'Round and Around, The
High, Wide and Handsome (1937), 104 (!936), 5 6
Hit Parade of1937 (1936), 140 Music in the Air (1934), 101
Film Title Index 265
Naughty but Nice (1938), 235 Rhythm on the River (1940), 141
Naughty Marietta (1935), 113 River, The (1937), 192
New Moon, The (1930, 1940), 233 Roberta (1935), 78, 102
Night Is Young, The (1935), 233 Rogue Song, The (1930), 220
Nothing Sacred (1937), 141 Rootin' Tootin' Rhythm (1937), 152
Rosalie (1937), 106
Of Mice and Men (1939), 185 Rose Marie (1936), 113, 226, 228
Oklahoma! (1955), i n Rose of Washington Square (1939),
Old Wyoming Trail (1937), 154 141
On the Avenue (1937), 98
On with the Show (1929), 141 Safe in Hell (1931), 115
On Your Toes (1939), 100, n o - n Sally (1929), 100-101
One Hundred Men and a Girl (1937), Scatterbrain (1940), 208
184 Second Chorus (1940), 139-40
One Night in the Tropics (1940), 105 Second Fiddle (1939), 98
Only Yesterday (1933), 96 Shall We Dance (1937), 57, 99, 226
She Loves Me Not (1934), 52
Pal Joey (1957), 83 Shine On, Harvest Moon (1938), 154
Palmy Days (1931), 112 Show Boat (1929; remade 1936), 76,
Paradise in Harlem (1939), 141 100, 103-4
Paris (1930), 105 Show of Shows, The (1929), 140
Pennies from Heaven (1936), 55, 140, Sing as You Swing (1937), 140
199 Sing, Baby, Sing (1936), 56
Phantom Empire, The (1934), 152 Sing, Sinner, Sing (1933), 140
Phantom President, The (1932), 108 Singin' in the Rain (1952), 90, n o
Pinocchio (1940), 235 Singing Brakeman, The (1929), 149
Plow that Broke the Plains, The (1936), Singing Fool, The (1928), 89, 91
192 Singing Kid, The (1936), 140
Pocomania (1939), 115 Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs
Porgy and Bess (1959), 75 (i937) 50
Prairie Moon (1938), 152 Some Like It Hot (1939; retitled as
Prisoner of Swing (1938), 223 Rhythm Romance), 58, 140
Prizefighter and the Lady, The (1933), Song of Freedom (1936), 218
224 Song of the Flame (1930), 98
Proud Valley (1939), 218 South Pacific (1958), i n
Public Enemy (1931), 91 Spring Is Here (1930), 81, 107
Puttin' on the Ritz (1930), 96 St. Louis Gal (1938), 115
Star Maker, The (1939), 181
Ranger and the Lady, The (1940), 154 Start Cheering (1937), 141
Reaching for the Moon (1931), 96 Strike Up the Band (1940), 100, n o ,
Ready, Willing, and Able (1937), 94, 141
230, 235 Sunny (1930; remade 1941), 101, 104
Rebecca of Sunnyhrook Farm (1938), 141 Suzy (1936), 224
Reckless (1935), 101-2 Sweet Adeline (1935), 76, 102
Red River Valley (1936), 152 Sweethearts (1940), 113
Rhythm of the Saddle (1938), 152 Swing Time (1936), 55, 102-3, 215, 226,
Rhythm on the Range (1936), 141, 155, 230
230 Symphony in Black (1934; short), 140
266 Film Title Index
Take a Chance (1934), 85 Vagabond King, The (1930), 226

Ten Cents a Dance (1931), 107-8
Texan, The (1930), 10 Waikiki Wedding (1937), 56
Thanks a Million (1935), 141 Wake Up and Dream (1934), 10
Thanks for the Memory (1938), 58, 230 Wayward (1932), 140
That Girl from Paris (1936), 140, 234 We're Not Dressing (1934), 52
That Goes Double (1933), 10 When the Boys Meet the Girls (1962),
That's Right, You're Wrong! (1939), 208 98-99
Three Little Pigs, The (1931), 50 When You're in Love (1937), 104
Three Sisters, The (1930), 101 With a Song in My Heart (1952), 81
Too Many Girls (1940), i n Wizard of Oz, The (1939), 61, 217,
Too Much Harmony (1933), 12 222
Top Hat (1935), 53, 96-97, 215, 222 Wolf Song, The (1929), 10
Transatlantic Merry-Go-Round (1934),
235 You Can't Have Everything (1937), 141
Tumbling Tumbleweeds (1935), 152 Young Bride (1932), 96
Under Western Stars (1938), 153 Ziegfeld Follies of 1936 (1936), 57

Radio Show Title Index
Adventures of Ozzie and Harriet, The, 211 Fifteen Minutes with Bing Crosby, 12
American Album of Familiar Music, Firestone Hour, The, 173, 176
174, 180 Fitch Bandwagon, The, 136
Atwater-Kent Hour, The, 174 Fleischmann Yeast Hour, The, 8-9
Flow Gently, Sweet Rhythm, 220
Barn Dance, The, 146 Ford Sunday Evening Hour, The, 176
Beat the Band, 242 Fred Waring Show, The, 213
Bell Telephone Hour, The, 174
Benny Goodman's Swing School, 129 Gene Autry's Melody Ranch, 242
Boston Symphony Orchestra, The, 174 General Motors Concerts, 176
Grand Ole Opry, 147
Camel Caravan, The, 127, 136, 205
Carborundum Hour, The, 174 Hour of Charm, The, 213
Chesterfield Quarter-Hour, The, 136
Chesterfield Show, The, 210 Jack Armstrong, the Mi-American Boy, 175
Cities Service Concerts, The, 175
Cleveland Symphony Orchestra, The, Kate Smith Hour, The, 241
175 Kate Smith Sings, 42
Columbia Symphony Orchestra, The, Kay Kyser's Kollege of Musical
175-76 Knowledge, 136-37, 208
Curtis Institute Musicale, The, 175 Kraft Music Hall, The, 12
Dick Tracy, 175 Let's Dance, 128-29, 138, 205, 216

Little Orphan Annie, 175
Eastman School of Music Symphony,
The, 175 Metropolitan Opera, The, 176-77
Everybody's Music, 175-76, 185 Minneapolis Symphony Orchestra, The, 177
268 Radio Show Title Index
Music Appreciation Hour, The, 147, 173, Radio City Music Hall of the Air, The,
178, 180-81 173, 179
Music That Satisfies, 7 Rochester Civic Orchestra, The, 179-80
Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra, The,
National Barn Dance, The, 146, 240 180
NBC Symphony Orchestra, The, 177-79 Royal Gelatin Hour, The, 8
New York Philharmonic Orchestra, The,
177, 179 Saturday Night Swing Club, 136
Old Gold Show, The, 136 Voice of Firestone, The, 5, 176
Palmolive Hour, The, 179 Waltz Time, 180

Philadelphia Symphony Orchestra, The, Woody and Lefty Lou, 157
179 WSM Barn Dance, 147
Philco Hour, The, 175
Pot 0' Gold, 205-6 Your Hit Parade, 14-16, 25, 41, 43, 146,
Pursuit of Happiness, 160 155, 216, 241-42
Song Title Index
"Abe Lincoln" (1938; words and music by Earl Robinson), 160

"Across the Breakfast Table" (1930; words and music by Irving Berlin), 96
African-American Symphony (1931; music by William Grant Still), 190-91
"Ah Still Suits Me" (1936; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II),
104
"Ain't Misbehavin' " (1929; music by Fats Waller and Harry Brooks, lyrics by Andy
Razaf), 45, 123-24, 213
"Airmail Special" (1941; music by Benny Goodman, Charlie Christian, and Jimmy
Mundy), 231
"Alexander's Ragtime Band" (1911; words and music by Irving Berlin), 98
"Alice in Wonderland" (1930; words and music by Irving Berlin), 96
"All My Life" (1936; music by Sam H. Stept, lyrics by Sidney D. Mitchell), 220-21
"All or Nothing at All" (1939; words and music by Jack Lawrence and Arthur Alt-
man), 64, 219
"All the Things You Are" (1939; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammer-
stein II), 78, 228
"All Through the Night" (1934; words and music by Cole Porter), 80, 106
"Alone" (1935; music by Nacio Herb Brown, lyrics by Arthur Freed), 217
"Alone Together" (1931; music by Arthur Schwartz, lyrics by Howard Dietz), 234
"Amapola" (1924; words and music by Joseph M. Lacalle), 203
"America" (1832; words by Samuel Francis Smith; set to the 1742 melody of "God
Save the King," attributed to Henry Carey), 48, 74
"America the Beautiful" (1895; words by Katherine Lee Bates; set to the 1882
melody of "Materna" by Samuel Augustus Ward), 48
American in Paris, An (1928; music by George Gershwin), 185
"And the Angels Sing" (1939; music by Ziggy Elman, lyrics by Johnny Mercer), 230
270 Song Title Index
"Annie Doesn't Live Here Anymore" (1933; music by Harold Spina, lyrics by Johnny
Burke and Joe Young), 209
"Annie Laurie" (1938; traditional, no credits assigned), 220
"Anvil Chorus, The" (1940; arranged by Glenn Miller, set to an 1898 melody by
Giuseppe Verdi), 59
"Any Old Time" (1938; words and music by Artie Shaw), 218
"Anything Goes" (1934; words and music by Cole Porter), 80, 106, 232
Appalachian Spring (1944; music by Aaron Copland), 185
"Apple for the Teacher, An" (1939; music by James V. Monaco, lyrics by Johnny
Burke), 63
"April in Paris" (1932; music by Vernon Duke, lyrics by E. Y. Harburg), 224, 228
"Are You Makin' Any Money?" (1933; words and music by Herman Hupfield), 50
"Are You My Love?" (1936; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 109
"As Time Goes By" (1931; words and music by Herman Hupfield), 51
"At Long Last Love" (1938; words and music by Cole Porter), 80
"A-Tisket, A-Tasket" (1938; words and music by Ella Fitzgerald and Al Feldman),
59-60, 62, 217
"Auld Lang Syne" (traditional; no credits assigned), 208
"Autumn in New York" (1935; words and music by Vernon Duke), 33, 85, 224
"Azure" (1937; words and music by Duke Ellington and Irving Mills), 204
"Babes in Arms" (1937; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), n o

"Babies in the Mill" (ca. 1933; words and music by Dorsey Dixon), 159
"Back Bay Shuffle" (1938; music by Theodore McCrae), 212
"Back in My Shell" (1940; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 105
"Bad in Ev'ry Man, The" (1934; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
55
"Ballad for Americans" (1938; music by Earl Robinson, lyrics by John Latouche),
160, 218
"Ballad of Billy the Kid" (1930; words and music by Carson Robison), 157
"Beat Me, Daddy, Eight to the Bar" (1940; music by Don Raye, lyrics by Hughie
Prince and Eleanor Sheehy), 242
"Beer Barrel Polka" (1939; music by Jaramir Vejvoda, lyrics by Lew Brown and
Wladimir A. Timm), 161, 162, 214
"Begin the Beguine" (1935; words and music by Cole Porter), 63-64, 80, 107, 135,
212, 227, 232
"Bei Mir Bist Du Schoen" (1932; music by Sholom Secunda, English lyrics by Saul
Chaplin and Sammy Cahn), 59, 223
"Bewitched, Bothered and Bewildered" (1940; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by
Lorenz Hart), 84
"Beyond the Blue Horizon" (1930; music by Richard Whiting, lyrics by Leo Robin),
235
"Bidin' My Time" (1930; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 73,
226
"Big Noise from Winnetka" (1938; music by Bob Haggart and Ray Bauduc), 202
Billy the Kid (1938; music by Aaron Copland), 185
"Black and Blue" (1929; music by Fats Waller and Harry Brooks, lyrics by Andy
Razaf), 124, 213
"Black Jazz" (1932; music by Gene Gifford), 227

"Blah, Blah, Blah" (1931; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 99
"Blame It on My Last Affair" (1939; music by Henry Nemo, lyrics by Irving Mills),
218
"Blow, Gabriel, Blow" (1934; words and music by Cole Porter), 80, 106
"Blue Danube, The" (1939; arranged by Jimmy Dorsey, set to an 1867 waltz by Jo-
hann Strauss), 59
"Blue Flame" (1940; music by James Noble and Joe Bishop), 206
"Blue Lou" (1935; music by Edgar Sampson and Irving Mills), 234
"Blue Moon" (1934; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 53, 55, 228
"Blue Prelude" (1933; music by Gordon Jenkins and Joe Bishop), 206
"Blue Reverie" (1936; music by Duke Ellington and Harry Carney), 131
"Blue Room, The" (1926; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 81
"Blue Skies" (1911; words and music by Irving Berlin), 89, 95, 98
Blue Steel (1935; music by William Grant Still), 190
"Blue Turning Grey Over You" (1930; music by Fats Waller, lyrics by Andy Razaf),
232
"Blue Yodel #1 (T for Texas)" (1927; words and music by Jimmie Rodgers), 149
"Blue Yodel #4 (California Blues)" (1927; words and music by Jimmie Rodgers), 149
"Blue Yodel #8 (Muleskinner Blues)" (1927; words and music by Jimmie Rodgers),
149
"Blues on Parade" (1939; music by Toby Tyler), 206
"Body and Soul" (1930; music by Johnny Green, lyrics by Edward Heyman, Robert
Sour, and Frank Eyton), 62
"Boo Hoo" (1937; words and music by Carmen Lombardo, John Jacob Loeb, and Ed
Heyman), 209
"Boogie Woogie" (1928; aka "Pinetop's Boogie Woogie"; music by Clarence "Pine-
top" Smith), 142
"Boogie-Woogie on the St. Louis Blues" (1940; arranged by Earl Hines, adapted
from the 1914 "St. Louis Blues," written by W C. Handy), 206
"Boomtown Bill" (1942; no credits assigned), 158
"Boulevard of Broken Dreams" (1933; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al Dubin),
224
"Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?" (1932; music by Jay Gorney, lyrics by E. Y. Har-
burg), 12, 48-50, 228, 240
"Bugle Call Rag" (1923; music by Jack Pettis, Billy Meyers, and Elmer Schoebel), 231
"Bumble Bee Blues" (1929; words and music by Memphis Minnie), 167
"But Not for Me" (1930; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 73,
226
"Camptown Races" (1850; words and music by Stephen Foster), n o

"Can't Help Lovin' Dat Man" (1927; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Ham-
merstein II), 104
"Can't We Talk It Over?" (1932; music by Victor Young, lyrics by Ned Washington),
235
"Carefree" (1938; words and music by Irving Berlin), 98
"Carioca, The" (1933; music by Vincent Youmans, lyrics by Gus Kahn and Edward
Eliscu), 112, 236, 240
"Casa Loma Stomp" (1930; music by Gene Gifford)), 127

"Chain Gang Boun' " (1936; words and music by Josh White), 168
"Change Partners" (1938; words and music by Irving Berlin), 98
"Chansonette" (1923; words and music by Rudolf Friml), 226
"Chant of the Weed" (1932; music by Don Redman), 233
"Cheek to Cheek" (1935; words and music by Irving Berlin), 33, 53, 97-98, 223
"Cheerful Little Earful" (1930; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Ira Gershwin and
Billy Rose), 234
"Cherokee" (1939; words and music by Ray Noble), 200, 231
"Cherry Red" (1939; music by Pete Johnson, lyrics by Joe Turner), 200
"Chiquita Banana" (1938; words and music by Len Mackenzie, Garth Montgomery,
and William Wirges), 241
"Christopher Columbus" (1936; music by Leon Berry, lyrics by Andy Razaf), 232
"Ciribiribin" (1909; words and music by Rudolf Thaler and A. Pestalozza), 242
City, The (1939; music by Aaron Copland), 185
"Clear Out of This World" (1940; words and music by Jimmy McHugh, Al Dubin,
and Howard Dietz), 86
"The Coat and the Pants Do All the Work" (ca. 1932; words and music by the
Hoosier Hot Shots), 147
"Come All Ye Coal Miners" (1931; words and music by Sarah Ogan Gunning), 158
59
Concerto in F (1925; music by George Gershwin), 185
"Continental, The" (1934; words and music by Con Conrad and Herb Magidson),
106
"Cossack Love Song" (1926; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Herbert Stothart),
98
"Cotton Mill Colic" (1930; words and music by Dave McCarn), 159
"Creole Love Call" (1927; music by Duke Ellington, Bubber Miley, and Rudy Jack-
son), 123
"Creole Rhapsody" (1931; music by Duke Ellington), 204
Cuban Overture (1932; aka Rhumba; music by George Gershwin), 185
"Dancing Back to Back" (1939; words and music by Irving Berlin), 98

"Dancing in the Dark" (1931; music by Arthur Schwartz, lyrics by Howard Dietz),
4*> 2 34
"Dancing in the Moonlight" (1933; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Gus
Kahn), 224
"Dancing on the Ceiling" (1930; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
109
"Dancing with Tears in My Eyes" (1930; music by Joe Burke, lyrics by Al Dubin), 45
"Darling Nellie Gray" (traditional; no credits assigned), 220
"Day You Came Along, The" (1933; music by Arthur Johnston, lyrics by Sam
Coslow), 12
"Dear, Dear" (1934; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 109
"Dear Mr. Gable/You Made Me Love You" (1913; music by James V Monaco, lyrics
by Joseph McCarthy), 217
"Deep Purple" (1934, 1939; music by Peter DeRose, lyrics by Mitchell Parish), 61
"Delishious" (1931; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 99
"Did I Remember?" (1936; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Harold Adamson),

224
"Ding, Dong, the Witch Is Dead!" (1939; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by E. Y Har-
burg), 61
"Dipsy Doodle, The" (1937; words and music by Larry Clinton), 57, 202
"Donkey Serenade, The" (1923; music by Rudolf Friml and Herbert Stothart, lyrics
by Bob Wright and Chet Forrest), 226
"Don't Be That Way" (1934, 1938; music by Edgar Sampson and Benny Goodman,
lyrics by Mitchell Parish), 131, 232, 234
"Don't Blame Me" (1933; music by Jimmy McHugh, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 224,
226
"Down by the River" (1935; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 109
"Down in the Depths (on the Ninetieth Floor)" (1936; words and music by Cole
Porter), 80
"Down with Ev'rything That's Up" (1933; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira
Gershwin), 73
"Down with Love" (1937; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by E. Y Harburg), 85
"Dreadful Memories" (1932; words and music by Sarah Ogan Gunning), 159
"Dust Bowl Refugees" (1938; words and music by Woody Guthrie), 157
"East St. Louis Toodle-oo" (1926; music by Duke Ellington and Bubber Miley), 123
"Easter Parade" (1933; words and music by Irving Berlin), 70, 98, 223
"Easy Does It" (1939; music by Sy Oliver), 231
"Easy Rider" (1935; words and music by Huddie Ledbetter), 167
"Easy to Love" (1936; words and music by Cole Porter), 106
El Salon Mexico (1936; music by Aaron Copland), 185, 241
"Eleven Cent Cotton, Forty Cent Meat" (1932; words and music by Bob Miller), 159
"Embraceable You" (1930; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 33, 73
"Empty Saddles" (1936; words and music by Billy Hill and J. Kiern Brennan), 155
"Everybody Does It in Hawaii" (ca. 1930; words and music by Jimmie Rodgers), 149
"Everything I Have Is Yours" (1933; music by Burton Lane, lyrics by Harold Adam-
son), 8, 109
"Evil Blues" (1939; music by Count Basie and Harry Edison, lyrics by Jimmy Rush-
ing), 219
"Exactly Like You" (1930; music by Jimmy McHugh, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 230
"Falling in Love with Love" (1938; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), 83, i n
"Fine Romance, A" (1936; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 55, 103,
230
"Flagenheimer's Odorless Cheese" (1935; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al
Dubin), 224
"Flat Foot Floogie" (1938; words and music by Slam Stewart, Slim Gaillard, and
Bud Green), 62
"Florida by the Sea" (1925; words and music by Irving Berlin), 95
"Foggy Day, A" (1937; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 99, 226
"Folks Who Live on the Hill, The" (1937; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar
Hammerstein II), 104
"For Dancers Only" (1937; music by Don Raye, Vic Schoen, and Sy Oliver), 231
"42nd Street" (1933; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al Dubin), 235
"Four or Five Times" (1927; music by Byron Gay, lyrics by Marco H. Hellman), 231
Four Saints in Three Acts (1934; music by Virgil Thomson), 192
"Frenesi" (1940; music by Alberto Dominguez, lyrics by Ray Charles and S. K. Rus-
sell), 63-64, 190, 212
"Friendship" (1939; words and music by Cole Porter), 80
"Froggy Bottom" (1930; music by Mary Lou Williams), 208
"From the Indies to the Andes in His Undies" (ca. 1931; words and music by the
"Gallivantin' Around" (1936; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein

II), 104
"Georgia on My Mind" (1930; music by Hoagy Carmichael, lyrics by Stuart Gorrell),
33
"Get Happy" (1930; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by Ted Koehler), 47
"Get Out of Town" (1938; words and music by Cole Porter), 80
"Ghost of a Chance, A" (1933; music by Victor Young, lyrics by Ned Washington),
235
"Give Her a Kiss" (1932; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 108
"Give It Back to the Indians" (1939; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), 83
"Give My Regards to Broadway" (1904; words and music by George M. Cohan), n o
"Glad to Be Unhappy" (1936; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 82
"God Bless America" (1918; words and music by Irving Berlin), 42, 48, 220, 223
"God Save the King" (1742; attributed to Henry Carey), 48
"Gold Digger's Song, The (We're in the Money)" (1933; music by Harry Warren,
lyrics by Al Dubin), 112, 235
"Good Morning" (1939; music by Nacio Herb Brown, lyrics by Arthur Freed), n o
"Good Morning Blues" (1937; music by Count Basie and Eddie Durham, lyrics by
Jimmy Rushing), 219
"Good Night, Irene" (1939; words and music by Huddie Ledbetter), 167
"Good Night, Lovely Little Lady" (1934; music by Harry Revel, lyrics by Mack Gor-
don), 52
"Goodnight, Sweetheart" (1931; words and music by Ray Noble, James Campbell,
and Reg Connelly), 48, 207, 231
"Goody Goody" (1936; music by Matty Malneck, lyrics by Johnny Mercer), 55-56,
220
"Goofus" (1932; music by Wayne King, lyrics by Gus Kahn), 62
"Got a Date with an Angel" (1931; music by Jack Waller and Joseph Turnbridge,
lyrics by Clifford Grey and Sonnie Miller), 207, 217
Grand Canyon Suite, The (1931; music by Ferde Grofe), 186, 227, 240
"Hand in Hand" (1930; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II),
101
"Happy Birthday to You" (1893; music by Mildred J. Hill, lyrics by Patty S. Hill),
240
"Happy Days Are Here Again" (1929; music by Milton Ager, lyrics by Jack Yellin),
46
"Have You Met Miss Jones?" (1937; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), 83
"He and She" (1938; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), i n
"Heartaches" (1931; music by Al Hoffman, lyrics by John Klenner), 214
"Heat Wave" (1933; words and music by Irving Berlin), 70
"Heigh Ho, the Gang's All Here" (1931; music by Burton Lane, lyrics by Harold
Adamson), 109
"Hellhound on My Trail" (1937; words and music by Robert Johnson), 166
"Hello" (1934; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 109
"Here Am I" (1929; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II), 102
"Here We Are" (1930; words and music by Irving Berlin), 96
"Hide Me in Thy Bosom" (1938; aka "Rock Me"; words and music by Thomas A.
Dorsey), 169
"Hollywood Party" (1934; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 109
"Home on the Range" (1933; song composed in 1885, music by Daniel Kelley, lyrics
by Brewster Higley), 13
"Honey" (1928; words and music by Seymour Simons, Haven Gillespie, and
Richard Whiting), 44
"Honeysuckle Rose" (1929; music by Fats Waller, lyrics by Andy Razaf), 123-24, 213
"Hooray for Hollywood" (1937; music by Richard Whiting, lyrics by Johnny Mercer),
235
"Hooray for Spinach" (1938; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Johnny Mercer), 235
"Hot and Anxious" (1931; music by Fletcher Henderson), 63
"How Can You Forget?" (1938; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
109
"How to Win Friends and Influence People" (1938; music by Richard Rodgers,
lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 83
"Hundred Years from Today, A" (1933; music by Victor Young, lyrics by Ned Wash-
ington), 85, 235
"I Ain't Got No Home" (1938; words and music by Woody Guthrie), 157
"I Can't Be Bothered Now" (1937; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gersh-
win), 215
"I Can't Get Started" (1936; music by Vernon Duke, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 57, 85,
224-25
"I Can't Give You Anything but Love" (1928; music by Jimmy McHugh, lyrics by
Dorothy Fields), 216
"I Concentrate on You" (1940; words and music by Cole Porter), 107
"I Could Write a Book" (1940; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
84
"I Didn't Know What Time It Was" (1939; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by
Lorenz Hart), 83, i n
"I Don't Know Why (I Just Do)" (1931; music by Fred E. Ahlert, lyrics by Roy Turk),
207
"I Dream Too Much" (1935; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 101
"I Feel a Song Coming On" (1935; music by Jimmy McHugh, lyrics by Dorothy
Fields), 230
"I Found a Million-Dollar Baby in the Five and Ten-Cent Store" (1931; music by
Harry Warren, lyrics by Billy Rose and Mort Dixon), n, 47, 84
"I Get a Kick Out of You" (1934; words and music by Cole Porter), 80, 106
"I Got Love" (1935; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields, 101
"I Got Plenty o' Nuttin'" (1935; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin
and DuBose Heyward), 186, 220
"I Got Rhythm" (1930; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 73, 99,
185
"I Gotta Right to Sing the Blues" (1932; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by Ted
Koehler), 84-85, 222
"I Guess I'll Have to Change My Plan (the Blue Pajama Song)" (1929; music by
Arthur Schwartz, lyrics by Howard Dietz), 8
"I Hate the Capitalist System" (ca. 1937; words and music by Sarah Ogan Gun-
ning), 159
"I Have the Room Above Her" (1936; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Ham-
merstein II), 104
"I Hear Music" (1940; music by Burton Lane, lyrics by Frank Loesser), 230
"I Let a Song Go Out of My Heart" (1938; music by Duke Ellington, lyrics by Irving
Mills, Henry Nemo, and John Redmond), 123
"I Like Bananas Because They Have No Bones" (ca. 1932; words and music by the
"I Like the Likes of You" (1934; music by Vernon Duke, lyrics by E. Y Harburg), 85,
224
"I Like to Recognize the Tune" (1939; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), 83
"I Only Have Eyes for You" (1934; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al Dubin),
224
"I Say It's Spinach (and I Say the Hell with It)" (1932; words and music by Irving
Berlin), 69
"I Surrender, Dear" (1931; music by Harry Barris, lyrics by Gordon Clifford), n
"I Was Doing All Right" (1938; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin),
99, 226
"I Wish I Were in Love Again" (1937; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), 82, n o
"I Wished on the Moon" (1935; music by Ralph Rainger, lyrics by Leo Robin), 53
"I Won't Dance" (1935; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields and Jimmy
McHugh), 102
"I'd Rather Lead a Band" (1936; words and music by Irving Berlin), 97
"If I Give In to You" (1934; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 109
"If I Only Had a Brain" (1939; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by E. Y Harburg), 61
"If You Ain't Got the Do Re Mi" (1937; words and music by Woody Guthrie), 157
"I'll Be Hard to Handle" (1933; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Bernard Dougall),
78
"I'll Do It Again" (1933; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 108
"I'll Never Smile Again" (1940; words and music by Ruth Lowe), 28, 64, 219, 242
"I'm an Old Cowhand" (1936; words and music by Johnny Mercer), 55, 155, 230
"I'm Checking Out, Goombye" (1939; music by Duke Ellington, lyrics by Billy
Strayhorn), 234
"I'm Getting Sentimental Over You" (1932; music by George Bassman, lyrics by
Ned Washington), 203, 235
"I'm Going to Organize" (ca. 1938; words and music by Sarah Ogan Gunning), 159
"I'm in Love Again" (1925; words and music by Cole Porter), 78
"I'm in the Mood for Love" (1935; music by Jimmy McHugh, lyrics by Dorothy
Fields), 226
"I'm Nobody's Baby" (1921; music by Lester Santly and Milton Ager, lyrics by Benny
Davis), 217
"I'm Not Dreaming" (1929; music by Joe Burke, lyrics by Al Dubin), 101
"I'm Putting All My Eggs in One Basket"(i936; words and music by Irving Berlin),
55>97
"I'm the Echo (You're the Song that I Love)" (1935; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by
Dorothy Fields), 101
"I'm Thinking Tonight of My Blue Eyes" (1928; traditional, arranged by A. P.
Carter), 150
"Imagine" (1937; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 82, n o
"In a Shanty in Old Shantytown" (1932; music by Little Jack Little and John Siras,
lyrics by Joe Young), 49, 112
"In an 18th Century Drawing Room" (1939; music by Raymond Scott), 212
"In the Mood" (1939; music by Joe Garland, lyrics by Andy Razaf), 63, 132, 210, 227
"In the Still of the Night" (1937; words and music by Cole Porter), 106
Incredible Flutist, The (1938; music by Walter Piston), 189
"Indian Love Call" (1924; music by Rudolf Friml, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II),
113, 212, 228
"Inka Dinka Doo" (1933; music by Jimmy Durante, lyrics by Ben Ryan), 62
"Isle of Capri" (1934; music by Will Grosz, lyrics by Jimmy Kennedy), 53
"Isn't It a Pity?" (1933; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 73
"Isn't It Romantic?" (1932; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 108
"Isn't This a Lovely Day?" (1935; words and music by Irving Berlin), 97
"It Ain't Necessarily So" (1935; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin),
75- 186
"It All Depends on You" (1927; music by Ray Henderson, lyrics by Buddy DeSylva
and Lew Brown), 89
"It Don't Mean a Thing (If It Ain't Got That Swing)" (1932; music by Duke Elling-
ton), xiv, 204, 215, 240
"It Happened in Monterey" (1930; music by Mabel Wayne, lyrics by Billy Rose), 112
"It Makes No Difference Now" (1938; words and music by Floyd Tillman), 241
"It Never Entered My Mind" (1940; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), 83
"It's a Lonesome Old Town" (1931; music by Charles Kisco, lyrics by Harry Tobias),
202
"It's a Lovely Day Tomorrow" (1940; words and music by Irving Berlin), 70
"It's All Yours" (1939; music by Arthur Schwartz, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 86
"It's Been So Long" (1936; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Harold Adamson),
221
"It's De-Lovely" (1936; words and music by Cole Porter), 80
"It's Easy to Remember" (1935; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
12,53
"It's Tight Like That" (1928; words and music by Tampa Red and Thomas A.
Dorsey), 168
"I've Got a Crush on You" (1930; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gersh-
win), 71, 100
"I've Got Five Dollars" (1931; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 82,
233
"I've Got My Eyes on You" (1940; words and music by Cole Porter), 107
"I've Got My Love to Keep Me Warm" (1937; words and music by Irving Berlin),
98
"I've Got You Under My Skin" (1936; words and music by Cole Porter), 106
"I've Had My Moments" (1934; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Gus Kahn),
109
"I've Sold My Saddle for an Old Guitar" (1938; words and music by Fleming Allan),
J
54
"I've Told Ev'ry Little Star" (1932; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammer-
stein II), 76, 101, 228
"Jalousie" (1925; words and music by Jacob Gade and Vera Bloom), 241
"Jeepers Creepers" (1938; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Johnny Mercer), 113,
230
"Jitter Bug" (1934; words and music by Cab Calloway), 240
"Joe Hill" (1936; words and music by Earl Robinson), 160
"Johnny One Note" (1937; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 82,
no
"Jumpin' at the Woodside" (1938; music by Count Basie), 125, 135
"June in January" (1934; words and music by Leo Robin and Ralph Rainger), 52
"Just a Dream" (1939; words and music by Big Bill Broonzy), 165
"Just an Echo in the Valley" (1932; words and music by Harry Woods, James Camp-
bell, and Reg Connelly), 8
"Just Let Me Look at You" (1938; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields),
105
"Just One of Those Things" (1935; words and music by Cole Porter), So
"Keep on the Sunny Side" (1928; words and music by A. P. Carter), 149
"Keep Smiling" (1930; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II), 101
"Keepin' Out of Mischief Now" (1932; music by Fats Waller, lyrics by Andy Razaf),
213
"King Porter Stomp" (1923; music by Jelly Roll Morton), 229
"Kiss for Cinderella, A" (1928; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
107
"Knock, Knock, Who's There?" (1936; words and music by Vincent Lopez, Bill
Davies, Johnny Morris, and Jimmy Tyson), 62
"Ko-Ko" (1940; music by Duke Ellington), 204
"Lady Is a Tramp, The" (1937; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
82-83, n o , 228-29
"Lady Who Swings the Band, The" (1936; music by Saul Chaplin, lyrics by Sammy
Cahn), 208
"Lady's in Love with You, The" (1939; music by Burton Lane, lyrics by Frank
Loesser), 58
"Last Night When We Were Young" (1936; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by E. Y.
Harburg), 222
"Last Roundup, The" (1933; aka "Git Along, Little Dogie"; words and music by Billy
Hill), 51
"Lazy River" (1931; music by Hoagy Carmichael, lyrics by Sidney Arodin), 223
"Lazybones" (1934; music by Hoagy Carmichael, lyrics by Johnny Mercer), 223, 230
"Learn to Croon" (1933; music by Arthur Johnston, lyrics by Sam Coslow), 13
Lenox Avenue (1937; music by William Grant Still, poetry by Paul Lawrence Dun-
bar), 190
"Let Yourself Go" (1936; words and music by Irving Berlin), 55, 97, 223
"Let 'em Eat Cake" (1933; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 73
"Let's Begin" (1933; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach), 7S, 102
"Let's Call the Whole Thing Off" (1937; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira
Gershwin), 99, 226
"Let's Dance" (1935; music by Joseph Bonime, Gregory Stone, and Fanny
Baldridge), 128
"Let's Do It" (1928; words and music by Cole Porter), 78
"Let's Face the Music and Dance" (1936; words and music by Irving Berlin), 97
"Let's Have another Cup o' Coffee" (1932; words and music by Irving Berlin), 69
"Let's Put Out the Lights and Go to Sleep" (1932; words and music by Herman
Hupfield), 8, 50
"Let's Swing It" (1935; words and music by Murray Mencher, Charles Newman, and
Charles Tobias), 85
"Liebestraum" (1937; adaptation by Tommy Dorsey, set to a ca. 1850 melody by
Franz Liszt), 59
"Lies" (1931; music by Harry Barris, lyrics by George Springer), 10
"Life Is Just a Bowl of Cherries" (1931; music by Ray Henderson, lyrics by Lew
Brown), 3, 47, 216
"Little Brown Jug" (1939; arranged by Bill Finegan, based on a traditional 1869
tune), 132
"Little Dutch Mill" (1934; music by Harry Barris, lyrics by Ralph Freed), 41, 52
"Little Girl Blue" (1935; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 82, 229
"Little Kiss Each Morning, A (A Little Kiss Each Night)" (1929; words and music by
Hillary Woods), 8
"Little White Lies" (1930; words and music by Walter Donaldson), 223-24
"Liza" (1929; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 71
"Loch Lomond" (1937; traditional, no credits assigned), 220
"Lonely Feet" (1930; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II), 101
"Look for the Silver Lining" (1920; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammer-
stein II), 101
"Looking Up at Down" (1940; words and music by Big Bill Broonzy), 165
"Lorelei" (1933; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 73
"Love for Sale" (1930; words and music by Cole Porter), 79, 232
"Love in Bloom" (1934; words and music by Leo Robin and Ralph Rainger), 52
"Love Is Here to Stay" (1938; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin),
72, 99, 226
"Love Is Just around the Corner" (1935; music by Lewis E. Gensler, lyrics by Leo
Robin), 12
"Love Is Sweeping the Country" (1931; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira
Gershwin), 73
"Love Me or Leave Me" (1928; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Gus Kahn), 82
"Love Me Tonight" (1932; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 108
"Love Thy Neighbor" (1934; music by Harry Revel, lyrics by Mack Gordon), 52
"Love Walked In" (1938; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 99
"Lovely to Look At" (1935; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields and
Jimmy McHugh), 102
"Lover" (1932; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 108, 233
"Lover Come Back to Me" (1928; music by Sigmund Romberg, lyrics by Oscar
Hammerstein II), 227
"Ludlow Massacre" (1944; no credits assigned), 158
"Lullaby of Broadway" (1935; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al Dubin), 33, 92,
113, 235
"Lush Life" (1938; words and music by Billy Strayhorn), 234
"Lydia, the Tattooed Lady" (1939; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by E. Y Harburg),
113-14, 228
"Mack the Knife" (1954; music by Kurt Weill, lyrics by Marc Blitzstein), 87
"Make Believe" (1927; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II), 104
"Make It Another Old-Fashioned, Please" (1940; words and music by Cole Porter),
80
"Makin' Whoopee!" (1928; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Gus Kahn), 45
"Man in the Moon Is a Cowhand, The" (1938; words and music by Roy Rogers and
Tim Spencer), 154
"Man with a Mandolin, The" (1939; music by Frank Weldon, lyrics by James Ca-
vanaugh and John Redmond), 41
"Mandy" (1919; words and music by Irving Berlin), 96
"Manhattan" (1925; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 81
Manhattan Rhapsody (1931; music by George Gershwin), 99, 185
"Maniac's Ball" (1933; music by Gene Gifford), 127, 227
"Marie" (1928; words and music by Irving Berlin), 203
"Materna" (1882; music by Samuel Augustus Ward), 48
"Me and My Shadow" (1927; music by Dave Dreyer and Al Jolson, lyrics by Billy
Rose), 89
"Melody Ranch" (1940; words and music by Gene Autry and Fred Rose), 152-53
"Memories of You" (1930; music by Eubie Blake, lyrics by Andy Razaf), 84, 232
Merry Mount (1934; music by Howard Hanson), 188
"Midnight Special" (traditional; arranged by Huddie Ledbetter), 167
"Milk Cow Blues" (1934; words and music by K. Arnold), 156
"Mimi" (1932; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 108
"Mine" (1933; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 73
"Miner's Hungry Ragged Blues" (1933; words and music by Aunt Molly Jackson),
J
59
"Minnie the Moocher" (1931; words and music by Cab Calloway, Barney Bigard, and
Irving Mills), 104, 121, 202
"Mister and Missus Fitch" (1932; words and music by Cole Porter), 79, 106
"Mister Chamberlain" (1903; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by P. G. Wodehouse), 76
"Monkey-Doodle-Doo" (1929; words and music by Irving Berlin), 95
"The Mooche" (1928; music by Duke Ellington), 123
"Mood Indigo" (1930; music by Duke Ellington, Barney Bigard, and Irving Mills),
123, 2 0 4
"Moon Love" (1939; music by Mack David, lyrics by Mack Davis, adapted from
Tchaikovsky's Symphony No. 5), 59
"Moonlight Serenade" (1939; music by Glenn Miller, lyrics by Mitchell Parish), 132,
210, 232
"Most Beautiful Girl in the World, The" (1935; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by
Lorenz Hart), 82
"Mother Nature's Lullaby" (1938; words and music by Gene Autry, Johnny Marvin,
and Fred Rose), 152
"Mountain Greenery" (1926; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 81
Music for Radio (Prairie Journal) (1937; music by Aaron Copland), 185
"Music Goes 'Round and Around, The" (1936; music by Ed Farley and Mike Riley,
lyrics by Red Hodgson), 56, 62
"My Blue Heaven" (1927; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by George Whiting), 6,
223
"My Blue-Eyed Jane" (1933; words and music by Jimmie Rodgers), 149
"My Funny Valentine" (1937; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
82-83, n o , 229, 233
"My Heart Belongs to Daddy" (1938; words and music by Cole Porter), 80, 218, 232
"My Heart Stood Still" (1927; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 81
"My Mammy" (1918; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Sam M. Lewis and Joe
Young), 88
"My Man's Gone Now" (1935; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by DuBose Hey-
ward), 75
"My Old Flame" (1934; music by Arthur Johnston, lyrics by Sam Coslow), 113
"My Reverie" (1938; arranged by Larry Clinton, adapted from music by Claude De-
bussy), 59, 202
"My Romance" (1935; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 82, 233
"My Time Is Your Time" (1929; music by Leo Dance, lyrics by Eric Little), 8
"Nearness of You, The" (1938; music by Hoagy Carmichael, lyrics by Ned Washing-
ton), 216, 223, 235
"Needle in a Haystack, A" (1934; words and music by Con Conrad and Herb Magid-
son), 106
"Never Gonna Dance" (1936; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 226
New York Rhapsody (1931; music by George Gershwin), 99, 185
"Nice Work if You Can Get It" (1937; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira
Gershwin), 99
"Night and Day" (1932; words and music by Cole Porter), 49, 79, 106, 232
"Night Was Made for Love, The" (1931; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Har-
bach), 76,101
"Nightmare" (1937; music by Artie Shaw), 212

"No Depression (in Heaven)" (1935; words and music by A. P. Carter), 151
"No Name Jive" (1940; music by Larry Wagner), 205
"No Strings" (1935; words and music by Irving Berlin), 97
"Nobody Loves a Riveter" (1931; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
108
"Non-Stop Flight" (1938; music by Jerry Gray), 227
Nordic Symphony (1922; music by Howard Hanson), 188
Of Mice and Men (1939; music by Aaron Copland), 185

"Of Thee I Sing (Baby)" (1931; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin),
73
"01' Man River" (1927; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II),
104
"On the Good Ship Lollipop" (1934; music by Richard Whiting, lyrics by Sidney
Clare), 52, 235
"On the Sunny Side of the Street" (1930; music by Jimmy McHugh, lyrics by
Dorothy Fields), 47, 224
"On the Trail" (1931; music by Ferde Grofe), 186, 227
"Once Around the Clock" (1935; music by Sigmund Romberg, lyrics by Oscar Ham-
merstein II), 228
"Once in a While" (1937; music by Michael Edwards, lyrics by Bud Green), 57
"One O'Clock Jump" (1937; music by William "Count" Basie), 28, 125, 142, 200
"Our Love" (1939; arranged by Larry Clinton, lyrics by Buddy Bernier and Bob Em-
merich, adapted from Tchaikovsky's Romeo and Juliet), 59
"Our Song" (1937; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 104
"Over the Rainbow" (1939; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by E. Y. Harburg), 61-62,
217, 222
"Peanut Vendor, The" (original title: El Manisero; 1930; music by Moises Simons,
lyrics by Marion Sunshine and L. Wolfe Gilbert), 48
"Pennies from Heaven" (1936; music by Arthur Johnston, lyrics by Johnny Burke),
55> H3
"Pennsylvania 6-5000" (1940; music by Jerry Gray, lyrics by Carl Sigman), 132
"Pettin' in the Park" (1933; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al Dubin), 112
"Pick Yourself Up" (1936; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 103
"Pinetop's Boogie Woogie" (1928; music by Clarence "Pinetop" Smith), 142
"Plenty of Money and You" (1936; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Shep Fields),
204
"Poor Forgotten Man, The" (1932; words and music by Bob Miller), 159
"Poor Man, Rich Man (Cotton Mill Colic No. 2)" (1930; words and music by Dave
McCarn), 159
"Poor Miner's Farewell" (1933; words and music by Aunt Molly Jackson), 159
"Potawatomine" (1939; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), i n
"Powerhouse" (1937; music by Raymond Scott), 212
"Precious Lord, Take My Hand" (1932; words and music by Thomas A. Dorsey),
169
"Pretty Boy Floyd" (1939; words and music by Woody Guthrie), 157
"Prisoner of Love" (1931; music by Russ Columbo and Clarence Gaskill, lyrics by
Leo Robin), 10
"Puttin' on the Ritz" (1930; words and music by Irving Berlin), 96
"Reckless" (1935; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II), 101
"Red River Sweetheart" (1936; words and music by Smiley Burnette), 152
"Red Sails in the Sunset" (1935; music by Hugh Williams, lyrics by Jimmy
Kennedy), 53, 85
"Reincarnation" (1934; music by Richard Rogers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 109
"Remember My Forgotten Man" (1933; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al Dubin),
93, 224
"Reminiscin' in Tempo" (1935; music by Duke Ellington), 204
Reverie (1890; music by Claude Debussy), 59
Rhapsody in Blue (1924; music by George Gershwin), 71, 98-99, 185-86, 215, 226-27
Rhapsody in Rivets (1931; music by George Gershwin), 99, 185-86
Rhumba (1932; music by George Gershwin), 185
"Rhumboogie" (also called "Rhumbaboogie"; 1940; music by Don Raye, lyrics by
Hughie Prince), 114
"Ridin' down the Trail" (1939; words and music by Roy Rogers, Eddie Cherkose,
and Cy Fever), 154
"Ridin' High" (1936; words and music by Cole Porter), 80
"Robins and Roses" (1936; music by Joe Burke, lyrics by Edgar Leslie), 55
"Rock and Roll" (1934; music by Richard Whiting, lyrics by Sidney Clare), 235
"Rock Island Line" (1937; words and music by Huddie Ledbetter), 167
"Rock Me" (1938; originally titled "Hide Me in Thy Bosom," words and music by
Thomas A. Dorsey), 169
"Rock of Ages" (1928; traditional, arranged by Blind Willie Davis), 158
"Rock-a-Bye Your Baby with a Dixie Melody" (1918; music by Jean Schwartz, lyrics
by Sam Lewis and Joe Young), 5
"Rockin' Chair" (1932; words and music by Hoagy Carmichael), 216, 223
Rodeo (1942; music by Aaron Copland), 185
"Roll'em" (1933; music by Mary Lou Williams), 208
"Roll'em Pete" (1938; music by Pete Johnson, lyrics by Joe Turner), 220
"Rose of the Rio Grande" (1922; music by Harry Warren and Ross Gorman, lyrics
by Edgar Leslie), 215, 234
"Rosetta" (1933; music by Earl Hines and Henri Woode), 206
Sad Song (1938; music by Roy Harris), 189

"San Antonio Rose" (1940; words and music by Bob Wills), 156
"Santa Claus Is Coming to Town" (1934; music by J. Fred Coots, lyrics by Haven
Gillespie), 53
"Scattin' at the Kit Kat" (1936; music by Duke Ellington), 135
"Seal It with a Kiss" (1936; music by Arthur Schwartz, lyrics by Edward Heyman),
234
Second Rhapsody for Piano and Orchestra (1932; aka Manhattan Rhapsody, New York
Rhapsody, and Rhapsody in Rivets; music by George Gershwin), 99, 185, 226
"See What the Boys in the Backroom Will Have" (1939; music by Fred Hollander,
lyrics by Frank Loesser), 230
"Sent for You Yesterday" (1938; music by Eddie Durham, lyrics by Jimmy Rushing),
125, 219
"Sentimental Me" (1925; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 81
"September in the Rain" (1937; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al Dubin), 41
"September Song" (1938; music by Kurt Weill, lyrics by Maxwell Anderson), 59, 85
"Serves Them Fine (Cotton Mill Colic No. 3)" (1931; words and music by Dave
McCarn), 159
"She Didn't Say 'Yes' " (1931; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach), 76,
101
"She Was a Dear Little Girl" (1908; words and music by Irving Berlin), 69
"Ship without a Sail, A" (1929; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
81, 107
"Shuffle Off to Buffalo" (1933; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al Dubin), 112
"Simple Philosophy" (1940; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 105
"Since They Turned Loch Lomond into Swing" (1938; words and music by Irving
Berlin), 98
"Sing for Your Supper" (1938; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
83, i n
"Sing Me a Song with Social Significance" (1937; words and music by Harold J.
Rome), 87-88
"Sing, Sing, Sing" (1936; original music by Louis Prima and Andy Razaf; arranged
by Jimmy Mundy), 43, 131, 231
"Sing Something Simple" (1930; words and music by Herman Hupfield), 50
"Singin' in the Rain" (1929; music by Nacio Herb Brown, lyrics by Arthur Freed),
90
6 Pictures of Hollywood (1938; music by Ferde Grofe), 188
"Slap That Bass" (1937; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 99
Slaughter on Tenth Avenue (1936; music by Richard Rodgers), 82, i n , 189
"Smile and Show Your Dimple" (1917; words and music by Irving Berlin), 70
"Smoke Gets in Your Eyes" (1933; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach),
77-78, 102
"Smoke Rings" (1932; music by Gene Gifford, lyrics by Ned Washington), 205
"So Long, It's Been Good to Know Ya" (1935; aka "Dusty Old Dust"; words and
music by Woody Guthrie), 157
Soliloquy and Dance (1938; music by Roy Harris), 189
"Solitude" (1935; music by Duke Ellington, lyrics by Eddie DeLange and Irving
Mills), 33, 204
"Something to Live For" (1939; music by Duke Ellington, lyrics by Billy Strayhorn),
234
"Something to Remember You By" (1930; music by Arthur Schwartz, lyrics by
Howard Dietz), 234
"Sometimes I'm Happy" (1930; music by Vincent Youmans, lyrics by Irving Cae-
sar), 235
"Song Is You, The" (1932; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II),
76, 101, 228
"Song of India" (1935; arranged by Tommy Dorsey, E. W "Red" Bone, and Carmen
Mastren, adapted from Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov), 59, 203
"Song of the Flame" (1926; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Herbert Stothart),
98
"Sonny Boy" (1928; music by Henderson, lyrics by Buddy DeSylva, Lew Brown, and
Al Jolson), 89
"Soon" (1930; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 53, 71, 100
"Soon" (1935; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 109
"Sophisticated Lady" (1933; music by Duke Ellington, lyrics by Irving Mills and
Mitchell Parish), 123, 204, 232
"South Rampart Street Parade" (1938; traditional, no credits assigned), 202
"Southern Flood Blues" (1937; words and music by Big Bill Broonzy), 165
"Spring Again" (1938; music by Kurt Weill, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 100
"Spring Is Here" (1938; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 83
"St. James Infirmary Blues" (traditional; arranged by Joe Primrose in 1930), 168,
239
"St. Louis Blues" (1914; words and music by W C. Handy), 13
"Stairway to the Stars" (1935, 1939; music by Matty Malneck and Frank Signorelli,
lyrics by Mitchell Parish), 232
"Star Dust" (1927, 1931; music by Hoagy Carmichael, lyrics by Mitchell Parish), 26,
35-36, 41, 61, 223, 239
"Stars and Stripes Forever" (1897; music by John Philip Sousa), n o
"Stars Fell on Alabama" (1934; music by Frank Perkins, lyrics by Mitchell Parish),
232
"Star-Spangled Banner, The" (1814; words by Francis Scott Key, adapted from the ca.
1780 tune, "To Anacreon in Heaven"), 48, 239
"Stein Song" (1930; University of Maine, original music by E. A. Fensted in 1901,
words by Lincoln Colcord), 8, 45
"Stompin' at the Savoy" (1936; music by Benny Goodman, Edgar Sampson, and
Chick Webb, lyrics by Andy Razaf), 134-35, 214, 232, 234
"Stompin' at the Stadium" (1938; music by Bickley Reichner and Clay Boland), 128
"Stompy Jones" (1934; music by Duke Ellington), 204
"Stormy Weather" (1933; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by Ted Koehler), 51-52, 222
"Stout-Hearted Men" (music by Sigmund Romberg, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein
" ) . 233
"Strange Fruit" (1939; words and music by Lewis Allan [Abel Meeropol]), 218
"Strike Up the Band" (1930; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin),
71, 100
"Sugar Blues" (1923; music by Clarence Williams, lyrics by Lucy Fletcher), 210
"Summertime" (1935; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by DuBose Heyward), 75,
186
"Sunny" (1925; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach and Oscar Hammer-
stein II), 101
"Sunrise Serenade" (1939; music by Frankie Carle, lyrics by Jack Lawrence), 132
"Suppertime" (1933; words and music by Irving Berlin), 70
"Swanee" (1919; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Irving Caesar), 71-72
"Swanee Shuffle" (1929; words and music by Irving Berlin), 95
"Sweet Adeline" (1903; music by Harry Armstrong, lyrics by Richard H. Gerard),
76
"Sweet and Lovely" (1931; music by Gus Arnheim, Harry Tobias, and Jules Lemare),
200
"Sweet Georgia Brown" (1925; words and music by Ben Bernie, Maceo Pinkard,
and Kenneth Casey), 13
"Sweet Leilani" (1937; words and music by Harry Owens), 12, 56-57
Symphony No. 2, "The Romantic" (1930; music by Howard Hanson), 188
Symphony No. 3 (1933; music by Howard Hanson), 189
Symphony on a Hymn Tune (1928; music by Virgil Thomson), 192
"T.B. Blues" (1933; words and music by Jimmie Rodgers), 149

"Tain't What'cha Do, It's the Way That'cha Do It" (1939; music by Sy Oliver, lyrics
by Trummy Young), 136, 209, 231
"Take Me Back to Tulsa" (1941; words and music by Bob Wills and Tommy Dun-
can), 156
"Take the 'A Train" (1941; words and music by Billy Strayhorn), 234
"Tar Paper Stomp" (1930; Wingy Manone, arranger), 63
"Tara's Theme" (1939; music by Max Steiner), 61
"Tea for Two" (1925; music by Vincent Youmans, lyrics by Irving Caesar), 235
"Ten Cents a Dance" (1930; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 33,
81, 108, 228-29
"Terraplane Blues" (1937; words and music by Robert Johnson), 166
"Thanks for the Memory" (1937; music by Ralph Rainger, lyrics by Leo Robin), 58
"That Silver-Haired Daddy of Mine" (1931; words and music by Jimmy Long and
Gene Autry), 152
"That's the Rhythm of the Day" (1933; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), 109
"(There Ought to Be) Moonlight Saving Time" (1931; words and music by Irving
Kahal and Harry Richman), 40
"There Will Be Peace in the Valley" (1937; words and music by Thomas A. Dorsey),
169
"There's a Rainbow 'Round My Shoulder" (1928; words and music by Dave Dreyer,
Billy Rose, and Al Jolson), 89
"There's a Small Hotel" (1936; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
82, i n , 233
"There's No Depression in Love" (1931; music by Dan Dougherty, lyrics by Jack
Yellin), 46
"There's Nothing Too Good for My Baby" (1931; music by Con Conrad, lyrics by Bal-
lard MacDonald and Dave Silverstein), 112
"These Foolish Things Remind Me of You" (1935; music by Jack Strachy and Harry
Link, lyrics by Holt Marvell), 56
"They All Fall in Love" (1929; words and music by Cole Porter), 105
"They All Laughed" (1937; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 99
"They Can't Take That Away from Me" (1937; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by
Ira Gershwin), 57-58, 99
"Things Are Looking Up" (1937; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gersh-
win), 99
Third Symphony in One Movement (1939; music by Roy Harris), 189
"This Can't Be Love" (1938; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 83, i n
"This Is It" (1939; music by Arthur Schwartz, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 86
"This Land Is Your Land" (1944; words and music by Woody Guthrie), 158
"This Train" (1938; words and music by Sister Rosetta Tharpe), 169
"This Year's Kisses" (1937; words and music by Irving Berlin), 98
"Thou Swell" (1927; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 81
"Three Little Fishes" (1939; words and music by Saxie Dowell), 62, 208
"Three Little Words" (1930; music by Harry Ruby, lyrics by Bert Kalmar), 239
"Time On My Hands" (1930; music by Vincent Youmans, lyrics by Harold Adam-
son and Mack Gordon), 222, 235
Tin Pan Alley: The Melodic Decades (1938; music by Ferde Grofe), 188
"Ti-Pi-Tin" (1938; music by Maria Grever, lyrics by Raymond Leveen), 62
"Tip-Toe Thru the Tulips with Me" (1929; music by Joe Burke, lyrics by Al Dubin),
44-45
"To Anacreon in Heaven" (ca. 1780; music by John Stafford Smith, adapted in 1814
by Francis Scott Key for "The Star-Spangled Banner"), 48
"To My Mammy" (1930; words and music by Irving Berlin), 96
"Tonight We Love" (1941; music adapted from Tchaikovsky's Piano Concerto by
Freddy Martin and Ray Austin, lyrics added by Bobby Worth), 209-10
"Too Beautiful for Words" (1934; words and music by Russ Columbo, Bennie
Grossman, and Jack Stern), 10
"Too Good to be True" (1928; music by Ray Henderson, lyrics by Buddy DeSylva
and Lew Brown), 221
"Too Marvelous for Words" (1937; music by Richard Whiting, lyrics by Johnny Mer-
cer), 12, 230, 235
"Toot, Toot, Tootsie" (1922; words and music by Ted Fio Rito, Robert A. King, Gus
Kahn, and Ernie Erdman), 88
"Top Hat, White Tie, and Tails" (1935; words and music by Irving Berlin), 53, 97,
215, 223
"Touch of Your Hand, The" (1933; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach),
78
"Toy Trumpet, The" (1936; music by Raymond Scott), 212
Troubled Island (1938; music by William Grant Still), 190
"Try to Forget" (1931; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach), 101
"Tumbling Tumbleweeds" (1934; words and music by Bob Nolan), 152, 154
"Tuxedo Junction" (1939; music by William Johnson, Julian Dash, Erskine Hawkins,
and Buddy Feyne), 132, 205
"Twilight in Turkey" (1937; music by Raymond Scott), 212
"Two O'Clock Jump" (1942; music by Harry James, Count Basie, and Benny Good-
man), 142
"Two Sleepy People" (1938; music by Hoagy Carmichael, lyrics by Frank Loesser),
58, 230
"Union Maid" (1940; no credits assigned), 158

"Union Square" (1933; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 73
"Until the Real Thing Comes Along" (1936; music by Saul Chaplin and Alberta
Nichols, lyrics by Sammy Cahn, Mann Holiner, and L. E. Freeman), 208
Variations on "I Got Rhythm" (1934; music by George Gershwin), 73, 185-86, 226
"Very Thought of You, The" (1934; words and music by Ray Noble), 231
"Wabash Cannonball" (1928; traditional, arranged by A. P. Carter), 150

"Waiting at the End of the Road" (1929; words and music by Irving Berlin), 95
"Walkin' by the River" (1940; music by Una Mae Carlisle, lyrics by Robert Sour),
216
"Waltz in Swing Time" (1936; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields),
103
"Way You Look Tonight, The" (1936; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy
Fields), 55, 103, 215, 230
"We Three (My Echo, My Shadow, and Me)" (1940; words and music by Dick
Robertson, Nelson Cogane, and Sammy Mysels), 64
"Weave Room Blues" (1932; words and music by Dorsey Dixon), 159
"Welcome to the Melting Pot" (1931; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira
Gershwin), 99
"Well, Did You Evah?" (1939; words and music by Cole Porter), 80
"We're Going to Balance the Budget" (1937; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by
Lorenz Hart), 83
"We're Off to See the Wizard" (1939; music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by E. Y Har-
burg), 61
"What Do You Want with Money?" (1933; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by
Lorenz Hart), 108
"What Good Are Words?" (1930; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammer-
stein II), 101
"What Is There to Say?" (1934; music by Vernon Duke, lyrics by E. Y Harburg), 85,
224,228
"What Is This Thing Called Love?" (1930; words and music by Cole Porter), 33, 79
"What Shall I Do?" (1938; words and music by Cole Porter), 80
"What's New?" (1939; words and music by Bob Haggart and Joe Burke), 63
"When I Grow Too Old to Dream" (1935; music by Sigmund Romberg, lyrics by
Oscar Hammerstein II), 233
"When My Baby Smiles at Me" (1919; music by Ted Munro, lyrics by Ted Lewis and
Andrew B. Sterling), 208
"When My Dreams Come True" (1925; words and music by Irving Berlin), 95
"When My Sugar Walks Down the Street" (1924; music by Jimmy McHugh, lyrics
by Gene Austin), 230
"When the Folks High-Up Do the Mean Low-Down" (1931; words and music by Irv-
ing Berlin), 96
"When the Moon Comes Over the Mountain" (1931; music by Harry Woods, lyrics
by Howard Johnson), 41-42, 219
"When the Summer Is Gone" (1937; music by Hal Kemp), 207
"When the World's on Fire" (1929; arranged by A. P. Carter), 158
"When Winter Comes" (1939; words and music by Irving Berlin), 98
"When You Wish Upon a Star" (1940; music by Leigh Harline, lyrics by Ned Wash-
ington), 235
"When You're Dancing the Waltz" (1936; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by
Lorenz Hart), 109
"When Yuba Plays the Rhumba on the Tuba" (1931; words and music by Herman
Hupfield), 50
"Where or When" (1937; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 82, n o
"Where the Blue of the Night (Meets the Gold of the Day)" (1931; music by Fred E.
Ahlert, lyrics by Roy Turk and Bing Crosby), 43
"Which Side Are You On?" (1931; words and music by Florence Reese), 159
"Whipping that Old T.B. Blues" (1933; words and music by Jimmie Rodgers), 149
"White Christmas" (1942; words and music by Irving Berlin), 6, 98
"White Jazz" (1933; music by Gene Gifford), 205, 227
"Who?" (1925; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach and Oscar Hammer-
stein II), 101
"Who Cares?" (1931; music by George Gershwin, lyrics by Ira Gershwin), 73, 226
"Who Knows?" (1937; words and music by Cole Porter), 106
"Who's Afraid of the Big Bad Wolf?" (1933; music by Frank E. Churchill, lyrics by
Ann Ronell), 50
"Why Shouldn't I?" (1935; words and music by Cole Porter), 80
"Why Was I Born?" (1929; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein II),
76, 102
"Wildwood Flower" (1928; words and music by A. P. Carter), 150
"Will You Miss Me When I'm Gone?" (1928; traditional, arranged by A. P. Carter),
150
"Wish You Were Here" (1952; words and music by Harold J. Rome), 87
"With a Song in My Heart" (1929; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), 81, 107
"With You" (1930; words and music by Irving Berlin), 96
"Woodchopper's Ball" (1939; music by Woody Herman and Joe Bishop), 206
"Yam, The" (1938; words and music by Irving Berlin), 98

Yankee Doodle Rhapsody (American Fantasie) (1936; music by Ferde Grofe), 188
"Yes, Sir, That's My Baby" (1925; music by Walter Donaldson, lyrics by Gus Kahn),
223
"Yesterdays" (1933; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Otto Harbach), 41, 78, 102
"You and Your Kiss" (1940; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields), 105
"You Are My Lucky Star" (1939; music by Nacio Herb Brown, lyrics by Arthur
Freed), n o
"You Are Too Beautiful" (1933; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart),
108
"You Call It Madness (But I Call It Love)" (1931; words and music by Con Conrad
and Russ Columbo), 10
"You Couldn't Be Cuter" (1938; music by Jerome Kern, lyrics by Dorothy Fields),
105, 226
"You Do Something to Me" (1929; words and music by Cole Porter), 79
"You Took Advantage of Me" (1928; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz
Hart), 81, 107
"You Turned the Tables on Me" (1936; music by Louis Alter, lyrics by Sidney D.
Mitchell), 56
"You Were Meant for Me" (1929; music by Nacio Herb Brown, lyrics by Arthur
Freed), 89, 112
"Your Mother's Son-in-Law" (1933; music by Alberta Nichols, lyrics by Mann Ho-
liner), 218
"You're a Sweet Little Headache" (1938; music by Ralph Rainger, lyrics by Leo
Robin), 63
"You're Driving Me Crazy! (What Did I Do?)" (1930; words and music by Walter
Donaldson), 8, 209, 223-24
"You're Getting to Be a Habit with Me" (1933; music by Harry Warren, lyrics by Al
Dubin), 112
"You're Lucky to Me" (1930; music by Eubie Blake, lyrics by Andy Razaf), 84
"You're Nearer" (1939; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), i n
"You're the Cats" (1931; music by Richard Rodgers, lyrics by Lorenz Hart), 108
"You're the Top" (1934; words and music by Cole Porter), 80, 106
"Zing! Went the Strings in My Heart" (1935; words and music by James F. Hanley),
217
General Index
Abbott, Bud, 105 Arden, Eve, 85

Abbott, George, 83, i n Arlen, Harold, 33, 36, 69; composi-
Academy Awards (Best Song), 55-56, tions, 47, 51, 113-14, 222, 228;
58, 61, 92, 103, 112, 224, 235 The Wizard of Oz, 61-62, 114,
Acuff, Roy (and His Smoky Mountain 217, 222
Boys), 148 Armstrong, Harry, 76
Adamson, Harold, 8, 108-9, 221-22, Armstrong, Louis, 87, 199-200; blues,
224, 235 166, 239; films, 99, 113-14, 140
Ager, Milton, 46, 217 Arnaz, Desi, i n , 200
Ahlert, Fred E., 43, 207 Arnheim, Gus, n, 127, 200
Allan, Fleming, 154 Arnold, K., 156
Allan, Lewis (Abel Meeropol), 218 Arodin, Sidney, 223
Allen, Gracie, 99 ASCAP, 30
Allen, Henry ("Red"), 236 Astaire, Fred, 54-56, 58, 215-16;
Alsberg, Henry, 194 Broadway, 79; dancer, 49, 96-97,
Alter, Louis, 56 99, 102, 112; films, 50, 96-99,
Altman, Arthur, 64, 219 102, 106, 108, 112, 236, 240;
American Federation of Musicians recordings, 57; vocalist, 49, 53,
(AFM), 193, 195 212, 223
Anderson, Cat, 236 Austin, Gene, 6, 230
Anderson, Ivie, 51, 140, 204, 215 Austin, Ray, 210
Anderson, Marian, 242 Autry, Gene, 152-54
Anderson, Maxwell, 59 Azpiazu, Don, 48
Andrews Sisters, The (Patti, Maxine,
La Verne), 53, 59, 114, 216, 223, Bacon, Lloyd, 13
242 Bailey, Buster, 207
292 General Index
Bailey, Mildred, 211, 214, 216 Block, Martin, 16

Baker, Bob, 152 Blondell, Joan, 93-94
Baker, Jacob, 194 Bloom, Vera, 241
Baker, "Wee" Bonnie, 16 Blues, xv, 34, 145, 149, 155-56, 164-
Baldridge, Fanny, 128 69, 185, 190; Broadway, 84; Fed-
Ball, Lucille, i n eral Music Project, 196; films, 50,
Bands: big, 56, 61, 63, 65, 68, 119, 114; musicians, 211, 217-20, 222;
126, 129, 210; dance, 37, 64, 117, popularity, 17, 125-26, 166, 239;
120, 127, 136; studio, 136, 138; recordings, 13, 17, 19, 26, 122
sweet, 119-20, 127, 131, 204, 207, BMI, 31
2 0 9 ; swing, 119-20, 122 Bogart, Humphrey, 51
Barbirolli, John, 179 Boland, Clay, 128
Barlow, Howard, 175-76, 185 Bone, E. W ("Red"), 203
Barnet, Charlie, 120, 200 Bonime, Joseph, 128
Barris, Harry, 10-n, 41, 52 Boogie-woogie, 114, 126, 142, 206,
Basie, William ("Count"), 119-20, 123, 220, 242
125-26, 200, 211, 219; Carnegie Boswell, Connee, 216
Hah, 130, 241; compositions, 28, Boswell Sisters, The (Connee, Helve-
125, 135; recordings, 28; swing tia, Martha), 3, 63, 216, 235
bands, 120, 125-26, 217-18 Bourdon, Rosario, 175
Bassman, George, 203, 235 Brennan, J. Kiern, 155
Bate, Dr. Humphrey (and His Possum Broadway, 68-69; films, 94, 103-11;
Hunters), 148 music, 37, 40, 67
Bates, Katherine Lee, 48 Brooks, Harry, 123
Bauduc, Ray, 140, 202, 237 Broonzy, Big Bill, 165
Bechet, Sidney, 140, 238 Brown, Lew: Broadway, 69; composi-
Behrman, S. N., 108 tions, 3, 47, 161-62, 214, 216, 221;
Bergman, Ingrid, 51 films, 89
Berigan, Bunny, 57, 236 Brown, Milton, 156
Berkeley, Busby, 94, 112 Brown, Nacio Herb, 40, 89, 108-10,
Berlin, Irving, 33, 36, 222-23; Broad- 112, 217
way, 68-70, 94-95; compositions, Brubeck, Dave, 41
33~34> 53^ 95-96, 98, 203, 215; Bullock, Walter, 223
films, 70, 89, 95-98, 215; "God Burke, Joe, 44-45, 55, 63, 101
Bless America," 42, 48, 219-20 Burke, Johnny, 36, 55, 63, 113, 209
Bernie, Ben ("The 01' Maestro"), 13, Burnette, Smiley, 152
117, 2 0 0 - 2 0 2 Burns, George, 99
Bernier, Buddy, 59 Burr, Henry, 147
Berry, Leon, 232
Berryman, Clifford K., 74 Caesar, Irving, 71, 235
Bestor, Don, 51 Cadle, Tillman, 159
Bigard, Barney, 104, 121, 202, 238 Cagney, Jimmy, 93
Billboard, 43, 143, 240 Cahill, Holger, 194
Bishop, Joe, 206 Cahn, Sammy, 59, 208, 223
Black, Frank, 175 Cajun music, 145, 162
Blake, Eubie, 84, 213, 232, 237 Calloway, Cab, 104, 114, 120-21, 140,
Blanton, Jimmy, 236 202, 239-40
Blitzstein, Marc, 86-87 Campbell, James, 8, 48, 207, 231
General Index 293
Cantor, Eddie, 45, 53, 82, 96, 112 Cogane, Nelson, 64
Carey, Henry, 48 Cohan, George M., 108
Carle, Frankie, 132 Colbert, Claudette, 108
Carlisle, Una Mae, 216 Colcord, Lincoln, 8, 45
Carmichael, Hoagy, 33, 223; composi- Columbo, Russ, 7, 10-11, 13, 200, 204
tions, 33, 58, 216, 230, 235; films, Como, Perry, 214
58; "Star Dust," 26, 35-36, 41, 61, Composers Forum Laboratory, The,
223, 231, 239 196
Carnegie, Dale, 83 Connelly, Reg, 8, 48, 207, 231
Carnegie Hall Jazz Concert, 130-31, Conrad, Con, 10, 106, 112
205, 241 Coon Creek Girls, The, 242
Carney, Harry, 131, 204 Coots, J. Fred, 53
Carter, A. P., 149-51, 158, 160 Copland, Aaron, 176, 184-85, 189,
Carter, June (Cash), 151 192, 241
Carter, Maybelle, 149-51, 158 Coslow, Sam, 12-13, n 3
Carter, Sara, 149-51 Costello, Lou, 105
Caruso, Enrico, 4 Cotton Club, 202, 209
Casa Loma Orchestra, The. See Gray, Country/Western music, xiv, xv, 13, 51,
Glen 146-55
Casey, Kenneth, 13 Cox, Ida, 216-17
Cash, Johnny, 151 Crawford, Joan, 108
Cash, Rosanne, 151 Crissman, Maxine ("Lefty Lou"), 157
Catlett, Sid ("Big Sid"), 237 Crook Brothers, The, 148
Cavanaugh, James, 41 Crooks, Richard, 176
CBS Radio: "Ballad for Americans," Crooning, 5-7, 9-14, 44, 112, 120, 216;
160, 218; cultural programming, crooners, xv, 6-7, 9-14, 94, 176
171-76, 179; general program- Crosby, Bing, n, 41, 51, 62, 214, 216;
ming, 12, 15, 42-43, 136, 160-62, band vocalist, 11-12, 200; crooner,
220, 241-42; history, 2, 23, 201; 6-7, n, 13, 26, 216; films, 96,
remotes, 138; studio orchestras, 106, 109, 113, 155, 181, 199; lyrics
173, 175-76, 182 writer, 43; popular hits, 52-53, 55-
Chaplin, Saul, 59, 208, 223 56, 63; recordings, 6, 49, 240
Charles, Ray, 64, 212 Crosby, Bob, 62, 140, 202
Cheatham, Doc, 236 Cross, Milton, 177
Chekov, Anton, 101 Cugat, Xavier, 128, 200, 203
Cherkose, Eddie, 154
Chevalier, Maurice, 108 Daly, William, 176
Choates, Harry, 162 Damrosch, Walter, 147, 180-81
Christian, Charlie, 231, 236 Dance, Leo, 8
Churchill, Frank E., 50 Dances of the 1930s, 117, 130, 133-36
Clapton, Eric, 166 Daniels, Bebe, 91
Clare, Sidney, 52, 235 Darin, Bobby, 87
Clark, Buddy, 16, 209, 216 Dash, Julian, 132, 205
Classical music, 171-81, 209 Davenport, Cow Cow, 237
Clayton, Buck, 200, 237, 241 David, Mack, 59
Clayton, Lou, 71 Davies, Bill, 62
Clifford, Gordon, 11 Davis, Benny, 217
Clinton, Larry, 57, 59, 61, 120, 202 Davis, Blind Willie, 158
294 General Index
Davis, Mack, 59 Dunne, Irene, 102-4

De Leath, Vaughn ("The First Lady of Durante, Jimmy, 62, 71, 108
Radio"), 5-6, 176 Durham, Eddie, 125, 219
Debussy, Claude, 59, 202 Dylan, Bob, 126, 158
DeLange, Eddie, 33, 204
DeRose, Peter, 61 Eberle, Ray, 61, 210
DeSylva, Buddy, 76, 89, 100, 221 Eberly, Bob, 61, 203
Dietz, Howard, 8, 41, 68, 86, 109, Eddy, Nelson, 106, 108, 113, 226, 233
234 Edens, Roger, 100
Disc jockeys, 16, 44, 62-63 Edison, Harry ("Sweets"), 219, 237
Disney, Walt, 50 Edison, Thomas A., 22
Dixon, Dorsey, 159 Edwards, Cliff ("Ukelele Ike"), 6
Dixon, Mort, 12, 47, 84 Edwards, Michael, 57
Dominguez, Alberto, 64, 212 Eldridge, Roy ("Little Jazz"), 237
Donaldson, Walter: compositions, 6, 8, Eliscu, Edward, 112, 236, 240
45, 82, 220, 223-24; dance tune, Ellington, Duke, 13, 33, 51, 118, 130,
209; films, 88, 109 166, 200, 204, 224, 233-34; com-
Dorsey, Jimmy, 203, 210; Broadway, positions, xiv, 33, 123, 131, 135, 215,
71; classical adaptations, 59; films, 231-34, 240; films, 51, 114, 140;
140; popularity, 61; swing band, innovations, 59, 120, 122-23;
120, 132, 214 swing bands, 118-19, 143
Dorsey, Reverend Thomas A., 168-69 Elman, Ziggy, 230, 237
Dorsey, Tommy, 203, 210, 216, 219, Emmerich, Bob, 59
231; classical adaptations, 59; Ennis, Skinnay, 207, 217
films, 98; with Frank Sinatra, 28, Erdman, Ernie, 89
64-65, 203, 242; popularity, 28, Ethnic music, xiv, 14, 160-64
57, 63-65, 142, 242; radio, 136; Etting, Ruth, 82
swing band, 120, 132, 142, 210, Eyton, Frank, 62
214, 216, 219, 231; recordings,
136, 214 Farley, Ed, 56, 62
Dorsey Brothers, The. See Dorsey, Fatool, Nick, 140
Jimmy; Dorsey, Tommy Faye, Alice, 98
Dougall, Bernard, 78 Federal Art Project (FAP), 194, 197
Dougherty, Dan, 46 Federal Arts Project (Federal One), 194
Dowell, Saxie, 62, 208 Federal Communications Commission
Down Beat, 143 (FCC), 151, 172-73, 180
Downey, Morton ("The Irish Trouba- Federal Emergency Relief Administra-
dour"), 6 tion (FERA), 193
Dragonette, Jessica, 175 Federal Music Project (FMP), 192-98
Dreyer, Dave, 89, 208 Federal Theater Project (FTP), 86, 194
Dubin, Al, 224, 234; Broadway, 86; Federal Writer's Project (FWP), 194
compositions, 33, 41, 44-45, 103; Feldman, Al, 58-60, 62, 217
films, 91-93, 101, 103, 112-13 Fensted, E. A., 8, 45
Duchin, Eddie, 58, 120, 203-4 Fever, Cy, 154
Duke, Vernon, 33, 57, 68, 85, 224-25, Feyne, Buddy, 132, 205
228 Fiedler, Arthur, 181-82, 241
Dunbar, Paul Lawrence, 190 Fields, Dorothy, 33, 36, 103, 108, 224,
Duncan, Tommy, 156 226, 230; compositions, 47, 55,
General Index 295
215-16, 230; films, 101-2, 104-5; sical works, 185-86, 215, 241;
stage musical, 86 compositions, 33, 53, 57-58, 215,
Fields, Shep, 120, 204 220; films, 95, 98-100, n o , 215,
Finegan, Bill, 132 227; history, 70-76, 106, 226
Fio Rito, Ted, 88 Gershwin, Ira, 33, 36, 68-69, 86, 103,
Fitzgerald, Ella, 58-60, 62, 214, 217 215; Broadway, 86, 94; composi-
Flagstad, Kirsten, 176 tions, 33, 53, 57-58, 186-87, 2I5>
Flanagan, Hallie, 194 220, 222, 224, 236; films, 95, 9 8 -
Fletcher, Lucy, 210 100, n o ; history, 70-76, 225-27
Folk music, xiv, 126, 145, 156-64, 168 Gibbs, Georgia ("Fredda Gibson"), 16
Fontaine, Joan, 99 Gifford, Gene, 127, 205, 227, 235
Foran, Dick, 152 Gilbert, L. Wolfe, 48
Ford, Henry, 176 Gillespie, Haven, 44, 53
Forrest, Chet, 226 Gillham, Art ("The Whispering Pi-
Forrest, Helen, 212 anist"), 6
Fortune, 179 Gleason, James, 96
Foster, Pops, 236 Goldkette, Gene, 127
Foster, Stephen, n o , 174 Gonella, Nat, 140
Frankel, Harry ("Singin' Sam, the Bar- Goodman, Benny ("The King of
basol Man"), 6 Swing"), 71, 119-20, 122, 133,
Franklin, Aretha, 126 204-6, 216-18; band leader, 55-
Freed, Arthur, 40, 89, 100, 108-10, 56, 58, 63, 125, 211, 229; Carnegie
112, 217 Hall, 126, 130-31, 204-5, 24r>
Freed, Ralph, 41, 52 films, 140; and Helen Ward, 220-
Freeman, Bud, 238 21; Paramount Theater, 129-30;
Freeman, L. E., 208 radio, 129, 136; recordings, 28,
Friml, Rudolph, 113, 212, 226, 228, 233 43, 142, 239; swing, 128, 134-35,
From Spirituals to Swing, 126-27, J ^5' 168, 211-12, 231-32, 234
169, 217, 220 Gordon, Mack, 40, 52, 222, 235
Froman, Jane, 81 Gorman, Ross, 215, 234
Gorney, Jay, 12, 49-50, 228, 240
Gable, Clark, 108, 217 Gorrell, Stuart, 33
Gabler, Milt, 27 Gospel music, 126, 145, 168-69
Gade, Jacob, 241 Grappelli, Stephane, 238
Gaillard, Slim, 62, 236 Gray, Glen, 55, 63; Casa Loma Orches-
Garber, Jan, 204 tra, 120, 127-29, 202, 205, 227,
Garbo, Greta, 85 235
Garland, Jim, 159 Gray, Jerry, 63, 132, 212, 227
Garland, Joe, 63, 132, 210, 227 Green, Bud, 57, 62
Garland, Judy, 62, 90, 217; films, 98, Green, Freddie, 125, 236
100, 109-10; The Wizard of Oz, Green, Johnny, 62
61, 222 Greer, Sonny, 237
Gaskill, Clarence, 10 Grever, Maria, 62
Gay, Byron, 231 Grey, Clifford, 76, 100, 207, 217
Gensler, Lewis E., 12 Grofe, Ferde, 184, 186, 188-89, 227>
Gerard, Richard H., 76 240
Gershwin, George, xiii, 33, 36, 53, 6 8 - Grossman, Bennie, 10
69, 103, 222; Broadway, 94; clas- Grosz, Will, 53
296 General Index
Gunning, Sarah Ogan, 158-59 Henderson, Fletcher, 120, 122, 127,

Guthrie, Woody, 156-58, 164 205, 229, 233; compositions, 63,
Guy, Fred, 236 69
Henderson, Ray, 3, 47, 68, 89, 216, 221
Hackberry Ramblers, 162 Henie, Sonja, 98
Haenschsen, Gus, 179 Herbert, Victor, 113
Haggart, Bob, 63, 140, 202, 236 Herman, Woody, 206
Hale, Edward Everett, 181 Heyman, Edward, 62, 209, 234
Hall, Adelaide, 204 Heyward, DuBose, 74-75, 186-87,
Hammerstein, Oscar, II, 36, 84, 105, 220, 226
i n , 228; Broadway, 78, 101, in; Higley, Brewster, 13
compositions, 76, 101-3, in, 227, Hill, Billy, 51, 155
230, 233; films, 101, 104 Hill, Mildred J., 240
Hammond, John, 125-27, 165, 169, Hill, Patty S., 240
217 Himber, Richard, 16
Hampton, Lionel, 125, 130-31, 140, Hines, Earl ("Fatha"), 206, 231
205, 238 Hinton, Milt, 236
Handy, W. C, 13, 190 Hodges, Johnny, 204, 238, 241
Hanley, James F., 217 Hodgson, Red, 56, 62
Hanson, Howard, 175, 188, 241 Hoffman, Al, 214
Harbach, Otto, 41, 76-78, 101-3, 230 Holiday, Billie ("Lady Day"), 59, 119,
Harburg, E. Y. ("Yip"), 228; composi- 217-18; band vocalist, 125-26,
tions, 12, 49-50, 62, 85, 113-14, 212; films, 140; recordings, 126
222, 224, 240; The Wizard of Oz, Holiner, Mann, 208, 218
61-62, 114, 217, 222 Hollander, Fred, 230
Hard Hitting Songs for Hard-Hit People, Hoosier Hot Shots, The, 147
159-60 Hoover, Herbert, 70, 112
Hardy, Oliver, 109 Hope, Bob, 12, 57-58, 80, 85
Harline, Leigh, 235 Hopkins, Claude, 140
Harlow, Jean, 55 Hopkins, Harry, 194-95
Harris, Roy, 188-89, 241 Home, Lena, 213
Harrison, Guy Fraser, 180 Houseman, John, 86
Hart, Lorenz, 33, 36, 71, 79, 100, 222, Humes, Helen, 125, 200, 218
228-29, 233; Broadway, 68-69, Hupfield, Herman, 8, 50-51
81-84, 94' compositions, 12, 53, Hurok, Sol, 130
55, 82-83, 86, n o ; films, 95, 107- Huston, Walter, 59, 85
n Hutton, Ina Ray, 140, 206, 213
Hart, Moss, 69-70 Hutton, Marion, 210
Hawkins, Coleman ("Hawk," "Bean"),
62, 238 International Ladies Garment Work-
Hawkins, Erskine, 132, 205 ers' Union (ILGWU), 87-88
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 181, 188 Ipana Troubadours, 239
Hay, George D., 146-47 Iturbi, Jose, 180
Hayton, Lennie, 16 Ives, Burl, 160, 162
Hayward, Susan, 81
Hecht, Ben, 82, 108 Jackson, Aunt Molly, 159
Heidt, Horace, 205-6 Jackson, Eddie, 71
Hellman, Marco H., 231 Jackson, Rudy, 123
General Index 297
James, Harry, 203, 205-6, 219, 237, Kelly, Gene, 90, n o
242; recordings, 28, 64, 123, 142; Kemp, Hal, 58, 120, 207, 217
swing, 120, 206, 237 Kennedy, Jimmy, 53, 85
Jarvis, Al, 16 Kern, Jerome, xiii, 33, 36, 71, 76-79,
Jazz, ix, xiv, 26, 34, 45, 55, 63, 73, 96, 230; Broadway, 86, 94; composi-
125, 169, 184, 189, 190; Carnegie tions, 41, 55, 215, 226, 228; films,
Hall concert, 130-31; films, 141; 68-69, 95' 100-105, 112
Jazz Age, xiv, 23, 45; musicians, Key, Francis Scott, 48
12-13, 59' 62, 98, 112, 149, 166, King, Robert A., 88
179, 185; recordings, 13, 17, 19, King, Wayne ("The Waltz King"), 62,
24, 26-27, 62-63; and swing, 120, 207
117-20, 122-23, 125-27, 139, 142- Kirby, John, 207, 220
43' 15556; symphonic jazz, 186 Kirk, Andy, 59, 207-8
Jenkins, Gordon, 206 Kisco, Charles, 202
Jenney, Jack, 237 Klein, Evelyn, 213
Jepsen, Helen, 75 Klenner, John, 214
Jitterbug (dance), 133-35, l4l> 2 4 ' an<^ Koehler, Ted, 47, 51, 69, 85, 222
Benny Goodman, 130; Big Apple, Kostelanetz, Andre, 182
133, 135; Lindy Hop, 133 Koussevitzky, Serge, 174, 180, 189
Johnson, Budd, 238 Krupa, Gene, 71, 131, 140, 205, 237
Johnson, Howard, 41-42, 219 Kyser, Kay, 62-63, 136-37, 208
Johnson, James P., 237
Johnson, Lonnie, 165-66 Labor songs, 145, 158-60
Johnson, Pete, 220, 237 Lacalle, Joseph M., 203
Johnson, Robert, 165-66 Lane, Burton, 8, 58, 108-9, 2 3
Johnson, William, 132, 205 Lang, Eddie, 140, 236
Johnston, Arthur, 12-13, 55, 113 Latouche, John, 160, 218
Jolson, Al, 5, 12, 71, 88-89, 95' IO&' Laurel, Stan, 109
208 Lawrence, Gertrude, 62, 105
Jones, Isham, 13, 117, 206 Lawrence, Jack, 64, 132, 219
Jones, Jo, 125, 200, 237 Leadbelly (Huddie Ledbetter), 164-67
Jones, Spike (and His City Slickers), Lemare, Jules, 200
147 Leonard, Jack, 203
Jukeboxes, 28-31, 43-44, 151-52, 240 Leslie, Edgar, 55, 215, 234
Leveen, Raymond, 62
Kabibble, Ish (Merwyn A. Bogue), 62, Lewis, Meade Lux, 237
208 Lewis, Sam M., 5, 88
Kahal, Irving, 41 Lewis, Ted (entertainer), 49, 51, 140,
Kahn, Gus: compositions, 45, 62, 82, 208
88, 223-24, 236; films, 109, 112, Lewis, Ted (inventor), 26
240 Light Crust Doughboys, 156
Kallen, Kitty, 212 Lindbergh, Charles, 133
Kalmar, Bert, 239 Link, Harry, 56
Kapp, Jack, 26 Lion, Alfred, 27
Kaufman, George S., 73 Liszt, Franz, 59
Kaye, Sammy, 120, 207 Little, Eric, 8
Keeler, Ruby, 71, 91, 94 Little, Little Jack ("The Friendly Voice
Kelley, Daniel, 13 of the Cornfields"), 6, 49, 112
298 General Index
Little Red Song Book, The, 159 McKinney, Nina Mae, 101-2, 114-15
Loeb, John Jacob, 209 McKinney, William, 210
Loesser, Frank, 58, 230 McKinney's Cotton Pickers, 120, 123,
Lomax, Alan, 159, 162-64, 198 210, 233
Lomax, John, 162-64, 166-67, 198 Melchior, Lauritz, 176
Lombard, Carole, 109 Memphis Minnie (Lizzie Douglas),
Lombardo, Carmen, 209 165, 167
Lombardo, Guy (and His Royal Cana- Mencher, Murray, 85
dians), 58, 120, 208-9; record- Menuhin, Yehudi, 176
ings, 40-41, 48, 51, 204, 214, Mercer, Johnny, 36, 214, 230; composi-
223-24; Royal Canadians, 41, 204 tions, 12, 55, 220, 223, 230, 235;
Lombardo, Lebert, 209 for films, 113, 155
Lombardo, Victor, 209 Merman, Ethel, 47, 73, 80, 106
Long, Jimmy, 152 Metronome, 143
Lopez, Vincent, 62, 117, 209 Meyers, Billy, 231
Lorentz, Pare, 192 Miley, Bubber, 204
Lowe, Ruth, 28, 64, 219, 242 Miller, Bob, 159
Lulu Belle and Scotty (Myrtle Cooper Miller, Eddie, 238
and Scott Wiseman), 147 Miller, Glenn, 63, 65, 71, 205, 210-12,
Lunceford, Jimmie, 59, 120, 136, 200, 229; and orchestra, 131-33, 136,
209, 231 203, 210, 227; recordings, 41, 59,
61, 63, 132-33, 232
MacArthur, Charles, 82 Miller, Sonnie, 207, 217
MacDonald, Ballard, 112 Millinder, Lucky, 210-11
MacDonald, Jeanette, 101, 108, 113, Mills, Irving, 104, 121, 202, 215, 218, 234
226, 233 Minstrel shows, 5, 216
Mackenzie, Len, 241 Miranda, Carmen, 241
Macon, Uncle Dave, 148 Mitchell, Sidney D., 40, 56, 220-21
Magidson, Herb, 106 Mitropoulos, Dimitri, 177
Malneck, Matty, 55, 220, 232 Modernaires, The, 65, 200, 210
Manners, David, 13 Monaco, James V, 63, 217
Manone, Wingy, 63, 237 Montgomery, Garth, 241
Martin, Freddy, 53, 209-10 Moore, Grace, 104, 233
Martin, Mary, 80 Morgan, Helen, 103
Marvell, Holt, 56 Morgan, Russ, 57
Marvin, Johnny, 152 Morris, Johnny, 62
Marx Brothers, The (Groucho, Chico, Morton, Jelly Roll, 164, 229
Harpo, Zeppo), 95, 114 Moten, Bennie, 122-23, 2> 2II 2I9
Mastren, Carmen, 59, 203 Movies. See Film Title Index
Maynard, Ken, 152 Mundy, Jimmy, 43, 131, 231
McCarn, Dave, 159 Munn, Frank ("The Golden Voice of
McCarthy, Joseph, 217 Radio"), 180
McCoy, Clyde, 127, 210 Munro, Ted, 208
McCrae, Theodore, 212 Murray, Ken, 128
McHugh, Jimmy, 33, 102-3, 108, 230; Musicals: comedy, 95-96, 98, 104-5,
Broadway, 68-69, 86; films, 102; 109, 113-14; films, 37, 88-91, 9 3 -
recordings, 47, 216, 224-25 94, 138-39. See also Broadway;
McKinley, Ray, 237 Broadway Show Title Index
General Index 299
Mutual Broadcasting System, 2, 136 Palomar Ballroom, 129, 205

Muzak, 31, 240 Parish, Mitchell: compositions, 61,
Mysels, Sammy, 64 131-32, 204, 210, 231-32, 234;
"Star Dust," 35-36, 41, 223, 239
Nanton, Joe ("Tricky Sam"), 204, 237 Pasternack, Josef, 174
National Anthem, 48, 239 Pastor, Tony, 212
NBC Radio: cultural programming, Peer, Ralph, 149-50
171-81; general programming, 5, People's World, The, 157
8-10, 12, 15, 128-29, 136, 138, Perkins, Frank, 231
146, 148, 160-62, 240, 242; his- Pestalozza, A., 241
tory, 2, 23, 43, 201; studio orches- Peter, Paul, and Mary, 158
tras, 172-73, 177-79 Pettis, Jack, 231
Nelson (Hilliard), Harriet, 211 Phonographs, 19; competition with
Nelson, Ozzie, 127-28, 211 radio, 4; the Duo, 21; and juke-
Nelson, Willie, 41 boxes, 28; sales, 19-20, 39
Nemo, Henry, 218 Pied Pipers, The, 65
Network radio. See CBS Radio; Mutual Pinkard, Maceo, 13
Broadcasting System; NBC Radio; Piston, Walter, 189, 241
Radio Pollack, Ben, 204, 206, 210-12
New Deal, xiii, 46, 50, 74, 194 Pollack, Lew, 40
New York World's Fair (1939-1940), Pons, Lily, 101, 104
160, 185, 188, 218 Popular songs: life, 39; structure, 34-
Newman, Charles, 85 37
Nichols, Alberta, 208, 218 Porgy (Heyward), 75
Nichols, Red, 71, 73, 210-11, 239 Porter, Cole, 33, 36, 53, 68-69, 7X> 2 3 2 '
Noble, James, 206 Broadway, 78-80, 94; composi-
Noble, Ray, 48, 53, 200, 207, 210, 231 tions, 33, 49, 63-64, 135, 212, 218,
Nolan, Bob, 152-54 227; films, 105-7
Norvo, Red, 63, 211, 216, 238 Powell, Dick, 94, 98, 113
Novelty songs, 56, 58-60, 62, 212, Powell, Eleanor, 106
224, 241 Powell, Mel, 237
Presley, Elvis, 55
O'Connell, Helen, 203 Prima, Louis, 43, 131, 141, 231
O'Conner, Donald, n o Primrose, Joe, 168, 239
Oliver, Sy, 209, 231 Prince, Hughie, 114, 242
Olsen, George, 51 Prohibition, 26, 81; and repeal, 20, 29
Olsen & Johnson (Ole Olsen, Chick Protest music, xiv, 86-87, x45> x56>
Johnson), 228 158-60, 168
Operettas (film and radio), 106, 113, Puccini, Giacomo, 177
175, 226, 228, 233
Orange Blossoms Band. See Gray, "Race records," 26, 75, 120-22, 155,
Glen 164-65
Ormandy, Eugene, 177, 179 Racial issues, 26, 117; black bands,
Owens, Harry, 12, 56 120-22; dance halls, 26, 123;
films, 114; integration, 59, 95,
Page, Dorothy, 152 102, 122, 125-27, 130-31, 139, 142,
Page, Hot Lips, 237 145-46, 200, 205, 213; maga-
Page, Walter, 122-23, 125, 219, 236 zines, 143; radio, 16, 122, 136,
300 General Index
164-65, 202; recordings, 26, 75, EMI, 23-24

122-23; segregation, 26-27, 75, Folkways, 158
114-15, 120, 122-23, x 3^, 164, Gennett, 19, 26
190, 229, 242; stereotypes, 5, 115, "Hit of the Week," 25
167 HMV, 19
Radio: audience, xiv-xv, 12, 122, 129, Lincoln, 24
136-37, 145-48, 171-74, 180-81; Medallion, 24
car radios, 1-2; classical music, Melotone, 22
172-181; commercialism, 15, 136, Okeh, 19, 23, 27, 166
146-47; dance shows, 117, 128- Oriole, 25
29, 136, 138; networks, 2, 8; pro- Paramount, 19, 26
gramming, 10, 14-16, 67, 79, 136; Pathe, 24
sales, 20; set ownership, 1, 37-38; Perfect, 19, 24
stations, 1-2, 145-46; technology, RCA Victor, 4, 10, 19, 21-24, I 4 2 '
AM and FM, 4, 14, 90, 138, 151, 160; Bluebird, 128, 132, 136, 227;
175-76 country/Western, 149-50; swing,
Radio Corporation of America (RCA), 27, 122
history, 22 Regal, 24
Rainger, Ralph, 40; compositions, 52- Romeo, 24, 150
53.58,6 3 Silvertone, 23
Randall's Island Swing Festival, 142 Supertone, 23
Rapee, Erno, 179 Victor (see RCA Victor)
Raye, Don, 114, 231, 242 Vocalion, 19, 22, 166
Razaf, Andy, 36, 68-69, I03' 2I3' 232> Recordings, 19-31, 67, 164-65;
Broadway, 84; compositions, 45, acoustical and electrical, 4-5, 9,
63, 123-24, 132, 134-35, 2I' 23I_ 22; classical, 171-72, 179; and mu-
32, 234 sicals, 89-90; sales, 19-21, 29,
Recording labels 39, 44, 56, 68, 79, 128, 132-33,
Aeolian, 22 138, 142-43, 146, 150, 152, 159,
ARC (American Record Company), 193, 239-40; and sheet music,
21, 23-24, 26, 150, 166 17-19, 38; technology, 17, 22, 27,
Banner, 24, 168 39, 142-43, 160, 162, 164
Black Swan, 26, 190 Redman, Don, 123, 210, 232-33
Blue Note, 27 Redmond, John, 41
Bluebird, 24, 27, 128, 132, 136, 227 Reese, Florence, 159
Brunswick, 19, 22, 26-27, 132 Reichner, Bickley, 128
Cameo, 24, 150 Reiner, Fritz, 175, 177
Columbia, 19, 23, 27, 184; big band Reinhardt, Django, 236
swing, 126, 136; blues, 166-67; Reisman, Leo, 51, 212
sales, 21, 142 Remotes, 138
Commodore, 27, 218 Revel, Harry, 40, 52
Conqueror, 24 Reynolds, Debbie, n o
Decca, 23, 26-27, 240; Rhythm Boys, The, n
country/Western, 150; gospel, Rhythm 'n' Blues, 34, 142
169; sales, 21, 56, 142; swing, 125, Rich, Buddy, 237
132 Richman, Harry, 41, 96
Diva, 23 Riley, Mike, 56, 62
Edison, 19, 23 Rimsky-Korsakov, Nikolai, 59, 203
General Index 301
Rinker, Al, n Santly, Lester, 217

Ritter, Tex, 152 Savoy Ballroom, 58, 135, 214, 234
Ritz Brothers, The (Al, Harry, Jimmy), Schoebel, Elmer, 231
114 Schoen, Vic, 231
Robertson, Dick, 64 Schwartz, Arthur, 8, 41, 68, 86, 234
Robeson, Paul, 103, 160, 218 Schwartz, Jean, 5
Robin, Leo, 33, 40, 58; compositions, Scott, Raymond, 16, 141, 212
10, 12, 52-53, 63, 235 Sears, Roebuck and Company, 23, 153
Robinson, Earl, 160, 218 Secunda, Sholom, 59, 223
Robison, Carson, 157 Seeger, Charles, 198
Robison, Willard, 190 Seeger, Pete, 158
Rockefeller, John D., 70 Sessions, Roger, 189-90
Rock 'n' Roll, 34, 142, 146 Shakespeare, William, 83, in, 173, 218
Rodgers, Jimmie ("The Singing Brake- Shavers, Charlie, 207, 237
man"), 148-50 Shaw, Artie, 41, 200, 212; films, 141;
Rodgers, Richard, xiii, 33, 36, 68-69, recordings, 80, 107; swing/big
84, 103, 189, 228-29, 233; Broad- band, 63-64, 120, 190, 217-18,
way, 71, 81-83, 86, 94; composi- 227
tions, 12, 33, 53-55, 82; films, 68, Sheehy, Eleanor, 242
83, 94-95, 100, 107-11 "Sheet, The," 43-44
Rodzinski, Artur, 175, 177 Sheet music, 17-19, 67, 154; costs, 19,
Rogers, Ginger, 73, 93, 112, 215, 235- 38; distribution, 38, 154; and
36; with Fred Astaire, 54, 79, 9 6 - recordings, 17-19; sales, 39
97, 99, 102, 106, 216, 240 Shilkret, Nat, 45
Rogers, Roy (b. Leonard Slye), 152-54 Shore, Dinah, 212
Rolling Stones, The, 166 Shorts (movies), 114, 139-40
Romberg, Sigmund, 106, 227, 233 Sigman, Carl, 132
Rome, Harold J., 87-88 Signorelli, Frank, 232
Ronell, Ann, 50 Silverstein, Dave, 112
Rooney, Mickey, 98, 100, n o Simons, Moises, 48
Roosevelt, Eleanor, 242 Simons, Seymour, 44
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 46-47, 50, 70, Sinatra, Frank, 41, 219-20; crooning,
74, 85, 193-94, 2 4 2 203; with Harry James, 206;
Rose, Billy, 12, 47, 84, 89, 112, 208, 234 recordings, 83; with Tommy
Rose, Fred, 152 Dorsey, 28, 64-65, 203, 242
Ross, Lanny, 16 Singin' Sam. See Frankel, Harry
Ross, Shirley, 55, 58 Singing Cowboys, 152-55
Ruby, Harry, 239 Singleton, Zutty, 237
Rushing, Jimmy ("Mister Fiveby- Siras, John, 49, 112
Five"), 218-19; band vocalist, 125- Sissle, Noble, 213
26, 200, 211; composition, 125 Slack, Freddie, 237
Russell, Pee Wee, 238 Smith, Al, 74
Russell, S. K., 64, 212 Smith, Bessie ("Empress of the
Ryan, Ben, 62 Blues"), 165-68, 219
Ryskind, Morrie, 73 Smith, Clarence ("Pinetop"), 142,
237
Sampson, Edgar, 131, 134, 214, 232-34 Smith, Kate ("The Songbird of the
Sandrich, Mark, 97 South"), 41-42, 48, 219-20, 223
302 General Index
Smith, Samuel Francis, 48 Sullivan, Joe, 238

Smith, Stuff, 141, 238 Sullivan, Maxine, 141, 207, 220
Smith, "Whispering Jack" ("The Whis- Sunshine, Marion, 48
pering Baritone"), 6 Swing: bands, 200-205, 2Q7~i5;
Smith, Willie, 238 Carnegie Hall, 205, 241; history,
Smith, Willie ("The Lion"), 238 xiv-xv, 20-21, 26, 34, 40, 61, 65,
Soileau, Leo, 162 117-20, 126, 129-31, 199-200,
Sokoloff, Nikolai, 194-98 215, 226-27, 229, 233, 240; and
Song plugging, 37-38, 43, 70-71, 76, movies, 114, 138-39, 223, 230;
230 popularity, 58-59, 61, 63, 80, 114,
Song publishing, 38-40 133, 142-43, 227, 230-32, 234;
Sons of the Pioneers, 153-54 radio and recordings, 27-29, 33-
Sosnick, Harry, 16 34, 136, 205
Sound films, 38-40; history, 67-68, Szell, George, 177
88-89, 94, 100, 152; popularity,
90-91, 107; technology, 94, 100, Tampa Red (Hudson Whittaker),
103, 109 168
Sour, Robert, 62, 216 Tanglewood music complex (Lenox,
Sousa, John Philip, n o , 174 Massachusetts), 241
Spencer, Tim, 153-54 Tanner, Elmo, 214
Spina, Harold, 209 Tatum, Art, 238
Spitalny, Phil, 206, 213 Tchaikovsky, Peter Ilich, 59, 209
Springer, George, 10 Teagarden, Jack, 71, 237
Springsteen, Bruce, 126 Technicolor, 109
Stacy, Jess, 131, 238 Technology: crooning, 5; De Leath,
Stalling, Carl, 212 5; films, 90, 100; jukeboxes,
"Standards," defined, 40-45, 67-68, 30; music and artistic perform-
72,81 ance, 4, 8; radio, 4, 14, 17, 90,
Stanwyck, Barbara, 108 138, 151, 175-76; recordings, 17,
Steiner, Max, 61 22, 27, 39, 142-43, 160, 162,
Stept, Sam H., 220-21 164
Sterling, Andrew B., 208 Temple, Shirley, 52-53, 235
Stern, Jack, 10 Territory bands, 122, 155
Stevens, Leith, 136 Texas Wanderers, The, 241
Stewart, James, 106 Thaler, Rudolf, 242
Stewart, Rex, 237 Tharpe, Sister Rosetta, 126, 169
Stewart, Slam, 62, 236 Thompson, Kay, 16
Still, William Grant, 190-92, 241 Thomson, Virgil, 192
Stokowski, Leopold, 177, 179, 183-84 Tibbett, Lawrence, 75, 176, 220, 233
Stone, Gregory, 128 Tillman, Floyd, 241
Stordahl, Axel, 203 Timm, Wladimir, 161-62, 214
Stothart, Herbert, 98, 226 Tin Pan Alley, 37-40, 70; decline, 68,
Strachy, Jack, 56 91; leading personalities, 69, 76,
Strauss, Johann, 59 95, 102, 222-23, 228
Strayhorn, Billy ("Swee'Pea"), 224, Tobias, Charles, 85
234 Tobias, Harry, 200
Sugar, Maurice, 159 Toscanini, Arturo, 177-80, 241
General Index 303
Tracy, Arthur ("The Street Singer"), 6-7 217, 233-34; compositions, 134-35,
Trotter, John Scott, 207 232
Tucker, Sophie, 190 Weber, Joseph, 195
Turk, Roy, 43, 207 Weber, Rex, 49
Turnbridge, Joseph, 207, 217 Webster, Ben, 204, 238
Turner, Joe ("Big Joe"), 220 Weems, Ted, 214
Tyler, Toby, 206 Weill, Kurt, 59, 85, 87, 100
Tyson, Jimmy, 62 Weldon, Frank, 41
Welk, Lawrence, 161, 214
Valentino, Rudolf, 10 Welles, Orson, 86
Vallee, Rudy, 7-11, 13, 216; recordings, West, Mae, 113
44-45, 51, 240 Westcott, Marcy, i n
Van Heusen, James, 36 Western Swing, 155-56
Van Steeden, Peter, 16 Weston, Dick. See Rogers, Roy
Variety, 43, 143 White, Joe ("The Silver-Masked
Vejvoda, Jaramir, 161-62, 212 Tenor"), 6
Venuti, Joe, 141, 238 White, Josh, 165, 168
Verdi, Giuseppe, 59, 177 Whiteman, Paul ("Pops," "The King of
Vidor, King, 95, 114 Jazz"), 11, 71, 112, 117-20, 127,
Vocal groups, 65 190, 214-16, 227; and Ferde
Voorhees, Donald, 174 Grofe, 186, 188, 240; films, 98,
100, 141; radio, 136; recordings,
Wagner, Larry, 205 81
Wagner, Richard, 177 Whiting, George, 6, 223
Wain, Bea, 16, 59, 61, 202 Whiting, Richard A., 12, 44, 52, 230,
Wallenstein, Alfred, 176 235
Waller, Jack, 207, 217 Wilder, Alec, 33
Waller, Thomas ("Fats"), xiv, 36, 103, Wiley, Lee, 212, 222
124, 213, 238; compositions, 45, Williams, Clarence, 210
123, 232; films, 114, 141; record- Williams, Cootie, 204, 237
ings, 216 Williams, Hugh, 53, 85
Ward, Helen, 56, 209, 220-22 Williams, Mary Lou, 207-8, 238
Ward, Samuel Augustus, 48 Wills, Bob (and His Texas Playboys),
Waring, Fred (and His Pennsylvani- 155-56
ans), 79, 120, 213 Wilson, Teddy, 58-59, 125-26, 205,
Warner Brothers, 22-24, 89, 91 217, 238; Carnegie Hall, 130-31;
Warren, Earle ("The Earl"), 119 films, 141
Warren, Harry, 33, 234-35; Broadway, Wirges, William, 241
84; compositions, 12, 33, 41, 47, Wise, Penny, 137
103, 204, 215, 230; films, 91-93, Wodehouse, P. G., 76
105, 112-13, 224 Wolff, Francis, 27
Washington, Ned, 40, 85, 203, 205, Woode, Henri, 206
216, 223, 235 Woods, Harry, 8, 41-42, 219
Waters, Ethel, 51, 70, 141 Woods, Hillary, 8
Wayne, Mabel, 112 Works Progress Administration
Weavers, The, 157 (WPA), 192, 194
Webb, Chick, 58-59, 120, 122, 214, Worth, Bobby, 210
3o4
General Index
Wright, Bob, 226 Young, Joe, 5, 49, 88, 112, 209

Wynn, Ed, 81 Young, Lester ("Prez"), 119, 126, 200,
Wynn, Nan, 207 238, 241
Young, Trummy, 209, 231
Yancey, Jimmy, 238 Young, Victor, 40, 51, 85, 235
Yellin, Jack, 46, 69 Youth and swing, 139, 141-42
Youmans, Vincent, 112, 222, 235-36,
240 Zurke, Bob, 218
About the Authors
WILLIAM H. YOUNG is a freelance writer and independent scholar. He re-

cently retired from teaching English, American Studies, and popular culture
at Lynchburg College in Virginia, where he taught for thirty-six years. Young
has published books and articles on various subjects of popular culture, in-
cluding the recent Greenwood volume, The 1930s, with his wife Nancy.
NANCY K. YOUNG is an adjunct professor for the Counselor Education Pro-

gram in the School of Education and H u m a n Development at Lynchburg Col-
lege.

Music of The Great Depression

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Music of The Great Depression

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Music of

the Great Depression

Music of the Counterculture Era

Music of the Civil War Era

Music of the Colonial and Revolutionary Era

American History through Music

Young, William H., 1939-

The paper used in this book complies with the

i. Music and Media: Radio, Sheet Music, and Recordings i

2. Popular Hits and Standards 33

3. Music from Broadway and Hollywood 67

4. The Rise of Swing and the Triumph of the Big Bands n7

6. The Classical Tradition and the Federal Music Project 171

7. Outstanding Musical Artists from the 1930s 199

Appendix: Timeline 239

Selected Bibliography 253

Broadway Show Title Index 261

Film Title Index 263

Radio Show Title Index 267

Song Title Index 269

General Index 291

Music and Media: Radio, Sheet

When it came to music in the 1930s, millions of Americans found whatever

At the beginning of the decade, slightly over 600 AM (Amplitude Modu-

Technology and the Rise of Crooning

variety of shows during the somewhat chaotic days of early commercial

Born Hubert Pryor Vallee in 1901, Rudy Vallee, often categorized as a

Russ Columbo (1908-1934) followed close behind Vallee both in popular-

Radio Programming and Popular Music

Your Hit Parade

The Disc Jockey

Americans had no shortage of new music; Broadway continued to supply

1933 $5 million Just over 4 million The depth of the Depression,

Thomas Edison, despite his considerable reputation as a pioneer in record-

(eight inches in diameter, instead of the traditional ten) records of dance

individuals saw prosperity beckoning and took advantage of it. In 1934, a

Swing and the Recording Industry

The etymology of "jukebox" remains a murky one. In West Africa, a "juke"

1927, a coin-operated model had been perfected. The Automatic Instrument

songwriters, stepped into this debate. Founded in 1913 to take advantage of

Popular Hits and Standards

THE POPULAR SONG

. . . And now the purple dust of twilight time

You wandered down the lane and far away,

At the completion of the second chorus ("The memory of love's refrain"),

Creating Popular Hits

terbalanced the situation. Hollywood, cranking out hundreds of new films

HITS AND STANDARDS

REPRESENTATIVE HIT SONGS OF THE DECADE

By 1931, unemployment had soared to almost 16 percent of the work force,

"Life Is Just a Bowl of Cherries"

Originally featured in a short-lived musical called New Americana (1932), not

(1894-1951) will endure in the annals of American popular song. He wrote

bled years. It might be escapism and hokum, but millions of moviegoers,

I've flown around the world in a plane

Even Greta Garbo had me to tea.

"Goofus" (1932; music by Wayne King, lyrics by Gus Kahn)

Coleman Hawkins, a popular jazz saxophonist, recorded "Body and Soul"

by Albert Dominguez, lyrics by Ray Charles and S. K. Russell). Accompanied

Music from Broadway

Irving Berlin (1888-1989)

George and Ira Gershwin (1898-1937; 1896-1983)

These two talented brothers brought American music to new levels.