Our Mythical Childhood…
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Metaforms
Studies in the Reception of
Classical Antiquity
Editors-in-Chief
Almut-Barbara Renger (Freie Universität Berlin)
Jon Solomon (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign)
John T. Hamilton (Harvard University)
Editorial Board
Kyriakos Demetriou (University of Cyprus)
Constanze Güthenke (Oxford University)
Miriam Leonard (University College London)
Mira Seo (Yale-nus College)
Volume 8
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/srca
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Our Mythical Childhood…
The Classics and Literature for Children
and Young Adults
Edited by
Katarzyna Marciniak
LEIDEN | BOSTON
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This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license,
which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium,
provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited.
Further information and the complete license text can be found at
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources
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permission from the respective copyright holder.
An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working
with Knowledge Unlatched. More information about the initiative can be found at www
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Cover illustration: Painting by Matylda Tracewska, Our Mythical Childhood (2012), © by Matylda
Tracewska, 2016.
The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov
lc record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016040215
Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface.
ISSN 2212-9405
isbn 978-90-04-31342-2 (hardback)
isbn 978-90-04-33537-0 (e-book)
Copyright 2016 by Katarzyna Marciniak. Published by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi,
Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag.
Koninklijke Brill NV reserves the right to protect this publication against unauthorized use.
This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.
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Contents
List of Figures ix
Notes on Contributors
x
What Is a Classic… for Children and Young Adults?
Katarzyna Marciniak
1
Part 1
In Search of Our Roots: Classical References as a Shaper of Young
Readers’ Identity
1 From Aesop to Asterix Latinus: A Survey of Latin Books for Children 29
Wilfried Stroh
2 Childhood Rhetorical Exercises of the Victor of Vienna 35
Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska
3 The Aftermath of Myth through the Lens of Walter Benjamin: Hermes in
J.M. Barrie’s Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens and in Astrid Lindgren’s
Karlson on the Roof 44
Katarzyna Jerzak
4 A Latin Lesson for Bad Boys, or: Kipling’s Tale of the Enchanted Bird 55
Jerzy Axer
5 Laura Orvieto and the Classical Heritage in Italy before the Second
World War 65
Valentina Garulli
6 Saul Tchernichowsky’s Mythical Childhood: Homeric Allusions in the
Idyll “Elka’s Wedding” 111
Agata Grzybowska
7 Jadwiga Żylińska’s Fabulous Antiquity 120
Robert A. Sucharski
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vi
Contents
8
A Child among the Ruins: Some Thoughts on Contemporary Modern
Greek Literature for Children 127
Przemysław Kordos
9
The Reception of Classical Antiquity in Polish Lexicography for
Children and Young Adults 143
Ewa Rudnicka
part 2
The Aesop Complex: The Transformations of Fables in Response
to Regional Challenges
10
Our Fabled Childhood: Reflections on the Unsuitability of Aesop to
Children 171
Edith Hall
11
A Gloss on Perspectives for the Study of African Literature versus
Greek and Oriental Traditions 183
Peter T. Simatei
12
Aesop’s Fables in Japanese Literature for Children: Classical Antiquity
and Japan 189
Beata Kubiak Ho-Chi
13
Vitalis the Fox: Remarks on the Early Reading Experience of a Future
Historian of Antiquity in Poland (1950s–1960s) 201
Adam Łukaszewicz
14
Aemulating Aesopus: Slovenian Fables and Fablers between Tradition
and Innovation 208
David Movrin
part 3
Daring the Darkness: Classical Antiquity as a Filter for Critical
Experiences
15
Armies of Children: War and Peace, Ancient History and Myth in
Children’s Books after World War One 221
Sheila Murnaghan and Deborah H. Roberts
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Contents
16
Classical Antiquity in Children’s Literature in the Soviet Union 241
Elena Ermolaeva
17
Katabasis “Down Under” in the Novels of Margaret Mahy and Maurice
Gee 256
Elizabeth Hale
18
‘His Greek Materials’: Philip Pullman’s Use of Classical
Mythology 267
Owen Hodkinson
19
Orpheus and Eurydice: Reception of a Classical Myth in International
Children’s Literature 291
Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer
part 4
New Hope: Classical References in the Mission of Preparing
Children to Strive for a Better Future
20
Greek Mythology in Israeli Children’s Literature 309
Lisa Maurice
21
Telemachus in Jeans: Adam Bahdaj’s Reception of the Myth about
Odysseus’s Son 333
Joanna Kłos
22
An Attempt on Theseus by Kir Bulychev: Travelling to Virtual
Antiquity 346
Hanna Paulouskaya
23
Graeco-Roman Antiquity and Its Productive Appropriation: The
Example of Harry Potter 362
Christine Walde
24
J.K. Rowling Exposes the World to Classical Antiquity 384
Elżbieta Olechowska
25
East, West, and Finding Yourself in Caroline Lawrence’s “Roman
Mysteries” 411
Helen Lovatt
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26
Contents
Create Your Own Mythology: Youngsters for Youngsters (and Oldsters)
in Mythological Fan Fiction 428
Katarzyna Marciniak
Bibliography 453
Index 509
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List of Figures
Part 1
2.1
Joanna Gębal, The Minotaur 28
A page of Jan Sobieski’s school notebook including notes on Cicero’s
oration Pro lege Manilia 40
2.2
A page of Jan Sobieski’s school essay Laus Athenarum 42
4.1
Leonard Raven-Hill, Mr. King 58
4.2
Tim Mason, Goldcrest—Regulus regulus (L.) 60
8.1
Przemysław Kordos, Mountain Biking in Sparta 129
8.2
Cover of Christos Boulotis’s Tο άγαλμα που κρύωνε [The statue that was
cold], illustrated by Foteini Stefanidi 133
8.3
Cover of Alki Zei’s H Αλίκη στη χώρα των μαρμάρων [Alice in Marbleland], illustrated by Sofia Zarabouka 136
8.4
Cover of Kira Sinou’s and Eleni Hook-Apostolopoulou’s Tο χέρι στο βυθό
[The hand in the deep], illustrated by Orion Akomanis 139
9.1
The entry kolumna [column] in Maria Krajewska’s Mój pierwszy
prawdziwy słownik [My first real dictionary] 158
9.2
The entry podstawa [base] in Maria Krajewska’s Mój pierwszy prawdziwy słownik [My first real dictionary] 158
9.3
The entry porozumienie [agreement] in Maria Krajewska’s Mój pierwszy
prawdziwy słownik [My first real dictionary] 159
Part 2
Aleksandra Bąk, Rara avis 170
12.1
Odekake Times Teruminkofu, The Race of a Hare and a Turtle, Toyosato
School, Shiga Prefecture 196
14.1
Fragments of “Mačka” [Cat] from Bosanske basni [Bosnian fables] by
Tomaž Lavrič 216
Part 3
Ewa Smyk, Between Scylla and Charybdis 220
15.1
World War i recruiting poster by James Montgomery Flagg 227
15.2
A woodcut by George Plank from an edition of The Hedgehog
by h.d. 239
16.1
Professor Salomo Luria (1891–1964) with his son Yakov Luria in the
1920s 245
16.2
Pages 20–21 from Salomo Luria’s Pismo grecheskogo malchika [A letter
from a Greek boy] 249
16.3
A page from Salomo Luria’s diary, the so-called “Cypriot Writing
Book” 253
18.1
Hephaistos Painter (?), The Death of Procris, red-figured column-krater,
ca. 460–430 bc 283
Part 4
Maja Abgarowicz, The Sirens 308
Bibliography Agnieszka Kuglasz, The Torment of Tantalus 451
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Notes on Contributors
Jerzy Axer
is a Classical scholar, a specialist in reception studies, a member of research
organisations the world over, president of the International Society for the History of Rhetoric in 1999–2001, and the author of roughly 500 publications (15
books). In 1991 he established the pioneering Centre for Studies on the Classical Tradition (obta) at the University of Warsaw—now one of the three
main units of the Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” of which he became the founder
and its first dean, focusing on transdisciplinary research and cutting-edge experiments in education. Prof. Axer heads the Collegium Artes Liberales at the
Faculty.
Elena Ermolaeva
is a Classical scholar, an associate professor at the Department of Classics at
Saint Petersburg State University; a representative of Russia in EUROCLASSICA (vice-president, 2012–2015); her focus is on ancient Greek language, epic
and lyric poetry, parody, ancient scholarship, and the reception of Classics in
Russia.
Valentina Garulli
is a Classical scholar and an expert on Greek verse inscriptions, focusing on the
reception of Classics in Italian culture; she is a researcher at the Department of
Classical Philology and Italian Studies, University of Bologna, and is involved
in popularising Classical Antiquity for children.
Agata Grzybowska
a Ph.D. candidate, graduated from the College of Inter-Area Individual Studies
in the Humanities and Social Sciences (mish) with two ma degrees in Classics
and Hebrew Studies at the University of Warsaw.
Elizabeth Hale
is Senior Lecturer in English and Writing at the University of New England
(Australia). She works in collaboration with artists, writers, and digital educators to explore new ways of responding to fiction, and oversees a programme
of creative residencies at her University. She has published on classical reception in children’s and adults’ literature in Australasia and abroad, and most recently is the editor of Maurice Gee: A Literary Companion. The Fiction for Young
Readers (Otago University Press, 2014). Her current research projects include a
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Notes on Contributors
xi
monograph on depictions of talent and character in late nineteenth- and early
twentieth-century children’s literature, and (through the Our Mythical Childhood
erc-funded project led by Katarzyna Marciniak) an investigation of the ways
children’s culture in the Asia-Pacific region engages with classical myth.
Edith Hall
Professor of Classics in the Department of Classics and Centre for Hellenic
Studies at King’s College London, is the author of numerous books and papers
on the reception of Classics, winner of prestigious research awards (e.g., Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Research Award), and a passionate populariser of ancient heritage.
Owen Hodkinson
is Lecturer in Greek and Roman Cultures in the Department of Classics at the
University of Leeds, an Alexander von Humboldt Foundation alumnus, an expert on ancient (especially Greek) epistolary literature, and a specialist in ancient fiction and contemporary reception.
Katarzyna Jerzak
is a scholar of Comparative Literature, focusing on the motif of exile. She has
held the positions of assistant and tenured associate professor of Comparative
Literature at the University of Georgia (1995–2012) and n.e.h. Distinguished
Visiting Professor at the State University of New York Potsdam (2013). She
now teaches English and Polish Philology at Pomeranian University in Słupsk
(Poland).
Joanna Kłos
a Ph.D. candidate, graduated from the College of Inter-Area Individual Studies
in the Humanities and Social Sciences (mish) with two ma degrees in Classics
and Mediterranean Studies, is a research assistant at the Faculty of “Artes Liberales” at the University of Warsaw, and a “Diamond Grantee” of the Minister of
Science and Higher Education of Poland.
Przemysław Kordos
a Modern Greek scholar, sociologist, and ethnographer, is an assistant professor and member of the Laboratory of Hellenic Studies at the Faculty of “Artes
Liberales” at the University of Warsaw.
Beata Kubiak Ho-Chi
a scholar of Japanese Literature and Culture, is an associate professor in the
Chair of Japanese Studies at the University of Warsaw, focusing on modern
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Notes on Contributors
Japanese literature, theatre, aesthetics, arts, and animals in Japanese culture;
she is also the author and editor of several books on Japan.
Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer
is a scholar of German Literature, an expert on children’s literature and professor in the German Department at Eberhard Karls University in Tübingen, and
the author of roughly 200 publications (18 books). She was a guest professor
in memory of Astrid Lindgren at Linnaeus University Kalmar/Växjö (2010), a
guest professor at the University of Vienna (2011), and chair of the European
Science Foundation project Children’s Literature and European Avant-Garde
(2011–2012). Since 2015 she is a member of the management committee of the
eu cost-action Digital Literacy and Multimodal Practices of Young Children.
Helen Lovatt
is a Classical scholar and an associate professor in the Department of Classics
at the University of Nottingham; she specialises in Greek and Latin epic and
Roman social and cultural history; she is an expert on the reception of Classical Antiquity in children’s literature.
Adam Łukaszewicz
an archaeologist, papyrologist, and historian of Antiquity, is a professor in
the Institute of Archaeology at the University of Warsaw, an Alexander von
Humboldt Foundation alumnus, head of a Polish archaeological expedition in
Egypt, former head of the Warsaw Department of the Polish Philological Society, a member (alumnus) of the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, n.j.,
and is also involved in popularisation of ancient culture.
Katarzyna Marciniak
a Classical and Italian scholar, is director of the Centre for Studies on the
Classical Tradition (obta) and an associate professor at the Faculty of “Artes
Liberales,” University of Warsaw. She is a laureate of the Loeb Classical Library
Foundation Grant and Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Alumni Award,
and holds the position of Ambassador Scientist of the Humboldt Foundation.
She has been awarded the European Research Council (erc) Consolidator
Grant. She writes for children and in 2013 published a mythology for kids, in
which ancient myths are retold by animals (second volume 2016).
Lisa Maurice
is a senior lecturer at Bar-Ilan University in Israel. Her research interests centre on the reception of the ancient world in modern popular culture and on
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Notes on Contributors
xiii
Roman comedy, particularly the structure of Plautine plays. She is the author
of The Teacher in Ancient Rome: The Magister and His World (Lexington, 2013)
as well as many articles on Plautus and on the reception of the ancient world
on screen and stage. She is also the editor of The Reception of Ancient Greece
and Rome in Children’s Literature: Heroes and Eagles (Brill, 2015); Rewriting the
Ancient World: Greece and Rome in Modern Popular Fiction (Brill, 2017); and coeditor of Beauty, Bravery, Blood and Glory: Ancient Virtues and Vices in Modern
Popular Culture (Brill, 2017). At present she is working on a monograph on the
reception of Gods on screen, and (through the Our Mythical Childhood ERCfunded project led by Katarzyna Marciniak) an investigation of the ways Greek
mythology has been utilised in education.
Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska
is a Classical scholar; professor at the Institute of Classical Studies, University of
Warsaw; an expert on Neo-Latin Studies; and a specialist in Old Polish culture.
David Movrin
a Classical and Mediaeval scholar, is an assistant professor in the Department
of Classical Philology at the University of Ljubljana; he has authored a monograph on the history of translation from Greek and Latin, worked on the publication of the Latin-Slovenian Dictionary in six volumes, and has also focused
on the reception of ancient heritage in socialist Yugoslavia.
Sheila Murnaghan
a Classical scholar, is the Alfred Reginald Allen Memorial Professor of Greek
at the University of Pennsylvania. In her teaching and research, she focuses on
Greek literature (especially epic, tragedy, and historiography), gender in classical culture, and classical reception; she is currently completing (with Deborah
H. Roberts) a book entitled For Every Age: Childhood and the Classics, 1850–1970.
Elżbieta Olechowska
a classicist and media scholar, began her career as a Latin textual critic
(Claudius Claudianus for Brill and Cicero for Bibliotheca Teubneriana) and
then worked as a journalist, media manager, trainer, and editor-in-chief at the
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. Since 2008, she works at the Faculty of
“Artes Liberales” at the University of Warsaw.
Hanna Paulouskaya
a Classical scholar and lecturer at the Faculty of “Artes Liberales” at the University of Warsaw, wrote and defended two dissertations: one in history at the
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Notes on Contributors
Institute of History, Academy of Sciences of Belarus (2012), and one in literary
studies at the Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” University of Warsaw (2013); she is
interested in the reception of the Classics in cinema and literature.
Deborah H. Roberts
a Classical scholar, is William R. Kenan Jr. Professor of Classics and Comparative
Literature at Haverford College and Koshland Director of the John B. Hurford
’60 Center for the Arts and Humanities. Her research and teaching interests
include Greek tragedy, ancient literary theory and the history of literary theory,
classical reception, translation studies, and children’s literature, and she is
presently completing (with Sheila Murnaghan) the book For Every Age: Childhood and the Classics, 1850–1970.
Ewa Rudnicka
a scholar of Polish Studies, is an assistant professor and head of the Lexicographical Laboratory at the Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” University of Warsaw;
she is involved in the organisation of the Polish Literature and Language Contest for high school students.
Peter T. Simatei
is a professor of Comparative Literature and Culture and dean of the School of
Arts and Social Sciences at Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya, and is an Alexander
von Humboldt Foundation alumnus.
Wilfried Stroh
a.k.a. Valahfridus, Professor Emeritus at the Institute for Classical Philology at
the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, is an expert on Latin literature,
Neo-Latin Studies, ancient rhetoric, and Ciceronian studies, a populariser of
Classics in his bestselling books for a wider audience, and one of the most eminent “Latin speakers” the world over.
Robert A. Sucharski
a Classical scholar, linguist, and mycenaeologist, is an associate professor at
the Faculty of “Artes Liberales” at the University of Warsaw. From 2012 to 2016
he was the deputy dean for student affairs; in September 2016 he assumed the
office of the dean of the Faculty. He is also programme director of the International School in the Humanities—an experimental educational curriculum for
young scholars and graduates.
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Notes on Contributors
xv
Christine Walde
a Classical scholar and a professor at the Institute for Ancient Studies at the
Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz, is an expert on ancient epic and the
reception of Classical Antiquity. She edited for Brill the New Pauly Supplement The Reception of Classical Literature (German in 2010, English in 2012),
and is editor-in-chief of the thersites. Journal for Transcultural Presences and
Diachronic Identities from Antiquity to Date.
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What Is a Classic… for Children and Young Adults?
In the beginning of the history we wish to share here was Homer, soon joined
by his sons and perhaps by his daughters, too. They proffered humankind the
gift of Orpheus, the son of Apollo and the muse Calliope: the most precious
heritage from the prehistorical, mythical chronotope, when time was not reckoned by human measure and the world was infinitely moldable. This gift has
permitted each and every one of our kind—whether adult or child, whether
living in Antiquity or today—to experience and to wield a divine power that
enables us to shape the universe, even though its mythical moldability has long
since vanished and the borders between reality and our imagination have been
fixed. Yes, I mean the magic of the Word and storytelling.
This magic seems to have waned in comparison to its primordial force, for
nobody, not even Homer himself, has succeeded in repeating the charms of
Orpheus, who could rouse the stones and trees to dance, cause rivers to stop
flowing, and tame savage beasts. In truth, however, this was not the most important emanation of the power of the Word (though it was certainly the most
spectacular). The human mind invented many a way to deal with the physical
world. But the crucial aspect of Orpheus’s magic pertains to the immaterial
sphere of our existence, one that still evades our perception and understanding. And this magic has survived as strong as it ever was in the beginning—and
even before our history. Through the magic of the Word we have learnt to build
our identity, to confer a deeper significance to the joys and sorrows of daily life,
to catalyse a whole range of the emotions—both the good and the dangerous
ones—touching our hearts. To this day we experience and use this magic. The
passing of thousands of years and the progress in technological development
are of no importance here.
Our Mythical Childhood
The ancient demiurges of the Word travelled from house to house, weaving
the stories of the Trojan War and the Returns (nostoi). They gathered the
precious crumbs from Homer’s table and prepared on such leaven dramas evercompelling. They reached more and more boldly both for myths and history
(in fact, as Heinrich Schliemann proved, in the case of the Trojan War, the border
between these two realms may be rather permeable after all), and they reached
for contemporary events as well. Thus did they create tales that would (try to) explain the meaning of life and attractively convey the values presumed universal.
© Katarzyna Marciniak, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_002
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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2
Marciniak
All this resulted in beautiful, but at the same time painful lessons, like the one
drawn from the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice, which is vital for young readers, too—as will be demonstrated in the present volume.1 This myth teaches
us that each closeness bears within itself an unavoidable loss (even when the
protagonist is the son of a god…), and this loss is the greater, the stronger the
love is. But Orpheus’s lesson also teaches us that, in spite of all, true closeness, if only for a very short time, is worth the terrible price of suffering which
sooner or later will be experienced by those who remain on Earth longer than
their loved ones.
All things change, as Ovid wrote in his perpetuum carmen, but nothing is extinguished. The aoidoi are no longer among us to pass on the primordial lessons
of life, but we do have literature. Despite the negative view on the discovery of
writing on the part of Plato’s Socrates, literature began preserving the magic
of the Word and the memory of universal values, owing to which every new
generation (ours included) can feel and know them beyond time and space.
And ever since Antiquity, the heirs of Homer—in each generation—have
been taking up ancient threads and weaving them still deeper into the fabric
of the world, tailoring them into new language and discourse forms, into new
cultures. They have been introducing, removing, or modifying the primordial
motifs (yet ever beholding their original core), in response to both the individual experiences each author has gone through during her or his physical and
spiritual journey, as well as to the collective needs of the recipients of culture
met along the way.
Indeed, the needs were high and ancient heritage remained attractive because of its potential to meet them. Hence the centuries-long admiration of
the past and the conviction—present in scholarship until the 1960s—of its
influence on subsequent epochs. However, there has never ever been a passive
ingestion of the ancient heritage, but an active, at times even fiery dialogue
with this tradition,2 one that has consistently mirrored the social, political,
1 See the chapter in this volume by Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer, “Orpheus and Eurydice:
Reception of a Classical Myth in International Children’s Literature.”
2 The new “active” approach in scholarship was initiated by Hans-Georg Gadamer, Wahr
heit und Methode. Grundzüge einer philosophischen Hermeneutik (Tübingen: Mohr, 1960);
Wolfgang Iser, The Act of Reading: A Theory of Aesthetic Response (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1978; in German as Der Akt des Lesens. Theorie ästhetischer Wirkung, München:
W. Fink Verlag, 1976); Hans Robert Jauss, Die Theorie der Rezeption. Rückschau auf ihre uner
kannte Vorgeschichte (Konstanz: Universitätsverlag, 1987). However, the birth of reception
studies should be linked to Tadeusz Zieliński’s revolutionary methods in his monograph
Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig–Berlin: Teubner, 1929; ed. pr.—subsequently significantly expanded—1897).
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What Is A Classic… For Children And Young Adults?
3
and cultural transformations underway in various locations and periods. The
fascinating trajectories of this dialogue may be researched within the framework of classical reception studies, which focus on the dynamics of re-uses,
and sometimes even abuses, of the past.3 And there is much to be researched,
for the canon of the classics took form already in Antiquity, and—owing to the
uniqueness of its potential, strengthened by the particular concatenation of
historical events—it became a steady reference point for a considerable part
of the world through the ages.
In consequence, a macro-community came into being, one composed of
diverse societies that interpreted the ancient heritage more or less differently.
At the same time, however, those societies firmly shared an axiological system
and communication code built upon references to Classical Antiquity which
became Our Mythical Childhood, immortalised and developed with every new
emanation of the Orphean magic of the Word. Thus, for many centuries the
ancient classics were cherished, safeguarded, and passed on: mostly with love,
but sometimes brutally, too—as when imposed by school or as a result of various culture clashes. All in the unwavering belief that knowledge of the classics is crucial for the assimilation of ethical values that define the essence of
humanity.
With the passing of time the ancient classics were joined by other authors
who—to use the definition by Charles-Augustin Sainte-Beuve in his famous
paper from 1850, Qu’est-ce qu’un classique?—managed to enrich the human
spirit, too. And nearly each of them drew profoundly from the heritage of Classical Antiquity: Dante, Shakespeare, Milton, Voltaire, Goethe, to mention only
the most prominent for various periods and languages. Moreover—a paradox
observed by the audacious visionary Sainte-Beuve—each and every one of
them, though immersed in the past, has led humankind a step further into
3 See, e.g. (also more bibliographical references therein), Charles Martindale and Richard F.
Thomas, eds., Classics and the Uses of Reception (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006); Craig Kallendorf,
ed., A Companion to the Classical Tradition (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007); Lorna Hardwick and
Christopher Stray, eds., A Companion to Classical Receptions (Oxford: Blackwell, 2008); Constanze Güthenke, “Shop Talk: Reception Studies and Recent Work in the History of Scholarship,” Classical Receptions Journal 1 (2009): 104–115; Anthony Grafton, Glenn W. Most, and
Salvatore Settis, eds., The Classical Tradition (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap/Harvard University
Press, 2010); Simon Goldhill, Victorian Culture and Classical Antiquity: Art, Opera, Fiction, and
the Proclamation of Modernity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011); Lorna Hardwick
and Stephen Harrison, eds., Classics in the Modern World: A Democratic Turn? (Oxford–New
York: Oxford University Press, 2013).
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the future.4 This is probably the only definition of a classic that does not raise
doubts to this day.
Leading people toward the future is also an intrinsic element of young
readers’ literature, one of the most important aims of which is to raise
children and youth—whatever we think of their “starting position” (pure
and innocent beings, little savages, or tabulae rasae)—to be wise adults,
governed in their life by humanistic values.5 Such a pedagogic conviction
would seem to favour in works for kids a plethora of references to the
Graeco-Roman heritage as a several-thousand-year-old treasury of these values. However, the matter is complicated. First of all, literature for children
and young adults is a relatively fresh cultural invention. None of the ancient
classics was aimed directly at kids—not even the myths we typically come
to know at the most elementary level of education, which now means in
childhood, nor even Aesop, today associated mainly with the much beloved
and ingenuously sweet animal fables for the youngest. Yet Rousseau long
ago deemed them detrimental to the morality of children who are easily allured by stories which are innocent, albeit only superficially, and which offer
4 Charles-Augustin Sainte-Beuve, “Qu’est-ce qu’un classique?,” Le Constitutionnel, Oct. 21, 1850.
See also Antoine Compagnon’s lecture Le Classique, 2011 (http://www.college-de-france.fr/
media/antoine-compagnon/UPL18803_12_A.Compagnon_Le_Classique.pdf, accessed Oct.
15, 2014).
5 See Peter Coveney, The Image of Childhood. The Individual and Society: A Study of the
Theme in English Literature (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967); Jacqueline Rose, The Case of
Peter Pan, or the Impossibility of Children’s Fiction (London–Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1984).
For the particularly subordinated position of children as readers, see Perry Nodelman,
“The Other: Orientalism, Colonialism, and Children’s Literature,” Children’s Literature Association Quarterly 17 (1992): 29–35. For the background of some fervent discussions on
the conceptions of childhood, see Philippe Ariès, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History
of Family Life, trans. Robert Baldick (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962; ed. pr. L’enfant et
la vie familiale sous l’Ancien Régime, 1960); George Boas, The Cult of Childhood, “Studies
of the Warburg Institute” 29 (London: The Warburg Institute, 1966); Shulamith Shahar,
Childhood in the Middle Ages (London–New York: Routledge, 1990); Colin Heywood, A
History of Childhood: Children and Childhood in the West from Medieval to Modern Times
(Cambridge, uk–Malden, Mass.: Polity Press, 2013; ed. pr. 2001); Jens Qvortrup, William A.
Corsaro, and Michael-Sebastian Honig, eds., The Palgrave Handbook of Childhood Studies
(New York, n.y.–Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); Paula S. Fass, ed., The Routledge
History of Childhood in the Western World (London–New York: Routledge, 2013); Michael
Wyness, Childhood (Cambridge, uk–Malden, Mass.: Polity Press, 2015); Catherine Allerton,
ed., Children: Ethnographic Encounters (London–New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2016).
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serious reflections more suitable to adults, as will also be demonstrated in
the present volume.6
Of course, in our times both Aesop and mythology at large reach youngsters
in special adaptations adjusted to their ages, and as far as some particularly
“sugar-coated” versions are concerned, this is a rather regrettable practice.
However, for better or for worse, this is the biggest difference in regard to Classical Antiquity. Indeed, in ancient times the charm of the aoidoi gathered
whole communities and we have no shred of information that any age rating
system was in use. Maybe this is because no special attention, in terms of modern pedagogy, was paid to children then. Nevertheless, not without reason is
Homer called the educator of the Greeks. Although it is difficult to determine
the beginnings of children’s literature,7 the ancient classics were prominent
at schools from the very invention of this institution, and remained so over
the subsequent epochs—whether in their entirety, as selections (in later times
with preference for Latin authors who were more easily approachable than
the Greeks), or in specially prepared (and often censored in many aspects)
versions ad usum Delphini. Studies into these issues constitute a fascinating
challenge, one worthy of being undertaken in the near future on a large scale.
Herein we present but two exemplary cases.8 However, the challenge only begins at this point, for the ancient classics at a certain stage expanded beyond
the school and entered the space of children’s and young adults’ leisure time,
as this sphere of young people’s lives was also supposed to be spent toward
their (and, ultimately, the whole of society’s) moral benefit. The ancient authors guaranteed this with their ethical authority.
Literature written especially for children seemed a perfect tool for entertaining and educating them “after hours.” Indeed, the origins of this type of
literature are linked to Enlightenment optimism rooted in the Horatian maxim
6 See Edith Hall’s chapter, “Our Fabled Childhood: Reflections on the Unsuitability of Aesop
to Children,” in the present volume. By the way, Rousseau was generally against reading for
young people, recommending to them only Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe.
7 See, e.g., Peter Hunt, ed., International Companion Encyclopedia of Children’s Literature
(London–New York: Routledge, 1996); Seth Lerer, Children’s Literature: A Reader’s History
from Aesop to Harry Potter (Chicago, Ill.–London: University of Chicago Press, 2008); Carolyn L. Burke and Joby G. Copenhaver, “Animals as People in Children’s Literature,” Language
Arts 81 (2004): 205–213; M.O. Grenby, “The Origins of Children’s Literature,” in M.O. Grenby
and Andrea Immel, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Children’s Literature (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2009), 3–17.
8 See the chapters in this volume by Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska, “Childhood Rhetorical Exercises of the Victor of Vienna,” and Wilfried Stroh, “From Aesop to Asterix Latinus: A Survey
of Latin Books for Children.”
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“docere, movere, delectare” and embedded in respect for the values conveyed
in the works of ancient authors. Thus, even if they did not constitute the direct
base of reference, they lingered in the background—in the growing collection
of literary works targeted at the youngest group of culture recipients, many
examples of which, like Karlson on the Roof by Astrid Lindgren, are also discussed in the present volume.9 The crowning of this new literary movement
was expected to take place in the twentieth century, called “the Century of
the Child”—as Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer reminds us in her preface to
Klassiker der Kinder- und Jugendliteratur: Ein internationales Lexikon, evoking
the famous thesis of the Swedish educator Ellen Key (1849–1926). The Century of the Child was to be a period of intense blossoming of books for young
readers,10 one full of hope for restoring the Golden Age, which was considered
the innocent childhood of humanity for adults too, as Sheila Murnaghan and
Deborah H. Roberts observe in the present volume.11 Nonetheless, the Century
of the Child turned out to be the century of wars12 and totalitarian regimes,
and of killings organised on an unprecedented scale. Violent quakes struck,
one after another. Cracks appeared on the ancient monument. The classics—
both those from and based on the heritage of Antiquity—seemed to have
failed both adults and children alike. The magic of Orpheus and Homer had
lost its charm. Or at least it seemed so.
In a Dialogue with T.S. Eliot
Widely known in the discussion on the definition and reliability of the classics is T.S. Eliot’s address of 1944 to the freshly established Societas Vergiliana,
What Is a Classic?, delivered in London during the air raids.13 The great poet
9
10
11
12
13
See Katarzyna Jerzak’s chapter in this volume, “The Aftermath of Myth through the Lens
of Walter Benjamin: Hermes in J.M. Barrie’s Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens and in Astrid
Lindgren’s Karlson on the Roof.”
Ellen Key, Century of the Child, trans. from the German by Marie Franzos (New York: G.P.
Putnam’s Sons, 1909; ed. pr. in Swedish 1900); see also Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer,
Klassiker der Kinder- und Jugendliteratur: Ein internationales Lexikon (Stuttgart–Weimar:
Metzler, 1999), Bd. A–K, ix; and eiusdem, Kinder- und Jugendliteratur. Eine Einführung
(Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2012).
See Sheila Murnaghan’s and Deborah H. Roberts’s chapter in this volume, “Armies of Children: War and Peace, Ancient History and Myth in Children’s Books after World War One.”
See Kümmerling-Meibauer, Klassiker der Kinder- und Jugendliteratur, Bd. A–K, ix.
T.S. Eliot, What Is a Classic? An Address Delivered before the Virgil Society on the 16th of
October, 1944 (London: Faber & Faber, 1945).
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and future Nobel laureate coaxed his audience to read the Aeneid. He did not
so much as mention the war in his speech. He hinted only at the difficulty of
accessing libraries due to some recent events, without dwelling on the matter
any further. This does not, however, testify to the insensitivity of the eminent
author and humanist. His seemingly academic discussion on the criteria needing to be fulfilled in order to call a text “classical” is permeated with poignant
reflections on guilt and redemption, or rather on the compelling need of the
latter. Eliot’s address is not a lecture divorced from reality, but a dramatic appeal to restore the Paradise lost—the striking plea of a man aware of the fact
that the world is falling apart before his very eyes, and who sees in the classics
the only salvation.
The poet’s words did not, however, speak to the minds of the angry youth
from the post–wwii generation. The difficult settlements with the world wars
and with colonial-era abuses were taking place. The conviction also emerged
that Classical Antiquity, which (as a fixed part of school curricula the world
over) was the base of education for many a later war criminal, had failed in
teaching them humanity. This set of factors contributed to a rebellion in the
West. Orpheus saw too many deaths and the Furies remained for much too
long the Kindly Ones. 1968 brought slogans to the barricades calling for changes within the educational system, and for breaking with Latin and the classical
canon. The continuity of education was irreparably severed.
The new generation behind the Iron Curtain also rebelled. Here, however,
the most serious threat came from the totalitarian force in the East. Thus, ancient culture was not rejected—on the contrary, it was restored after wwii’s
traumas as a pillar supporting the opposition in their struggles against the
regime. While building the pretenses of democracy, the communists tried
to sever ties with Western Europe and the common cultural heritage of this
part of the world. In such circumstances, Latin as the language of the Catholic Church, which centralised many an oppositional effort in the Eastern Bloc,
and Graeco-Roman culture as such were seen as vehicles of the joint legacy of
Mediterranean civilisation, the scope of which exceeded geographical barriers and the divisions established at the Argonaut (sic!) Conference in Yalta.14
Learning of ancient culture, the intelligentsia, in the widest meaning of this
term, worked to preserve the civilisational continuity that permitted them to
cross the Iron Curtain, at least in the spiritual realm. Moreover, Classical Antiquity as the basis for a cultural code became a medium to express, in its truly
Aesopian language, ideas which the totalitarian censorship would never have
14
So codenamed by Winston Churchill, see, e.g., S.M. Plokhy, Yalta: The Price of Peace
(London: Viking Penguin, 2010, accessed via Google Books, pages not numbered).
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allowed to be articulated directly.15 The ancient magic of the Word under the
pen of talented and courageous authors disguised the truth to, paradoxically,
reveal it with all the more strength. The mechanisms of this particular reception of Classical Antiquity may be observed owing to the manifold project
initiated by Jerzy Axer, György Karsai, and Gábor Klaniczay at the Collegium
Budapest, and at present being carried out at the Centre for Studies on the
Classical Tradition (obta) at the Faculty of “Artes Liberales” at the University
of Warsaw: Gnôthi seauton!—Classics and Communism. The History of Studies
on Antiquity in the Context of the Local Classical Tradition in the Socialist Countries 1944/45–1989/90.16
After 1989, however, the need for a common code and spiritual bond with
the West disappeared. It became clear that Graeco-Roman Antiquity is only
one of a number of equally valuable cultures all over the world. It has also
lost—both in the West and in the East—its privileged position as an enduring
base built of virtues, changing its image into a melting pot of varied content,
from which every single culture user may draw. But will s/he want to?
Yes, s/he will—for, paradoxically, this seemingly negative change in the
perception of ancient heritage has given it a new lease. On the one hand, it
more and more often serves countries bearing a colonial burden or other deep
wounds as a platform for a wide-reaching dialogue on still difficult issues.17
On the other, the scratches discovered on marble once considered flawless
inspire ever new generations of artists the world over—an unexpected benefit of globalisation—to extract meanings from Antiquity that are of special
15
16
17
See also Victor Bers and Gregory Nagy, eds., The Classics in East Europe: Essays on the
Survival of Humanistic Tradition (Worcester, Mass.: American Philological Association,
1995); and Gábor Klaniczay, Michael Werner, and Ottó Gecser, eds., Multiple Antiquities—
Multiple Modernities: Ancient Histories in Nineteenth Century European Cultures (New
York–Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 2011).
See the project’s presentation: http://www.obta.uw.edu.pl/pliki/Gnothi%20Seauton.
pdf (accessed Oct. 15, 2015). The newest event within it was the conference Classics &
Communism in Theatre, Jan. 15–17, 2015, at the Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” University of
Warsaw, in collaboration with the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana; see also the
volume edited by David Movrin and Elżbieta Olechowska, Classics and Class: Greek and
Latin Classics and Communism at School (Ljubljana–Warsaw: Faculty of Arts, University
of Ljubljana–Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” University of Warsaw–Wydawnictwo DiG, 2016).
See, e.g., Kevin J. Wetmore, Jr., The Athenian Sun in an African Sky: Modern African Adaptations of Classical Greek Tragedy (Jefferson, n.c.–London: McFarland, 2002); Susan A.
Stephens and Phiroze Vasunia, eds., Classics and National Cultures (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); Erin B. Mee and Helene P. Foley, eds., ‘Antigone’ on the Contemporary
World Stage (Oxford–New York: Oxford University Press, 2011); Phiroze Vasunia, The Classics and Colonial India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).
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importance in our ever so “scratched” times, too. In fact, we no longer need
or want to idealise the past. We are ready to perceive the whole spectrum of
Orpheus’s magic, owing to which ancient culture today warns us of hubris
and shows us that each culture is marked by shadows, but at the same time
it carries a saving brightness. And it is entirely up to us how we will use this
multifaceted heritage. The Furies do sleep sometimes, but never for long; they
can be awoken by great, truly universal literature—this is the role of a classic,
too.18 And as another eminent humanist and Noble laureate, J.M. Coetzee,
observed in the dialogue he conducted with Sainte-Beuve and Eliot in 1990
in Graz, after the Iron Curtain had fallen, the strong and ambiguous emotions
stirred up by the classics were not only natural, but desirable. Indeed, criticism
only strengthens classical authors, and if they make us rebellious, they help
us expand our horizon and enrich our identity.19 Coetzee, who—owing to his
South African roots—is particularly sensitive to multifarious cultural experiences, well understands how important it is to divest oneself of a patronising attitude toward other regions of the world. The classics embedded in the
Graeco-Roman tradition will not lose anything in the process. On the contrary:
new layers will be added to the joint legacy of humankind and we will make
another step—yes, Sainte-Beuve was correct here—into the future.
And again, mention of the future takes us to children’s and young adults’
literature, the main role of which—according to Walter Benjamin—is to stimulate rebellion in its readers.20 We may even come to the conclusion that the
18
19
20
See the very interesting novel—surely an event-of-the-year 2014 for the admirers of the
ancient heritage, but not only for them—by Natalie Haynes, The Amber Fury, published
by Corvus. I am grateful to Edith Hall for directing my attention to this book. See also the
famous and controversial adult novel by Jonathan Littell, Les Bienveillantes (in English as
The Kindly Ones) published by Gallimard in 2006 (Prix Goncourt).
See J.M. Coetzee, “What Is a Classic?” in his Stranger Shores: Literary Essays, 1986–1999
(New York: Penguin Books, 2001), 1–16; see also Katarzyna Marciniak, “Po co mitologia?—
Świat współczesny w zwierciadle mitu” [Why do we need mythology? The contemporary world in the mirror of myths], PAUza Akademicka. Tygodnik Polskiej Akademii
Umiejętności 103–105 (2010): 9–11; and Sotera Fornaro, Che cos’è un classico?: Il classico in
J.M. Coetzee (Bari: Edizioni di Pagina, 2013).
See Helene Høyrup, “Modernism for Children? Cecil Bødker’s Silas and the Black Mare,”
in Sandra L. Beckett and Maria Nikolajeva, eds., Beyond Babar: The European Tradition
in Children’s Literature (Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 2006), 151; Kimberly Reynolds,
Children’s Literature: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 5.
See also Nicholas J. Tucker, The Child and the Book: A Psychological and Literary Explora
tion (Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 1981); and Jack Zipes, Literature and Literary
Theory: Fairy Tales and the Art of Subversion (London–New York: Routledge, 1999; ed. pr.
1988). On the other hand, Roberta Seelinger Trites observes that young adults’ literature’s
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definition of a classic is basically the same for children and adults: a classical
work is embedded in the past, but oriented toward the future, addressing the
recipient on both a personal and universal level and encouraging nonconformity and respect. Such a definition is full of paradoxes and perhaps too uncomfortable to be presented in the mainstream of education, but think about
the classics (for young and old) that changed your own life before you decide
whether or not to accept it.
The idea to treat literature for adults and that for youth as having equal status would surely not appeal to Eliot, who recommended starting with “adult”
classics as soon as possible and thought that reading books for children was
generally regressive. However, each and every one of us can easily indicate
many an adult book with a similar effect, too—and today all the more easily
than in Eliot’s times, when writing was an elitist activity. The texts that meet
the definition of a classic develop us at any age. For indeed, great literature
knows no barriers, a fact which is also proved by the recent studies into the
phenomenon of dual audience and double address, cross-writing, and the
“hidden adult” in works for children.21 The hidden adult has always been present in this kind of texts, though today, after recent changes on the world literary stage (mainly the Harry Potter phenomenon, discussed in this volume
as well22), we no longer feel ashamed of reading “kid stories.” Besides, if you
think about it, there has always been a “hidden child” in books for adults, too.
With the current development of literature, the sphere for children and the
sphere for adults influence and stimulate each other. In a certain sense, we are
21
22
goal is in fact to socialise, tame, and train young readers—see her Disturbing the Universe: Power and Repression in Adolescent Literature (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press,
2000). Further discussion is probably to be found in the forthcoming Christopher Kelen
and Björn Sundmark, eds., Child Autonomy and Child Governance in Children’s Literature
(London–New York: Routledge, 2017).
See Barbara Wall, The Narrator’s Voice: The Dilemma of Children’s Fiction (Basingstoke:
Macmillan, 1991); and Perry Nodelman, The Hidden Adult: Defining Children’s Literature
(Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), and idem, “The Hidden Child in
The Hidden Adult,” Jeunesse: Young People, Texts, Cultures 8.1 (2016): 266–277.
See the chapters in this volume by Christine Walde, “Graeco-Roman Antiquity and Its
Productive Appropriation: The Example of Harry Potter,” and Elżbieta Olechowska,
“J.K. Rowling Exposes the World to Classical Antiquity.” Recently, Richard Spencer analysed
a number of aspects of the reception of Classical Antiquity in Rowling’s heptalogy—his
is the first monograph on this subject: Harry Potter and the Classical World: Greek and
Roman Allusions in J.K. Rowling’s Modern Epic (Jefferson, n.c.: McFarland, 2015). By the
way, at the beginning of the Harry Potter phenomenon, there were separate editions of
the novels with “adult” covers, a move to alleviate the embarrassment adult readers might
feel reading children’s books in public.
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returning to Antiquity, when there were no age limits and when a marvellous
tale was a source of joy for all who got in touch with it by means of Orpheus’s
and Homer’s magic.
Classical Reception in Children’s and Young Adults’ Literature
The question of a classic becomes complicated, however, in our era of modern media. The canonical lists prepared by scholars or literary critics are more
and more often substituted by Internet “must reads,” circulating widely beyond
any professional control owing to the blossoming of social media, where both
groups—adults and children—are free to voice their opinions (by the way,
this is a perfect realisation of the most important postulate of so-called childist criticism, that is when young readers are allowed to express themselves as
contributors to the development of critical theories).23 In this respect also are
we nearer to Antiquity than at any other time. In the beginning was Homer
and people’s respect for him; only later came his approval by the critics from
the Library of Alexandria. Social media open new streams for the magic of the
Word and there is no doubt that the classics will pass this test. They will even
benefit from this.
In the present volume we approach the classics in a dual meaning: from the
treasury of modern and contemporary texts that have achieved or are striving
to achieve the status of classics for children and young adults, we focus on such
works that draw inspiration from Classical Antiquity: Greek and Roman myths
and history—“our” ancient classics. And the “inspiration” here does not mean
a slavish repetition of the ancient patterns, but an intimate and dynamic dialogue with the legacy of the past to help youth face present-day challenges and
to prepare them for future ones. It is a paradox that ancient culture, marginalised or almost eradicated from school curricula, is still attractive for authors
and their readers, who reach for books with Antiquity-rooted threads in their
most precious time—namely, their free time. This is all the more striking as
young people are increasingly independent from their parents and tutors in
the choices of what to read after lessons, and they have ever more ways at their
disposal for spending leisure hours. So how to explain this? Maybe ancient
23
See Peter Hunt, “Childist Criticism: The Subculture of the Child, the Book and Critic,”
Signal 43 (1984): 42–59. The updated discussion on the canon in children’s literature is to
be found in the forthcoming volume edited by Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer and Anja
Müller, Canon Constitution and Canon Change in Children’s Literature (London–New York:
Routledge, 2016).
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culture appeals to us because it became delightfully exotic (Christine Walde
aptly compares its status with that of fantasy24), or maybe because in spite
of this, it still circulates in the subcutaneous layer of world civilisation and
we are seeking a link with our ancient heritage not to feel bereft. These
two observations do not exclude each other—on the contrary, they are
complementary—another paradox which is possible in our postmodern reality. Last but not least, contact with the classics stokes hunger for reading,
which is also hunger for the ancient magic of the Word.
Research in this field is, however, extremely difficult, if only because of the
unsettled status of children’s and young adults’ literature. Since 1984, when
Jacqueline Rose proclaimed the impossibility of this literature,25 much has
changed, although many basic problems are still unresolved. We continue to
approach it as if it were a coherent and separate body, while the variety of
its genres surpasses even those in literature for adults. Speaking of whom, we
adults look at texts targeted at children from our adult perspective, which is of
course the only one available to us, but a high degree of caution is necessary
when it comes to hypotheses and conclusions.26 Nor should research disregard the marketing and commercial strategies that—in the case of children’s
and young adults’ literature as a huge market—precondition many decisions
undertaken by editors. And it is necessary to take into consideration the recently arisen phenomena of transmedia and transliteracy, as in fact the first
contact of the youngest generations with Classical Antiquity happens more
and more often not through books, but movies, computer games, social media,
or interactive e-books on tablets and smart phones. These new forms influence
the picture of ancient times and later reading experiences (food for thought:
a daughter of my colleague, unable to memorise the name Persephone, called
the Queen of the Underworld “Smartphone” and this was entirely natural for
her27). We thus need to be aware of these challenges and to treat children’s
literature seriously, thereby heeding C.S. Lewis, who long ago stressed that
any other attitude made no sense at all.28 For if we fulfil these preconditions,
24
25
26
27
28
Walde, “Graeco-Roman Antiquity and Its Productive Appropriation.” See also Maria
Nikolajeva, The Magic Code: The Use of Magical Patterns in Fantasy for Children
(Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1988).
Rose, The Case of Peter Pan; see also above, n. 5.
See Nodelman, “The Other: Orientalism, Colonialism, and Children’s Literature,” 29–35.
Jokes aside, on the reception of Persephone’s myth, see Holly Virginia Blackford, The Myth
of Persephone in Girls’ Fantasy Literature (New York–Abingdon: Routledge, 2012).
See e.g., C.S. Lewis’s reflections in “On Three Ways of Writing for Children” (1952), published in his Of Other Worlds: Essays and Stories, ed. Walter Hooper (London: Geoffrey
Bles, 1966), 22–34.
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then we may access not only a precious base for studies into ethics, various
approaches to education, and aesthetic criteria applied toward youth, but
also a mirror of the sundry transformations the world has been undergoing
throughout the ages. Children are particularly sensitive to all that is happening
around them; they observe and are deeply affected both by positive and negative events. How badly might we delude ourselves in assuming that they do
not see and do not understand. But they do. Hence, all the more do they need
trustful guides in life. The authors who try to respond to this need on the
basis of ancient culture create an intergenerational bond and a space where
the past, present, and future meet. Classical reception studies help us understand the particular character of this meeting, along with its roots and
consequences.
Classical reception studies in reference to children’s and young adults’ culture is, however, still a new research field. One of the first major initiatives
which brought together various aspects of the problematics involved was the
conference Asterisks and Obelisks: Classical Receptions in Children’s Literature
organised at the University of Wales in Lampeter in 2009 by Helen Lovatt and
Owen Hodkinson. The summary of the results was subsequently presented in
a remarkable report published in the International Journal of the Classical Tradition, and a volume is currently being prepared for publication by the organisers.29 To mention a few other milestone events, in 2013, the rising appeal of
this field inspired the British Classical Association to include several panels focused on children’s literature in the programme of the ca’s annual conference,
at the University of Reading.30 In 2014, Lisa Maurice included a fine selection
of “children’s” themes, among them fascinating lectures by Caroline Lawrence
(the English-American author of the bestselling series “Roman Mysteries,”
29
30
Helen Lovatt, “Asterisks and Obelisks: Classical Receptions in Children’s Literature,” International Journal of the Classical Tradition 16 (2009): 508–522; Helen Lovatt and Owen Hodkinson, eds., Changing the Greeks and Romans: Metamorphosing Antiquity for Children
(forthcoming). See also Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer, “Children’s and Young Adult Literature,” in Manfred Landfester in cooperation with Hubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider, eds., Classical Tradition, vol. 16.1 of Brill’s New Pauly: Encyclopaedia of the Ancient
World (Leiden–Boston: Brill, 2006), coll. 750–754; Martin Korenjak and Stefan Tilg, eds.,
Pontes iv. Die Antike in der Alltagskultur der Gegenwart (Innsbruck–Wien–Bozen: StudienVerlag, 2007); and Sheila Murnaghan, “Classics for Cool Kids: Popular and Unpopular
Versions of Antiquity for Children,” Classical World 104 (2011): 339–351.
Moreover, in July 2016, a workshop on the uses of the past, including Classical Antiquity
(a lecture by Prof. Helen Lovatt), among children, mostly in nineteenth-century Britain,
Packaging the Past for Children, c. 1750–1914, was organised by Dr. Rachel Bryant Davies and
Dr. Barbara Gribling at Durham University, see https://www.dur.ac.uk/cncs/conferences/
packagingthepast/ (accessed July 10, 2016).
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discussed in the present volume, too31) and Simon Scarrow (the UK-based author of the gripping “Gladiator” series) in the conference she organised at BarIlan University in Israel: From I, Claudius to Private Eyes: The Ancient World and
Popular Fiction. She also edited The Reception of Ancient Greece and Rome in
Children’s Literature: Heroes and Eagles, which was published by Brill in 2015.32
A study of nineteenth- and twentieth-century receptions of classics in relation to childhood is being prepared by Sheila Murnaghan of the University
of Pennsylvania, and Deborah H. Roberts of Haverford College: For Every Age:
Childhood and the Classics, 1850–1970. In October 2015, Marcus Janka from the
Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, with a core group of collaborators,
organised a conference on the presence of Classical Antiquity in the media
targeted at youth: Medusa & Co. Reloaded—Verjüngte Antike im Mediendialog:
Transformationen griechisch-römischer Mythologie und Historie in Kinder- und
Jugendmedien der Moderne und Gegenwartskultur.33
A New Approach: The Potential of the Regions
The present volume stems from the project Our Mythical Childhood… The Classics and Children’s Literature between East and West, which began in 2011 at the
Centre for Studies on the Classical Tradition (obta) at the Faculty of “Artes
Liberales” at the University of Warsaw.34 The history of the Faculty mirrors
the transformations in Europe and is important for understanding the optics
applied in our research. Professor Jerzy Axer, who was elected Dean of the Faculty of Polish Studies on the wave of the Solidarność movement in the 1980s,
wished to support the ideas of the liberal arts and civic freedoms also following
the Breakthrough of 1989. Thus he founded obta—an independent centre at
the University of Warsaw—to build a dialogic platform for studying the reception of Classical Antiquity, mainly in Central and Eastern Europe and from
regional perspectives. It was the first centre of its kind in the world, established
31
32
33
34
See Helen Lovatt’s chapter in this volume, “East, West, and Finding Yourself in Caroline
Lawrence’s Roman Mysteries.”
See the volume’s review by Krishni Burns at http://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2016/2016-05-26.
html (accessed June 15, 2016).
Organisatorial committee: Markus Janka (University of Munich), Bettina KümmerlingMeibauer (University of Tübingen), Katarzyna Marciniak (University of Warsaw), Anita
Schilcher (University of Regensburg), Michael Stierstorfer (University of Regensburg).
See Katarzyna Marciniak, ed., Antiquity and We (Warsaw: Faculty of “Artes Liberales,”
University of Warsaw, 2013; for e-book format see: www.al.uw.edu.pl/antiquity_and_we,
accessed Dec. 28, 2015).
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in 1991. obta quickly also set up a cooperation network with Western Europe
and the United States, thereby expanding the optics of the studies, and became a pioneering hub of educational initiatives, responding to society’s needs
for university teaching that would be elitist in terms of scholarly excellence
and, at the same time, open to all interested young people, irrespective of their
financial status. For its novel methodological approaches and educational enterprises, obta was twice awarded the prestigious Hannah Arendt Prize. It is
a beautiful and fitting coincidence that this volume appears on the 25th anniversary of the Centre.
obta also encompassed the complicated problematics of the borderland
and culture confluences owing to the pillar built by Professor Jan Kieniewicz,
the former Ambassador of Poland to Spain (1990–1994) and an eminent historian of India and colonisation. Today, the Centre for Studies on the Classical Tradition obta is part of the Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” which evolved
from the Centre and continues to provide a meeting place, a neutral haven for
people with differing contacts with History behind them, but who are willing
to debate with each other.35 And debates were the form I chose for the project
Our Mythical Childhood. How does the reception of Classical Antiquity vary in
different parts of the globe? Does it reflect the world’s transformations? Does
it have any regional particularities? And by stressing “regional” it was obvious
to me that we would pursue our studies without the pejorative implication of
regions as parochial or inferior, but as extremely valuable reception contexts. It
was also clear to me from the beginning that such a venture could be achieved
only through daring team work—to the best of my knowledge, the first of this
kind in the field.
A Loeb Classical Library Foundation grant opened up great possibilities in
this respect, strengthened by the support we got from the “Artes Liberales” Institute Foundation and the Faculty’s research fund. Initially planned on a modest scale as a comparative study of the two optics predominant in Europe after
wwii, the project developed in what was an almost natural way. It dawned on
us very quickly that the Western–Eastern perspective was not enough and that
our efforts should be augmented, taking into account the experience of other
continents, the influence of new media, and globalisation.36 Moreover, we
35
36
See the series “Debaty Artes Liberales” initiated by Prof. Jan Kieniewicz; some of the
volumes are freely available on the Faculty’s website: http://www.obta.uw.edu.pl/pl-426
(accessed Dec. 28, 2015).
Thus, in the present volume we try to encompass more than the juxtaposition between
these two optics, ones that—for the youngest generation—in fact may seem to belong
to a remote past. However, as they were our starting point and the primary object of
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decided to embed the project in a vast educational-societal background. First,
we invited students to collaborate, under our tutorship, on a specially conceived database: they responded and carried out an ambitious undertaking—a
freely accessible catalogue of references to Classical Antiquity in Polish literature.37 Second, we initiated cooperation with artists, as in children’s literature
the magic of the Word is strictly linked to the power of pictures. Under the
direction of the recently deceased Professor Zygmunt Januszewski and his collaborators, Jan Rusiński being our main contact, students from the Illustration
Studio at the Academy of Fine Arts in Warsaw prepared artwork inspired by
mythological phraseology—and they illustrate the present volume. Furthermore, the young and much-appreciated artist Matylda Tracewska created for
the project a painting that symbolically reflects the essence of our venture; it
graces the cover of this volume. Third, believing that the University should be a
meeting place where all who are willing to learn with the curiosity of children
can exchange their ideas, we opened our debates to readers, teachers, writers,
translators, and editors. In view of this project’s social importance we received
37
studies, we decided to expand the research scope with caution, without claiming the
right to any general conclusions. Rather, we felt the necessity to test the ground here.
See also below: The Unique Character of the Volume. For the fundamental bibliography
on the ideology and the national concepts in children’s and young adults’ literature see,
e.g., John Stephens, Language and Ideology in Children’s Fiction (London: Longman, 1992);
Robyn McCallum, Ideologies of Identity in Adolescent Fiction: The Dialogic Construction of
Subjectivity (New York–London: Garland Publishing, 1999); Margaret Meek, ed., Children’s
Literature and National Identity (Stoke on Trent, uk–Sterling, Va.: Trentham, 2001); Jenny
Plastow and Margot Hillel, eds., The Sands of Time: Children’s Literature: Culture, Politics
and Identity (Hatfield, uk: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2010); Catherine Butler and
Hallie O’Donovan, Reading History in Children’s Books (Basingstoke, uk: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012); Kate Darian-Smith and Carla Pascoe, eds., Children, Childhood and Cultural
Heritage (London–New York: Routledge, 2013); Christopher Kelen and Björn Sundmark,
eds., The Nation in Children’s Literature. Nations of Childhood (London–New York: Routledge, 2015). For general studies on regional aspects of children’s literature see, e.g., Elwyn
Jenkins, National Character in South African English Children’s Literature (London–
New York: Routledge, 2007); Supriya Goswami, Colonial India in Children’s Literature
(London–New York: Routledge, 2012). On the new media see, e.g., Gustavo S. Mesch
and Ilan Talmud, Wired Youth: The Social World of Adolescence in the Information Age
(London–New York: Routledge, 2010); and Zoe Jaques, Children’s Literature and the Posthuman: Animal, Environment, Cyborg (London–New York: Routledge, 2015).
See Katarzyna Marciniak, Elżbieta Olechowska, Joanna Kłos, and Michał Kucharski, eds.,
Polish Literature for Children & Young Adults Inspired by Classical Antiquity. A Catalogue
(Warsaw: Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” University of Warsaw, 2013; for e-book format see:
www.al.uw.edu.pl/omc_catalogue, accessed Dec. 28, 2015).
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the honorary patronage of the Spouse of the President of the Republic of Poland Anna Komorowska on the culminating event—the final debates in 2013.38
The scholarly results of the debates are gathered in the present volume.
It would have never come into existence but for the joint effort of the team
members—scholars from all over the world who with remarkable openness
and courage decided to trust the idea and build the team. We had a great time
studying the links between different regions. Sometimes we experienced shivers, as when we traced ideological (ab)uses of the classical legacy. But mostly
we felt childlike joy, as when we saw how this legacy, appealing to Orpheus’s
magic, brought readers to understanding, helped them heal wounds, and—
last but not least—became a source of fun, something so essential in difficult
times. The chapters show how fascinating and complex the issue of the reception of Classical Antiquity in children’s and young adults’ literature is. They
also show enthralling ties and parallels between regions which, though they
may not always have a common history, do share the ancient heritage.
Overview of the Volume’s Content
In Part 1 of the volume, In Search of Our Roots: Classical References as a Shaper
of Young Readers’ Identity, we set out on a journey through time, starting with
the period when knowledge of Latin and Greek belonged to the basic competences of educated people and when no one even thought about questioning
the conviction that the ancient classics were a treasury of universal ideas crucial for ethical formation of the human being.
In view of this, the first chapter pays homage to the tradition of classical
philology. It was written by Wilfried Stroh with a special focus on the role of
Latin, for centuries a lingua franca that both ennobled people and connected
them beyond geographic borders. Works in Latin were eo ipso prone to becoming classical and understandable globally for all (of course “all” meaning
educated people). While the role of Latin in scholarship is a subject of indepth research,39 its place within children’s literature remains terra incognita.
38
39
For the project’s presentation see my “In the Mirror of Antiquity,” Academia. The Magazine of the Polish Academy of Sciences 4/12 (36) (2012): 36–39 (available also in Polish);
and “Our Mythical Childhood… Classics and Children’s Literature Between East & West,”
(commentarii), Eos 100 (2013): 399–403. See also the project’s website: www.omc.al.uw
.edu.pl (accessed Dec. 28, 2015).
See, e.g., Françoise Waquet, Latin or the Empire of a Sign: From the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Centuries, trans. John Howe (London: Verso, 2001; ed. pr. in French 1998); Jerzy Axer,
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Stroh enters this field boldly, offering a survey of translations of the classics
par excellence—Homer and “his” Batrachomyomachia, the “animalistic” theme
of which made it seem an excellent work for young readers; Aesop’s fables;
translations of modern works for youth inspired by Classical Antiquity, such
as Les Avantures de Télémaque by François Fénelon, as well as those without
any direct links to the ancient heritage, such as Treasure Island by Robert Louis
Stevenson and Robinson Crusoe by Daniel Defoe; translations of twentiethcentury bestsellers, like Winnie the Pooh or the “Asterix” series; and, last but
not least, works created recently in Latin, mainly by eminent scholars, such as
De simia Heidelbergensi by Michael von Albrecht. Even though today, because
of the changes in school curricula, such works awake curiosity more in adults
than in young readers, the Latin language—regina linguarum—still seems to
seal the status of a classic.
Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska reconsiders two miraculously surviving documents testifying to the education embedded in classical values of the future
king of Poland and the famous “Victor of Vienna” of 1683, Jan iii Sobieski,
whose father—as it turns out—represented a surprisingly modern attitude toward his role as a parent. During times when children’s literature was only just
starting to develop its potential, it was the ancient texts that, in the hands of
wise tutors, shaped youth.
Katarzyna Jerzak analyses the reception of the figure of Hermes in books
that became classics of children’s world literature—J.M. Barrie’s Peter Pan in
Kensington Gardens and Astrid Lindgren’s Karlson on the Roof—showing how
the ancient trickster, under the pen of brilliant and sensitive writers, proves to
the kids the not-so-obvious idea: that life is worth living.
Jerzy Axer reconsiders, by way of Rudyard Kipling’s example, the process
of boys’ initiation into a society marked by the ethos of the colonial empire
that believed in the superiority of ancient culture. However—as Axer shows—
a sensitive tutor would be able to build upon this initiation a very particular
lesson for life. Such a tutor understood that the price for world domination
could also be high for the victorious rulers, for their morality, and was ready
to sacrifice his own ambitions on behalf of his pupils, offering them a shield
taken from the Graeco-Roman treasury to support them in the process of their
initiation into adulthood. In this context, Axer proposes a new and illuminating interpretation of Kipling’s “Regulus” in regard to a neglected aspect of the
ancient heritage connected with the later fairy-tale tradition.
ed., Łacina jako język elit [Latin as the language of the elites] (Warszawa: obta uw–DiG,
2004); Movrin and Olechowska, eds., Classics and Class: Greek and Latin Classics and
Communism at School.
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Valentina Garulli presents an author crucial for the knowledge of Antiquity among the children in Italy whose works were also translated into foreign
languages—Laura Orvieto. Garulli analyses various aspects of building young
readers’ identity in reference to ancient culture. The fabulous and seemingly
carefree realm of myths encompassed such serious issues as women’s status,
the threat of wars, and anti-Semitism. Orvieto came across such barriers herself, having to relinquish her dream to work as a teacher, as being unsuitable for
her social status; she also had Jewish roots and observed and experienced the
escalating persecutions of scholars of Jewish origin at the threshold of wwii.
Agata Grzybowska, on the other hand, in her chapter, which originated from
her joint lecture with Jörg Schulte, displays an attempt made by Saul Tchernichowsky at uniting various generations of Jews—“those of the parents and
grandparents who could hardly imagine a life outside the diaspora, and that
of budding Zionism”40—by means of Homeric references which universalised
and immortalised the community of the vanishing shtetl.
Robert A. Sucharski discusses the potential of Classical Antiquity in offering ever-new reinterpretations of myths on the example of the Polish writer
Jadwiga Żylińska. He analyses her elaborations of Greek mythology in the then
avant-garde “herstory” optics, in the Poland of the 1970s—i.e., a country behind the Iron Curtain, where the inflow of new concepts was restricted, but
the regime favoured (in certain propaganda contexts) the strong position of
women.
Przemysław Kordos examines the most recent Modern Greek books for
children, proving that even in our reality the demand for ideological uses
of Classical Antiquity has not vanished. Kordos proposes a novel approach
both in children’s literature and reception studies—mainly an ethnographic
insight—and he reflects on how contemporary Greek authors face their
“inferiority complex” toward their great ancestors and how they shape their
young readers’ identity in regard to both the complicated historical relations
with Turkey and the controversial decisions made in the nineteenth century
concerning the treasures of Greek national heritage (the Parthenon Marbles).
This section would not be complete without consideration of one of the
most important types of educational text. The final chapter in this section
proves that not only works of fiction have the potential to influence the identity
of youth. Ewa Rudnicka focuses on an unlikely medium—namely, dictionaries
for school children. Using examples from Polish lexicons, though her observations may be applied to various language circles, she reconsiders the role of the
40
See Agata Grzybowska, “Saul Tchernichowsky’s Mythical Childhood: Homeric Allusions
in the Idyll ‘Elka’s Wedding’,” in this volume, p. 111.
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dictionaries in developing both the users’ vocabulary and their knowledge of
the ancient world. These depend, however, on the decisions made by the compilers, even on the most simple level, such as which words or expressions to
include in a given lexicon. Here the objectivity and the risks of ideologisation
of this medium are called into question.
The second section—The Aesop Complex: The Transformations of Fables in
Response to Regional Challenges—is dedicated to the reception of Aesop’s fables in different civilisational circles. It opens with a thought-provoking study
by Edith Hall, who takes up Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s challenge and reflects on
a welter of calamitous effects the fables might exert on children. To what extent hers is sincere support for the French philosopher’s thesis and to what
extent this is a bold palinode worthy of Stesichorus will be left to the reader
to assess. Hall’s chapter is proof that the issue of the reception of the ancient
heritage constitutes an excellent launch pad for a broad discussion about contemporary readers’ practices and trends in the book market. It is also a voice
against destroying this heritage by excessive sugar-coating.
The next chapters regard Aesop’s reception beyond temporal and geographic borders. Peter T. Simatei’s gloss presents the animal fable tradition in Africa,
situating it in a general context of the reception of Graeco-Roman culture in
modern African literature, which has been shaped by both European and African traditions in the process of clashes and confluences of cultures.
Beata Kubiak Ho-Chi analyses the reception of Aesop’s fables in Japan,
where the Greek storyteller became a kind of ambassador of Classical Antiquity; the morals extracted from the fables perfectly fit the Japanese respect for
assiduity and hard work.
Adam Łukaszewicz takes us to communist Poland and discusses Jan Brzechwa’s famous fables in the Aesopian context of force relations and the Stalinist
totalitarianism of the 1950s. Brzechwa—one of the most important authors for
children in Polish literature—could, as Łukaszewicz suggests, have made use
of the seemingly innocent fables for kids to encode therein, with truly Aesopian language, his criticism toward the leftist regime that punished its opponents with death. In a state ruled by censorship such expressions in children’s
literature as “keep to the right” could mean more than a simple indication of
geographical direction.
Finally, David Movrin also focuses on the force relations in animal fables—
in the context of Slovenian culture with its most recent achievement, the highly praised comics on the Balkan wars by Tomaž Lavrič.
Movrin’s reflections on children’s suffering in armed conflicts lead us to the
third part of the volume, Daring the Darkness: Classical Antiquity as a Filter for
Critical Experiences, which discusses the role of references to Graeco-Roman
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heritage in helping youth to deal with difficult coming-of-age issues. Sheila
Murnaghan and Deborah H. Roberts show how childhood was shadowed by
wwi, when the propagandistic potential of literature for young readers manifested itself through references to Caesar’s military campaigns with the aim of
encouraging American boys to enlist in the army. At the same time, however,
literature inspired by Classical Antiquity offered compensation to the children
in broken families (i.e., the father killed in the war), in an attempt to educate a
new generation on the value of peace.
The twentieth century brought not only brutal wars, but also cruel totalitarianism of various kinds. Elena Ermolaeva discusses the situation of children’s
literature inspired by ancient culture in the Soviet Union. In those gruesome
times the physical extermination of scholars in fact did take place, censorship determined the editors’ choices, and the Party expected works engaged
in building a “perfect” communist society. Ancient culture constituted a rich
source of material for various ideological incentives. At the same time, the efforts of the scholars who strived to preserve an unbiased picture of the ancient
world were all the more vital. It was perhaps with this aim that they assumed
the mission of writing for children. Ermolaeva shows how they maneuvered
between the inner need to preserve scholarly integrity and the very real risk of
paying for it with one’s life, if the truth was not compatible with the reigning
ideology.
But children and youth are not cloistered from difficult matters in the free
world, either. Elizabeth Hale transports us to the Antipodes and analyses a
wonderfully creative reception of ancient culture in literature for young adults
in New Zealand, in a part of the world self-titled “Down Under.” Hale traces
how the ancient topos of katabasis penetrates landscapes where Classical Antiquity reached only by means of intermediaries to serve as a reassuring reference point for youth in the difficult process of coming of age.
Next, we travel even further, to a parallel world, in the chapter by Owen
Hodkinson, who reflects on the reception of Greek mythology in a global bestseller of recent times—Philip Pullman’s trilogy His Dark Materials—in which
the Greek mythological tradition, Platonism, and Christian heritage, filtered
through such masterpieces as John Milton’s Paradise Lost, complement each
other, building the scenography for the young protagonist’s Orphean quest.
These intellectually demanding books are, by the way, a perfect example of the
double address in youth literature, with adult readers finding many challenges
to their minds in each volume of Pullman’s trilogy.
An Orphean quest is also undertaken by the protagonists of the novels discussed by Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer, who analyses various reinterpretations of the myth of this “Jimi Hendrix of the ancient lyre,” as he is alluded to in
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one of the books in question, to see how the mythical tale helps young readers
face and cope with the most difficult experience in human life—the loss of
loved ones—without losing hope.
Kümmerling-Meibauer’s chapter takes us to the fourth section of the
volume, New Hope: Classical References in the Mission of Preparing Children
to Strive for a Better Future. The complex process of adopting the GraecoRoman heritage in a state of strong identity, but in need of defining its ideological frame anew in response to current transformations, is discussed by
Lisa Maurice, who analyses the issue of Israeli literature for children, including the necessity to create this literature from scratch in the reborn Hebrew
language.
Joanna Kłos approaches the transformations that took place in the People’s
Republic of Poland of the 1970s, when youth searched for an alternative way
of life from that of their parents, who yielded to the materialistic culture promoted by the government. Using the example of the reception of Telemachus’s
myth, Kłos analyses the ancient hero as a role model focused not on chasing
after material goods, but on taking care of human relationships.
Hanna Paulouskaya discusses the social transformations that accompanied
the transition from the Soviet Union to the new Russia. Paulouskaya looks at
Theseus’s reception in the works of the famous science fiction writer Kir Bulychev, showing how ancient culture helps one overcome pessimism and regain
faith in childhood as the source of the power that saves.
The issue of preserving purity of heart with the hope for a better future is
also the axis of the blockbuster at the turn of the new millennium—a series
already considered a classic—the Harry Potter heptalogy by J.K. Rowling. No
study on the reception of Classical Antiquity in children’s and youth culture
would be complete without an analysis of these books. This volume contains
two chapters that focus on the young wizard’s Graeco-Roman background.
Christine Walde reconsiders the “glocal” reception of the series, pointing out
that Rowling’s subliminal transmission of ancient heritage to kids is more
efficiently carried off than contemporary high culture and education are
able to guarantee. Elżbieta Olechowska, on the other hand, approaches the
transmedia and transliteracy phenomena, discussing a welter of multimedial
emanations of Harry Potter and their consequences for other works of popular
culture such as tv series and movies.
Another popular book cycle for kids (filmed for the bbc) are the “Roman
Mysteries” by Caroline Lawrence, set in the Roman Empire. Helen Lovatt, in
her in-depth study, reconsiders the questions of the common European heritage and of the complicated relations between East and West from the perspective of the cycle’s main protagonists. Ancient culture with the complex
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structure of familia Romana turns out to be also an apt reference point for
today’s patchwork families, with children searching for their place in the present and in the future.
Finally, I myself discuss the phenomenon of mythological fan fiction, which
makes us pose the question about the notion of a classic and the canon anew.
The modern media broaden the knowledge of Classical Antiquity and erase
the borders between countries, urging us to reconsider the old definitions. It
may be that in searching for new theories, we are coming full circle to the past.
Today, the magic of the Word travels across continents as fast as optical fibers
will allow. And every one can use it: young and old, erudite and less-educated.
Moreover, the classics for children and the classics for adults often turn out to
be the same texts. Which of them will retain this status to a degree equal to
“our” ancient classics, only time will show.
The Unique Character of the Volume
Our research is the first step on a long, as we hope and believe, road—and I wish
to make the reader aware of the consequences of this situation. The present
volume sparks off studies on the reception of Classical Antiquity in children’s
and young adults’ literature from regional perspectives by scholars who represent various methods and disciplines—from classical philology and NeoLatin studies, through modern philologies, archaeology, to ethnography—and
who are at various stages of their academic paths. Moreover, while sharing
a common vision, we have differing backgrounds and historical experiences
that shape our scholarly choices. It would be naïve to deny the influence of
such factors on research, as the state of the art in scholarship is always in
and of itself a fascinating testimony to the transformations the world has
been undergoing over the ages. We prefer to acknowledge this phenomenon and emphasise its potential. Hence, some chapters start from personal
insights into the problematics and contain autoethnocentric references—
fully intentionally—in order to obtain a sharper picture of the given case.
They are also of different lengths, but we believe this heterogeneity is a
price worth paying for discoveries and striking up new scholarly debates. For
example, Valentina Garulli (at the end of her chapter) provides the reader
with a real gem—mainly, the critical edition of Laura Orvieto’s unpublished
story. Besides, it was often necessary to elaborate on the content of the
works under study or to quote from them along with their analyses to make
them understandable for the reader who might not be acquainted with
the literatures in less widely known languages, like Modern Greek, Polish, or
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Slovenian.41 In this phase of our research, no synthetising approach was of
course possible and some hypotheses are yet to be verified. However, we believe that this kind of approach constitutes the essence of scholarship—not
only seeking answers but also posing novel questions, all the while upholding the key values in this venture: openness, tolerance, and reciprocal curiosity about the acts of reception in different parts of the world. Our aim was
to test the ground, define the most appealing opportunities and challenges,
and stimulate further research.
And indeed, our adventure continues. The project has opened so many
new and fascinating perspectives that we simply had to move forward with
our research. This became possible owing to the support of the Alexander von
Humboldt Foundation within the framework of the Humboldt Alumni Award
for Innovative Networking Initiatives—a special programme designed for all
disciplines, in order to promote pioneering formats for multilateral academic
cooperation and to enhance understanding between individual countries or
cultures. Already in 2013, inspired by the potential of our first stage, I prepared
and presented for evaluation the project Chasing Mythical Beasts… The Reception of Creatures from Graeco-Roman Mythology in Children’s & Young Adults’
Culture as a Transformation Marker (2014–2017), in the belief that we should
try novel “reception filters,” such as the issue of human/non-human relations.
This effort proved successful and so we focused on how the reception of creatures and monsters from Graeco-Roman mythology has been reflecting the
changes in human sensitivity, the axiological system, and the perception of
monstrosity itself. In May 2016 we met again in Warsaw to discuss the results of
our research. A publication is currently being prepared.42
Both projects revealed how much is yet to be done in this field, or rather
on the frontiers between several fields, as the theme is truly interdisciplinary.
At the same time, my priority was to find a way to ensure a vibrant broad collaboration and to consolidate the exceptional community of scholars I feel
honoured to work with. I therefore applied for a European Research Council
(erc) Consolidator Grant for the project Our Mythical Childhood… The Reception of Classical Antiquity in Children’s and Young Adults’ Culture in Response to
41
42
That is why we provide the English translations of the relevant passages (quoting the
original only if it is poetry or artistic prose), but not of the fragments in the languages
broadly used in scholarship (in this volume’s case, apart from English: French, German,
and Italian). We also provide translations from the ancient languages, according to the
current editorial practice.
See the project’s website: http://mythicalbeasts.obta.al.uw.edu.pl/ (accessed July 15, 2016).
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What Is A Classic… For Children And Young Adults?
25
Regional and Global Challenges (2016–2021).43 With this excellent support we
are excitedly embarking on a new journey through time and space. For paradoxically, the recent crisis of Graeco-Roman culture and classical education is
bringing us—with the help of the ever-new generations of Homer’s sons and
daughters, speaking in various tongues and writing in various languages—
closer to the ancient legacy. We are rediscovering that we still need it and are
regaining the courage to believe in the magic of the Word—this most powerful
heritage of our mythical childhood.
*
I wish to express my utmost gratitude to our benefactors: first of all, the Loeb
Classical Library Foundation affiliated with Harvard University, the “Artes
Liberales” Institute Foundation, and the Faculty of “Artes Liberales” at the University of Warsaw. I thank the employees of these institutions, both in research
and administration. I wish also to warmly thank the scholars from all over the
world who took part in this bold venture and covered huge distances in time
and space, thereby making our project come true. I am enormously grateful to
Professors Jerzy Axer and Jan Kieniewicz for their constant faith and support,
and to Dr. Elżbieta Olechowska—my closest collaborator in this enterprise.
I wish to thank the research secretaries of the project: Joanna Kłos, who also
proofread one of the final versions of the manuscript, and Dr. Michał Kucharski.
A special thanks goes to Dr. Elizabeth Hale, who helped update the bibliography in children’s literature studies, and to Dr. Hanna Paulouskaya, who
compiled the final bibliography. And I thank our students, who engaged in
the varied stages of the project with great dedication and passion, as well as
43
See the University of Warsaw’s website: http://en.uw.edu.pl/scientist-in-the-film/ (accessed July 15, 2016). The erc Consolidator Grant makes it possible for me to, indeed, consolidate the research of our community. We will also carry out novel, bold tasks that—as
I deeply hope—open new perspectives in particular regions, for example: in Asia-Pacific,
coordinated by Elizabeth Hale from the University of New England, Australia, who will
also prepare a guide to classical reception in children’s literature; in Israel, coordinated by
Lisa Maurice from Bar-Ilan University, who will also elaborate on classical education; and
in Africa, coordinated by Daniel Nkemleke, University of Yaoundé 1 in Cameroon. Moreover, two ventures are being developed within the project by my team members from
the University of Roehampton, uk: Autism and Mythology—research into cogitative and
emotional capacities and autism in relation to myth, conducted by Susan Deacy; and Animating the Ancient World—preparation of five animations and a documentary by Sonya
Nevin and Steve K. Simons. See also a short presentation of the project at: http://en.uw
.edu.pl/11th-erc-grant/ (accessed July 15, 2016).
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26
Marciniak
the authors or the owners of the artworks and photographs who kindly permitted us to use them in the volume. It was also possible to carry out this venture
owing to the multifarious possibilities offered to me by the aforementioned
Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and the Mobility Plus programme of
the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of Poland. Last but not least,
I wish to thank the two anonymous Brill reviewers for their insightful remarks;
Dr. Simon Burton and Dr. Marilyn Burton, who proofread a considerable part
of the present volume with their careful British eyes; Grace Morsberger for her
final polishing of the manuscript; and Tessel Jonquière, Jennifer Pavelko, and
Judy Pereira from Brill for taking care of the editing process.
The references to Classical Antiquity often conjure up memories of childhood, when many of us encountered this tradition for the first time. This experience is similar to that of cross-writing, when a dual audience—of children
and adults—is addressed, or even a quadruple audience, if we count the “hidden adult” and the “hidden child” in so many texts of the world’s civilisation.
This is something we felt strongly in working on the present volume, when
we approached literary phenomena, motifs, and books that had often been
crucial for us in our childhood. For we thereby studied matters that had lent
to our own identities, and led to our current research paths as well. Thus, we
wrote sine ira et studio, but with pleasure and delight, as is typical for children
discovering the world and tasting a welter of the charms of the Orphean magic
transmitted from generation to generation by Homer’s heirs to save humankind from indifference—to make both children and adults wonder, enjoy, and
rebel. We deeply hope that not only scholars, but also a wider public will find
in this volume both pleasure and inspiration to keep looking for this magic in
our world.
Katarzyna Marciniak
Centre for Studies on the Classical Tradition (obta),
Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” University of Warsaw
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Part 1
In Search of Our Roots: Classical References
as a Shaper of Young Readers’ Identity
∵
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Joanna Gębal, The Minotaur (2012)
illustration created at the workshop of Prof. Zygmunt
Januszewski, Academy of Fine Arts in Warsaw, © by Joanna Gębal
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chapter 1
From Aesop to Asterix Latinus: A Survey of Latin
Books for Children1
Wilfried Stroh
It remains uncertain whether there were any narrative Latin children’s books
in the ancient world. The Aesop’s fables, which Quintilian uses for simple Latin
style exercises, could have also been Greek.2 In any case, from some testimonies and documents it is known that Aesop was the prominent Greek author
of school readings, before students rose to the level of Homer. By contrast, the
poetic fables of Phaedrus (in senarii) and later of Avianus (in elegiac couplets)
were clearly not intended for children. It is not until the late classical prose
version of Phaedrus, the so-called (after its author) Romulus, that the comprehensible history of Latin children’s book begins.3 The reason is that the author
devotes his fables, which he claims are his own translation of Aesop’s works
from Greek (which is evidently untrue), to his son. His agenda—to be both
morally edifying and entertaining—became the dominant theory of fables for
the Middle Ages and early modern times and justifies the inclusion of Aesop in
the curriculum. A special role is played by the fable of a cock that finds a pearl
on a dunghill but does not know what to do with it—a fable taken over from
Phaedrus, but positioned and interpreted as programmatic by Romulus. Phaedrus, however, thought of those readers who did not grasp the meaning of his
fables. In many interpretations and reinterpretations, the cock, depending on
educational needs, becomes the image of stupidity, ignorance, pursuit of sinful
1 The present chapter has been translated from German into English by Zuzanna ŁopacińskaPiędel. This is the short summary of a long and detailed paper written by Wilfried Stroh in
Latin (De fabulis Latinis in usum puerorum puellarumque scriptis) going to be published in
the academic journal Rheinisches Museum für Philologie. The paper contains an extensive
linguistic and historical analysis of the texts mentioned in this chapter.
2 For an edition see, e.g., Ben Edwin Perry, ed., Aesopica (Urbana, Ill.: The University of Illinois Press, 1952). For the reception of Aesop in children’s literature, see Part 2 of the present volume: “The Aesop Complex: The Transformations of Fables in Response to Regional
Challenges.”
3 For an edition, see Georg Thiele, ed., Der Lateinische Äsop des Romulus und die ProsaFassungen des Phädrus (Heidelberg: Carl Winter’s Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1910).
© Wilfried Stroh, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_003
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Stroh
pleasure, or even dissimulation of virtues. This story is almost always used as
an introduction to collections of fables.4
Romulus, surviving in various versions, which later were partially translated
back into verse (without any knowledge of the original Phaedrus, who was
rediscovered only in 1596), was the dominant textbook of the Middle Ages,
besides the Disticha Catonis. Avianus, by contrast, who was not denied respect
as an alleged Christian, usually did not enjoy the same appreciation. Particular
success was achieved by the so-called Anonymus Neveleti, whose fables were
written in smart elegiac couplets, and who was considered to be “the” Aesop
of the late Middle Ages and was highly praised even by Julius Caesar Scaliger.
His works continued to be printed up to modern times, since the enjoyment
of Aesop’s fables was not destroyed by the Renaissance. They are still recommended by educators, even those who otherwise rejected pagan content. The
bilingual Esopus by Heinrich Steinhoewel,5 in its many adaptations, was the
most internationally successful German book of the fifteenth century (being
known even in Japan6). It encompasses the life and fables of Aesop, with beautiful images, also in the version of the Anonymus Neveleti. It includes the fables that Lorenzo Valla had translated from the original Greek.7 Martin Luther,
who was annoyed by certain lubricities of Steinhoewel, also translated Aesop
and recommended him as a book for the German family. Only the fables of La
Fontaine, who owes much to Aesop, gradually outstrip the latter in the seventeenth century. And they were soon translated several times into Latin for their
international dissemination.8
4 See Léopold Hervieux, ed., Les fabulistes Latins: Depuis le siècle d’Auguste jusqu’à la fin du
moyen âge, in three volumes: vols. i–ii: Phèdre et ses anciens imitateurs directs et indirects
(Paris: Librairie de Firmin-Didot, 21893–21894); and vol. iii: Avianus et ses anciens imitateurs
(Paris: Librairie de Firmin-Didot, 1894); Harry C. Schnur, ed., Fabeln der Antike, griechisch und
lateinisch (München: Heimeran Verlag, 1978, with a German translation); idem, ed., Lateinische Fabeln des Mittelalters, lateinisch–deutsch (München: Heimeran Verlag, 1979).
5 Heinrich Steinhoewel, ed., Esopus (Ulm: [sine nom., c. 1476]; digitalised by the Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek München: http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00024825/
images/, accessed Feb. 20, 2016).
6 For Aesop’s reception in Japan, see Beata Kubiak Ho-Chi’s chapter, “Aesop’s Fables in
Japanese Literature for Children: Classical Antiquity and Japan,” in this volume.
7 Maria Pasqualina Pillolla, ed., Laurentius Vallensis Fabulae Aesopicae (Genova: Istituto di
Filologia Classica e Medievale, 2003).
8 E.g., Jean B. Giraud, Fabulae selectae Fontanii e Gallico sermone in Latinum conversae in usum
studiosae iuventutis, vol. 1 (Rothomagi [Rouen]: ap. Lud. le Boucher / Laurent. Dumesnil, 1775;
available via Google Books: https://books.google.de/books?id=J3oTAAAAQAAJ&printsec=fr
ontcover&hl=de&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false, accessed Feb.
20, 2016).
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From Aesop to Asterix Latinus
31
Before that, however, another work of Greek origin appeared next to Aesop
as a new Latin reading book: Batrachomyomachia, attributed to Homer, perhaps created in the early imperial period and in itself inspired by Aesop. The
droll war of mice and frogs described therein in epic style is triggered by an
almost tragic accident: the king of frogs, Physignathus, carries Psicharpax, a
male mouse who cannot swim, piggyback to the other side of a pond. Yet when
a water snake appears, full of fear he forgets his passenger, dives away, and the
mouse drowns, cursing the traitor. Contrary to what researchers assume nowadays, this brilliant epyllion played no role in Greek education in late ancient
times, despite its content, which is seemingly appropriate for children, probably because it lacked the moral manifested in Aesop’s fables. The work was
discovered as a textbook only by the Byzantines, mainly because of their need
for a standard literary text appropriate for children, in which they tried also to
detect some useful lessons. So the frog-mouse war in its Greek-Latin edition,
a brilliant literary translation by the Florentine chancellor Carlo Marsuppini,
became probably the first (c. 1474) Greek printed book in Europe.9 It was followed by countless translations into Latin and other languages and reprints up
to the nineteenth century.
One of the most important is the Latin adaptation of Elysius Calentius
(printed in 1503),10 who, like Romulus, devoted the work to his son, and who
expanded the plot with many funny ideas into three books and partially transformed it into a criminal history: the frog king (in Calentius’s version, called
Croacus from the Latin for the sake of non-Hellenists) becomes a criminal
who perfidiously drowns the mice prince (Rodilardus) and thus wantonly initiates a war. Jacobus Balde S.J. remains closer to the original with his ingenious
Batrachomyomachia in five books,11 yet he also brings a new, root cause of
the war into play: a seductive female frog supposedly bewitched the male
mouse so that he set off on a journey which turned out to be fatal for him.
In Balde’s work, written for youth, i.e., for his high school class in Ingolstadt,
9
10
11
Carolus Marsuppini, Batrachomyomachia (Venetiis[?]: [sine nom., c. 1474]; digitalised by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München: http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.
de/~db/0004/bsb00048022/images/, accessed Feb. 20, 2016; it contains only the poetic
rendering).
Elisio Calenzio, La guerra delle ranocchie: Croaco, ed. Liliana Monti Sabia (Napoli: Loffredo Editore, 2008).
Jacobus Balde, Batrachomyomachia Homeri Tuba Romana Cantata (Ingolstadt: Hänlin,
1637; digitalised by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München: http://reader.digitale
-sammlungen.de/resolve/display/bsb10608727.html, accessed Feb. 20, 2016). See also
Veronika Lukas, ed., Batrachomyomachia: Homers Froschmäusekrieg auf römischer
Trompete geblasen von Jacob Balde S.J. (1637/1647), mit kritischer Ausgabe des ersten Buches, Übersetzung und Kommentar (München: Utz Verlag, 2001).
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an ethical and political prose commentary reveals the lessons to be drawn
from this war, which undoubtedly reflects the Thirty Years’ War. Prior to Balde’s work, Froschmeuseler (1595), by the Magdeburg schoolmaster and town
preacher Georg Rollenhagen, which consists of about 20,000 German verses
and transforms the epyllion into a huge politically didactic poem, again meant
for youth, became even more famous. As far as its moral goes, Rollenhagen
follows the interpretation of the reformer Philipp Melanchthon: it is better to
accept even a small wrong than to risk a war with its unforeseeable consequences. This admonition to studium tolerantiae would today find many advocates, and the work deserves a newer adaptation.
The very first book written specifically for young people is probably the
Avantures de Télémaque (1696) by the archbishop and French royal tutor François Fénelon, in which Minerva, travelling with Odysseus’s son Telemachus,
acts as a mentor and gives the prince, who is predestined to rule, an introduction to political ethics. This work, now almost forgotten, was then received
with unprecedented admiration, and repeatedly translated into Latin (first in
1744).12 This, however, was not done so much to provide an interesting reading
for language instruction, but out of admiration for a work of art, worth disseminating as widely as possible, and in need of crowning through the Latin
language. Most translations are therefore poetic, some are brilliant.
Toward the end of the eighteenth century, in which Latin unprecedentedly lost its importance in public life, the requirements for Latin textbooks
changed. After Jean-Jacques Rousseau recommended Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe
as the only reading appropriate for the youth, instead of Aesop, whom he rejected, and after Johann Heinrich Campe adapted it for the German family, this
influential educator expressed a wish that his work could be translated into
Latin for beginners as suitable reading material that until then had not been
available. Thus, the very skilfully translated, Robinson secundus (1779) of the
progressive Latin teacher Philipp J. Lieberkühn, which is even now worth reading, was the first appealing school text for language learning.13 The book was
such a success that soon other Latin scholars started to compete with it and
exported their adaptations even to America.
12
13
Gregor Trautwein, Fenelonii […] Telemachus Gallice conscriptus. […] Nunc Nitidiore Latinitate et Indice satis copioso donatus […] (Frankfurt: Samuel Wohler, 1744; available via
Google Books: https://books.google.de/books?id=KdY5AAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcove
r&hl=de&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false, accessed Feb. 20,
2016).
Philipp Julius Lieberkühn, Ioachimi Henrici Campe Robinson secundus tironum causa
latine vertit […] Ph.J. L. (Zullichoviae [Züllichau]: Sumptibus officinae librariae Orphanotrophei et Frommanni, 1785; digitalised at Pantoia: http://www.pantoia.de/Robinson/RS/
RS1785_DIGI/index.html, accessed Feb. 21, 2016).
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From Aesop to Asterix Latinus
33
The fact that this direction set by Robinson was not pursued immediately is likely due to the new humanistic orientation toward ancient classicism
stemming from Germany. The new Latin, as, to a large extent, Christian Latin,
was banned from high schools, and describing the living environment of the
students in Latin, as Lieberkühn had recommended, was no longer interesting. It was only from the end of the nineteenth century that British classics for
youth such as Treasure Island (Insula Thesauraria) were translated into Latin
by a pioneer of the now so-called Latin vivant, the Hungarian-born American
Arcadius Avellanus.14 He fought, as he himself wrote in his polemical works,
with the scientific Latin philology of the Germans, in particular, whom he
branded murderers of Latin. Despite his commitment he was, however, unable
to maintain the grammatical standards of the best Latin scholars. After him
Ugo Enrico Paoli, a Florentine legal historian was an exceptional linguistic expert in the tradition of Avellanus. In addition to his brilliant original poems he
translated Wilhelm Busch’s Max und Moritz (Maximi et Mauritii malefacta)15
and Heinrich Hoffmann’s Struwwelpeter (Petrus Ericius) in classical hexameter;
and in Carlo Collodi’s Pinocchio (Pinoculus)16 he presented a sample of narrative prose. Apart from him, one must mention an Hellenist from Klagenfurt,
Erwin Steindl, second to Paoli but respectable, who as early as 1925 brought out
a much-imitated, never surpassed Max et Moritz in rhythmic Latin verse and
then a Greek version.17
The biggest, scarcely explicable success was achieved, however, by Alexander Lenard, again a Hungarian by birth, with Winnie ille Pu,18 which despite
its linguistic paucity immediately climbed to the list of bestsellers, which the
ablest Latin scholars can only dream of. It was probably the fact of clothing
extremely childish content in the lofty language of Rome that made uncritical readers gush over the book and find it more beautiful than anything that
Cicero and Caesar had written. Lenard’s success unleashed a virtual tide of Latin translations of popular children’s books (Alicia in Terra Mirabili, etc.), which
has yet to ebb. In terms of language, these are often far below Lenard’s level,
14
15
16
17
18
Arcadius Avellanus, Insula Thesauraria ab auctore Roberto Ludovico Stevenson: Latine interpretatus est A.A. (New York: E. Parmalee Prentice, 1922; digitalised at Pantoia: http://
www.pantoia.de/avellanus/insulathesauraria/index.html, accessed Feb. 21, 2016).
Ugo Enrico Paoli, Maximi et Mauritii malefacta ab Hugone Henrico Paoli Latinis versibus
enarrata (Firenze: Le Monnier, 1959).
Ugo Enrico Paoli, Pinoculus Latinus (Firenze: Le Monnier, 1962).
Erwin Steindl, Max et Moritz: Puerorum facinora scurrilia septem enarrata fabellis quarum
materiam repperit depinxitque Guilelmus Busch (München: Braun & Schneider, 1925).
Alexander Lenard, A.A. Milnei Winnie ille Pu Liber celeberrimus omnibus fere pueris puellisque notus nunc primum de Anglico sermone in Latinum conversus auctore A. Lenardo
(London–New York: Methuen–Dutton, 1960).
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in fact, some are downright awful. The market seems insatiable. Alone SaintExupéry’s classic Le petit prince has been translated into Latin three times, the
last time in 2015 as Principulus. This translation runs counter to the rules of
grammar, but is popular with readers. Whether these works or concoctions are
read as much as they are undoubtedly purchased by grandmothers of students
of Latin, remains an open question.
The series “Asterix” (since 1973) adapted (from the French) by Karl-Heinz Graf
von Rothenburg or Rubricastellanus still enjoys high readership levels.19 One
cannot deny his wit and skill, although he does not come close to the earlier
centuries in the pursuit of linguistic purity. Unlike many amateurs who followed him in the sphere of comic books, he is fluent in colloquial classical Latin
and is especially adept at witty inclusion of classical Latin sayings (as in “Errare
Romanum est”). In terms of originality, however, two Latin young adult books
surpass his; both have appeared in the past few decades and merit imitation. In
Simius liberator the Heidelberg Latin professor Michael von Albrecht has created a new adaptation of the novel by Apuleius, in which the hero, Lucius, in
the body of an ape, visits the world of today and observes it satirically.20 In contrast, Mercedes González-Haba, who was born in Spain and was once a lecturer
in Trier, in her work Tacitus cattus describes a Latin cat who thanks to the skills
acquired in a feline school is able to write his memoirs.21 As in many beautiful, genuine children’s books since Aesop and the frog-mouse war, the animals
speak here as well. What is more, such works show that young adult literature
in Latin does not have to encompass solely translations, as has always been the
case since Romulus.22 Also in this respect there are still new possibilities.
19
20
21
22
Rubricastellanus [Karl-Heinz von Rothenburg], Asterix Gallus: periculum quoddam Asterigis, composuit Goscinny, pinxit Uderzo, in Latinum convertit R. (Stuttgardiae [Stuttgart]:
Egmont ehapa, 1973).
Michael von Albrecht, Das Märchen vom Heidelberger Affen (L. Simii Liberatoris Commentarii), lateinisch und deutsch, nach dem Sandhäuser Codex unicus herausgegeben und übersetzt von M. v. A. (Heidelberg: Manutius Verlag, 1991); first edition only in Latin in Michael
von Albrecht, Scripta Latina (Frankfurt/M. u.a.: Peter Lang, 1989), 91–124; now available
in Latin with footnotes as De simia Heidelbergensi (Raisting: Verlag Rudolf Spann, 2004);
available at Der Römer Shop: http://www.der-roemer-shop.de/unterrichtsmaterialschule/schulbuecher-unterrichtsmaterial.html (accessed Feb. 21, 2016).
Mercedes González-Haba, Tacitus cattus (Saarbrücken: Verlag der Societas Latina, 1997);
available at Societas Latina, Universität des Saarlandes—FR 5.2, D-66041 Saarbrücken.
For more texts, see Pantoia: Unterhaltsame Literatur und Dichtung in lateinischer und
griechischer Übersetzung, coordinated by Bernd Platzdasch, at: http://pantoia.de/bibliogr
_ueber.php (accessed Feb. 21, 2016). This bibliography contains, above all, children’s books
translated into Latin, along with links to their digitalised versions.
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chapter 2
Childhood Rhetorical Exercises of the Victor
of Vienna
Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska
The present chapter focuses on the literary experience acquired by young people who were entitled to an education in the seventeenth century. While children’s literature as such was in statu nascendi then, ancient texts, which were
compulsory reading at school, played an important role in shaping youth.1
I pay special attention to one teenage student both as a reader of great ancient
literature and an author of school essays on the ancient world. Although this
kind of education was a common practice, the case I present here is special
because it shows how humanistic education (studia humanitatis) shaped the
intellect and moral values of none other than the future Polish king and victor
of Vienna in 1683—Jan iii Sobieski (1629–1696).
It is almost certain that Sobieski would have, as a boy, often browsed the Latin grammar handbook Grammaticarum institutionum libri iv pro usu scholarum Novodvorscensium in Alma Academia Cracoviensi, opera et studio magistri
Lucae Piotrowski.2 This was a Latin textbook used at Nowodworski College, the
secondary school established by the professors of the Kraków Academy, which
the young Sobieski attended between 1640 and 1642. First published in 1634 in
Kraków (Cracow), this Latin grammar handbook quickly went through a number of editions. Although not adopted in Jesuit colleges, where the vast majority of the seventeenth-century Polish nobility received their education, this
textbook served students in other colleges until the late eighteenth century,
when the Commission of National Education implemented an education reform act in Poland concerning textbooks and curricula.3 Piotrowski’s textbook
was adopted not only in the elementary grammar classes, but also by more
1 See M.O. Grenby, “The Origins of Children’s Literature,” in M.O. Grenby and Andrea Immel,
eds., The Cambridge Companion to Children’s Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2009), 3–17.
2 See Jan Leniek, Lata szkolne króla Jana Sobieskiego [School years of King Jan Sobieski]
(Kraków: the author’s print, 1888), 9.
3 See Janina Dobrzyniecka, Drukarnie Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego = De trium Universitatis Cracoviensis typographiarum historia: 1674–1783 (Kraków: Państwowe Wydawnictwo
Naukowe, 1975), 25.
© Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_004
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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Milewska-Waźbińska
advanced students of poetics, rhetoric, and dialectics. It was divided into four
consecutive chapters dealing respectively with basic rules of Latin grammar,
etymology, syntax, and the basic principles of prosody.
Jakub Sobieski, the future king’s father, who had formerly studied at Kraków
Academy, sent his sons from their hometown Żółkwia to Kraków to study in
the early spring of 1640.4 Prior to their departure, the sons were given their
father’s written guidelines for themselves and their tutors. In his “Instrukcyja”
[Instruction]5 Jakub Sobieski wrote:
Man is graced by science in all places, at war and at court, at home and in
the Commonwealth. People show more respect to a learned poor servant
than to a foolish great lord, whom they point at with their fingers.6
He enumerated sixteen intentions for his sons’ spiritual, intellectual, and physical education. The “Instruction” testifies to the father’s great care for the education of his young sons. His willingness to cooperate with the tutors reveals a
modern attitude toward parenting.
The school that the nearly eleven-year-old Jan Sobieski and his older brother Marek attended was an academic institution. Its humanities curriculum
was modelled on the educational system developed by Johannes Sturm in the
renowned Strasburg Gymnasium from 1538 onward.7 Aside from classical languages, primarily Latin, Nowodworski College provided education in ancient
and contemporary history as well as mathematics and geography. These subjects were, however, taught in passing through analysis of texts, rather than as
separate modules. European history and geography were taught from Caesar
4 See Karolina Targosz, Jana Sobieskiego nauki i peregrynacje [Jan Sobieski’s studies and travels] (Wrocław et al.: Ossolineum, 1985), 32.
5 See “Instrukcyja Jakuba Sobieskiego, wojewody bełskiego, starosty krasnostawskiego, dana
jmć Panu Orchowskiemu jako dyrektorowi jmć Pana Marka, Jana Sobieskich, wojewodziców
bełskich, gdy ich na studia do Krakowa oddawał przez punkta pisana” [The Instruction issued
by Jakub Sobieski, Voivode of Bełz, Starost of Krasnystaw, bestowed on Mr. Orchowski, the
supervisor of Mr. Marek and Jan Sobieski, heirs to the Voivode of Bełz, upon their departure
to study in Cracow, written in points], in Franciszek Ksawery Kulczycki, ed., Pisma do wieku i
spraw Jana Sobieskiego [Writings on the life and affairs of Jan Sobieski], vol. 1, part 1 (Kraków:
Akademia Umiejętności, 1880), 11–29. For further reference on Jakub Sobieski’s guidelines,
see Targosz, Jana Sobieskiego nauki, 29–32.
6 In Kulczycki, ed., Pisma do wieku i spraw Jana Sobieskiego, 19 (trans. B.M.-W.).
7 See James Bowen, A History of Western Education: Civilization of Europe, Sixth to Sixteenth
Century (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1975), vol. 2, 395–397; see also Lewis Spitz and Barbara
Sher Tinsley, Johann Sturm on Education: The Reformation and Humanist Learning (St. Louis,
Mo.: Concordia Publishing House, 1995).
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Baronius’s Annales ecclesiastici, published between 1588 and 1607, which were
read out to students in class. Polish history was taught according to Chronica
sive Historiae Polonicae compendiosa […] descriptio (1571) by Joannes Herbertus, and mathematics was based on Joannes Broscius’s Arithmetica integrorum
(1620).8 The curriculum was conducted in the patriotic and public spirit. Students were familiarised with national history and politics, and imbued with a
strong sense of allegiance to home and country.9
The young Sobieski brothers entered their names in the register of students
of Alma Mater Cracoviensis in 1640. Marek signed in first, as Marcus Jacobi Sobieski palatinides Belzensis, capit[aneus] Javoroviensis d[ioecesis] Leopol[iensis]
[Marek Sobieski, the son of Jakub the Voivode of Bełz, Starost of Yavoriv from
Lviv diocese], followed by his brother, Joannes Jacobi Sobieski palatinides Belzensis d[ioecesis] Leopol[iensis] [Jan, the son of Jakub the Voivode of Bełz, from
Lviv diocese].10 They began their education with poetics. This testifies to a high
command of Latin, enabling them to follow a more advanced curriculum than
the other beginners, who were statutorily assigned to grammar class. A regular
school day in poetics classes was five and a half hours long at the basic level,
and at higher levels four and a half hours.11 The Sobieski brothers also received
private in-home tutoring.12 Under the tutor’s supervision they studied foreign
languages, speaking Latin, German, French, Italian, or even Turkish.13
While at school, the brothers read extensively the greatest classical works
and learned oratorical skills in Latin.14 The poetics class, for which the brothers
were tutored by Dr. Maciej Bolski, offered instruction in classical Latin poetry,
including Persius’s satires, Horace’s odes, Virgil’s and Ovid’s oeuvres, and Claudian’s poems. In the rhetoric class, the boys read Cicero’s works—his letters
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
See Józef Łukaszewicz, Historia szkół w Koronie i w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim [History
of schools in the Polish Crown Lands and in the Great Duchy of Lithuania] (Poznań: Jan
Konstanty Żupański, 1849), vol. 1, 231.
See Henryk Barycz, Rzecz o studiach w Krakowie dwóch generacji Sobieskich [Concerning two generations of the Sobieski family studying in Kraków] (Kraków–Wrocław:
Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1984), 36.
Georgius Zathey and Henricus Barycz, eds., Album studiosorum Universitatis Cracoviensis.
Tomus iv (continens nomina studiosorum ab anno 1607 ad annum 1642) (Cracoviae: sumptibus Universitatis Jagellonicae Cracoviensis, 1950), 191.
See Jan Leniek, Książka pamiątkowa ku uczczeniu jubileuszu trzechsetnej rocznicy
założenia Gimnazyum św. Anny w Krakowie [Memorial book in honour of the tercentenary
anniversary of the founding of St. Anna’s Gymnasium in Kraków] (Kraków: Drukarnia
Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 1888), 105.
See Barycz, Rzecz o studiach w Krakowie, 38.
See Kulczycki, ed., Pisma do wieku i spraw Jana Sobieskiego, 22–23.
See Spitz and Tinsley, Johann Sturm on Education, 272.
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and speeches. Significantly, most of these books later ended up in the royal
library of Jan Sobieski.15
In Sobieski’s day, the school in Kraków attracted over a thousand students,
among whom were the sons not only of rich magnates like Marek and Jan but
also of poor noblemen. At less advanced levels, only students called magnificentes and generosi were privileged to sit at desks with supports. Other sons of
noblemen, referred to as domini, had no such supports, and in the worst-case
scenario, the low-born and the poorest pupils would sit on wooden stools without back supports.16 Although in the higher forms all students were provided
with desks, only the richest were authorised to occupy the honorary seats right
next to the tutor’s chair.17 Moreover, students were grouped as Romans or
Greeks according to their parents’ status (Sobieski belonged to the elite).18 The
Romans were held in greater respect, and those affiliated with patricians and
senators were accorded unique distinction.19
Nowodworski College, much like Jesuit colleges, staged theatre performances.20 In Sobieski’s time dialogue presentations about the life of Christ and the
Saints, pastoral eclogues composed for Christmas, or Dialogi de Passione Domini were put on alongside tragedies of Seneca—Thyestes and Hippolytus.21
Play-acting and public speeches composed by students and tutors were part
and parcel of the contemporary curriculum.
Before the outbreak of wwii, the National Library of Poland in Warsaw had
in its collection six notebooks of Marek and Jan Sobieski.22 Two notebooks
handwritten by the later victor of Vienna fortunately survived the conflagration
and are still preserved in the Library.23 The first extant notebook contains
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
See Irena Komasara, Jan iii Sobieski—miłośnik ksiąg [Jan iii Sobieski—the book lover]
(Wrocław et al.: Ossolineum, 1982), 135–140.
See Antoni Danysz, Studia z dziejów wychowania w Polsce [Studies of the history of education in Poland] (Kraków: Drukarnia Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 1921), 222.
See Leniek, Książka pamiątkowa, 81. For further information about sitting in the first row
as a token of privilege at school, see also: Jędrzej Kitowicz, Opis obyczajów za panowania
Augusta iii [An outline of social customs during the reign of Augustus iii], ed. Roman
Pollak (Wrocław et al.: Ossolineum, 1970), 75 (text written in the eighteenth century).
See Leniek, Książka pamiątkowa, 113.
See Leniek, Lata szkolne, 13.
See Jan Okoń, Na scenach jezuickich w dawnej Polsce [On Jesuit stages in Old Poland]
(Warszawa: obta uw–Wydawnictwo DiG, 2006), 9–10.
See Leniek, Lata szkolne, 10; and Leniek, Książka pamiątkowa, 42.
See Barycz, Rzecz o studiach w Krakowie, 49–66.
Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa [National Library of Poland], II.3195; and Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa [National Library of Poland], II.3196.
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some notes on Cicero’s oration Pro lege Manilia, handwritten in Latin by the
future king himself on the basis of Andrzej Lipnicki’s lectures on the speech
in a rhetoric class in the winter semester of 1641/1642. The second manuscript
includes Jan’s school essays in Latin. With their doodles and inkblots, the notes
are not a far cry from present-day school notebooks. Admirable, however, is
Jan’s command of Latin.
The assumption that early modern gymnasium or college tutors rightly
emphasised foreign language study, specifically Latin, is in keeping with the
latest pedagogical research, which underlines the positive impact of language
acquisition on children’s development24—both on verbal and non-verbal
intelligence, as well as on cognitive skills in particular. Learning language as a
system of signs and symbols influences thinking processes, leading to the better acquisition of analytical and comparative skills. In the seventeenth century
a good command of Latin, which served as the language of international communication, enabled students to develop social skills and helped to strengthen
cultural ties both with the Res Publica Litteraria Europea—Latin-speaking
Europe—and within their own social group of the Republic of the Gentry
(Polish: szlachta).
Let us consider the first notebook, which contains remarks on Cicero’s
speech Pro lege Manilia, also known as De imperio Gnaei Pompei, in an attempt to clarify why this particular work was repeatedly recommended for
study. Characterised by a clear topic statement, coherent structure, and lucid
conclusion, the speech had been assigned to generations of students to be
memorised. As a reminder, Roman tribune Gaius Manilius put a motion to the
popular assembly in 66 bc requesting that Gnaeus Pompeius take command
in the war with Mithridates vi of Pontus. Marcus Tullius Cicero famously supported the motion in a superb speech which affords the reader illuminating
insight into the great commander’s capabilities and depicts his virtuous deeds
in war and peace.
Indeed, the speech was deemed a compulsory text for memorisation up
to the twentieth century.25 It was also read for many years in Nowodworski College. It is particularly worth noting that in 1610, Adam Romer, professor of Kraków Academy and lecturer at Nowodworski College, published ten
24
25
See Magdalena Jałowiec-Sawicka, “Pozytywny wpływ nauki języka obcego na rozwój
dziecka” [A positive impact of foreign language learning on child development], Języki
obce w szkole [Foreign language teaching to primary and secondary school students] 3
(2006): 15–19.
See Heinrich Heyden and Friedrich August Eckstein, Lateinischer und griechischer Unterricht (Leipzig: Fues, 1887), 256.
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annotated speeches of Cicero, with Pro lege Manilia opening the collection.26
In this work Romer took pains to explain the structure and rhetorical devices
central to the orations.27 He provided a tripartite rhetorical analysis, which included discussion of the invention and disposition of individual components of
the speech, grammatical structures, and stylistics. Comparative analysis of Jan
Sobieski’s handwritten notes and the edition—corresponding phrases and examples quoted—confirms that his tutor did use the annotated edition in question. However, Jan’s notebook includes moral sentences (sententiae morales)
attached to each part, which are missing from Romer’s edition (see figure 2.1).
Figure 2.1 A page of Jan Sobieski’s school notebook including notes on Cicero’s oration Pro lege
Manilia
Warsaw, National Library of Poland, II.3195, fol. 20v.–21r., scanned
by Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska.
26
27
M. Tullii Ciceronis orationes: Pro lege Manilia, Pro S. Roscio, Catilinariae quatuor [sic], Antequam iret in exilium, Post reditum in senatu, Nona Philippica, Pro Marco Marcello Adami
Romeri Stezicensis Praepositi s. Nicolai Cracoviae, Commentariis illustratae. Cum gratia et
privilegio S.R.M. (Cracoviae: in officina Nicolai Lobii, 1610).
See Tadeusz Bieńkowski, “Działalność naukowa Adama Romera ze Stężycy, teoretyka
wymowy i profesora Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego” [Scholarly work of Adam Romer of
Stężyca, a rhetorician, professor of Jagiellonian University], Kwartalnik Historii Nauki i
Techniki [History of science and technology quarterly] 13.1 (1968): 13–21.
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As noted down by the young Jan, a good commander, like Pompeius, is characterised by prudence (prudentia), justice (iustitia), manliness (fortitudo), and
temperance (temperantia).28 These ethical remarks serve to expose the tutor’s
didactic purposes. Indeed, apart from instruction in the Latin language and
classical culture, the students also received instruction in civic education. The
tutor paid equal attention to the work’s form and to its content and praised
Pompeius’s laudable attitude. The teacher further underscored the commander’s devotion and respect for his homeland and its subjects, commented on
his civic responsibilities, and promoted putting the common good over private
matters even at the cost of one’s self-sacrifice (again, he gave Pompey as an
example).
It is clear from the rhetorical analysis of Sobieski’s handwritten notes that
the future king was well-versed in the principles of rhetoric and elocution. The
tutor also considered different ways of speaking to people in the street and to
judges in court.29 We must therefore conclude that the future king was also no
stranger to the principles of ethics.
The other extant notebook contains Jan Sobieski’s forty-one30 supervised
school essays. They read as orations on manifold topics, and often as though
intended as public speeches. Some of them represent rhetorical declamations
characteristic of ancient tradition.
Page 216 verso of the notebook features an interesting composition on the
encomium of Athens (Laus Athenarum), in which Jan Sobieski shows how the
Greeks, once a proud nation of unmatched cultural vitality, now suffer under
the Turkish yoke (see figure 2.2). The Polish youngster eulogises Athenian democracy and the prudence and courage of its leaders, who were capable of
vanquishing the Persian Empire, taking note of their tremendous literary, artistic, and scholarly achievements. He then goes on to remark that the history
of Athens is alive with examples of heroic and patriotic deeds of its citizens,
noting Themistocles as a paragon of civic engagement. Nevertheless, it is the
philosopher Plato, rather than any outstanding general or politician, whom he
salutes as the most illustrious among the Athenians.
28
29
30
See Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa [National Library of Poland], II.3195, fol. 21r. and fol. 21v.
See Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa [National Library of Poland], II.3195, fol. 9r.: “Ex verbis
Cic[eronis] colligere licet diversam rationem dicendi ad populum et ad iudices, populus
enim delectari, iudices doceri volunt, ad populum oratio iucundior atque elegantior, ad
iudices severior atque simplicior esse debet. Haec ad utilitatem potius, illa ad ostentationem componi solet.”
Barycz gives the incorrect number of thirty-nine orations; cf. Barycz, Rzecz o studiach w
Krakowie, 61.
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Figure 2.2 A page of Jan Sobieski’s school essay Laus Athenarum
Warsaw, National Library of Poland, II.3196, fol. 216v.–217r.,
scanned by Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska.
A quick look through Sobieski’s notebooks will suffice to identify copious
traces of the vibrant tradition of Classical Antiquity in the school curriculum.
Jan Sobieski’s compositions are resplendent with references to such mythical
heroes as Achilles, Hector, and Aeneas, as well as to historical figures like Epaminondas, Alexander the Great, and Julius Caesar, and are embellished with
quotations from Horace, Virgil, and Ovid.
It should not escape notice that since these quotations served as maxims or
words of wisdom, they were derived from school anthologies listing timeless
aphorisms or exempla, either in alphabetical order or by subject. For instance,
the following quotation from Juvenal’s satire, written on page 87 verso of
Sobieski’s second notebook, engraved itself in the European collective consciousness up until the nineteenth century:
omne animi vitium tanto conspectius in se
crimen habet, quanto maior, qui peccat habetur.31
The greater the sinner’s name, the more signal the guiltiness of the sin.32
31
32
Iuv. 8.140–141.
Juvenal and Persius, trans. G.G. Ramsay (London–New York: Harvard University Press–
William Heinemann, Loeb, 1928), 169.
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Both the analyses of Cicero’s speeches and the subject matter of the school
essays reveal an underlying didactic method consistent with composition exercises adopted from ancient textbooks. The core Greek text that served to
sustain the tradition of providing ancient speaking and writing exercises for
students of rhetoric was Progymnasmata by Aphthonius (fourth–fifth centuries ad). The Greek term ‘progymnasmata’ denoted a sequence of categorically
ordered rhetorical exercises which students were asked to perform. In the early
modern era, Aphthonius’s textbook was translated into Latin and reedited over
a hundred times.33 With its numerous examples,34 it gained wide popularity
in schools and became valued for its clarity of content and organisation. The
remarks of Sobieski’s tutor on Cicero’s orations echo the rhetorical exercises
of Aphthonius’s textbook, and the types of essay assignments clearly drew on
ancient categories in rhetorical practice, such as epenesis (bestowing praise),
encomium (praising a person or thing), and psogos (vituperation).
Jan Sobieski was educated in the same spirit as ancient students, read about
the war between Mithridates and the Romans, and wrote Latin compositions
praising Athens—the capital of arts and sciences and the place where the Romans sent their sons to acquire an education. The contemporary class system
brought students to ancient Rome full of republican ideals. Sobieski, the future
king, was brought up not only by his family, who venerated the memory of
brave forebears killed on the battlefield, but also by his school, which openly
praised the republican values of ancient Rome. Accordingly, we should have
little doubt that the future victor of Vienna, together with his peers from Nowodworski College, drew inspiration as adults from Cicero, who had been introduced to them at school as the defender of republican ideals, or that the
future king paid tribute to the military code of conduct and patriotic virtues
epitomised by Gnaeus Pompeius, hailed the Great for his military and political
accomplishments.
33
34
Progymnasmata. Greek Textbooks of Prose Composition and Rhetoric, trans. with introductions and notes by George A. Kennedy (Leiden–Boston, Brill: 2003), 89–90.
Ibid., 94–95. Cf. Bartosz Awianowicz, “Miejsce wspólne, pochwała, nagana i porównanie
w Progymnasmatach Aftoniosa oraz w łacińskim przekładzie Rudolfa Agricoli” [Common
places, praising, vituperation, and comparison in Progymnasmata by Aphthonius and in
the Latin translation by Rudolf Agricola], Terminus 7 (2005): 308.
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chapter 3
The Aftermath of Myth through the Lens of Walter
Benjamin: Hermes in J.M. Barrie’s Peter Pan in
Kensington Gardens and in Astrid Lindgren’s
Karlson on the Roof
Katarzyna Jerzak
As long as there is still one beggar around, there will still be myth.
walter benjamin, The Arcades Project1
⸪
“Mum, do you know what the worst thing about being human is?” asks my
eight-year-old son. I say I don’t. “That I can’t fly by myself!” comes the swift
reply. Flight is the stuff of myth and fairy tale, but also the perennial dream
of humanity in general and of the child in particular. Two lasting fictional
characters—J.M. Barrie’s Peter Pan from Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens
(1906) and Astrid Lindgren’s Karlson from Karlson on the Roof (1955)—embody
the modern fulfillment of that dream while hearkening back to the ancient
Greek god Hermes.2 I argue that Hermes, the deity of mediation and liminality,
returns in these twentieth-century literary texts both as a sign of the persistence of mythical thinking and, simultaneously, to mark the space where myth
1 Walter Benjamin, The Arcades Project, trans. from the German original (Das Passagen-Werk,
1927–1940) by Howard Eiland and Kevin McLaughlin (Cambridge, Mass.–London: Harvard
University Press, 1999), 400.
2 Needless to say, the most obvious mythical allusion present in the figure of Peter Pan is the
Greek god Pan. However, as Kirsten Stirling argues in the first chapter of her book Peter Pan’s
Shadows in the Literary Imagination (New York: Routledge, 2012), Pan serves only as a distant
and a deferred source for Barrie. Stirling deals mostly with the 1904 play, but in the 1911 novel
Peter Pan does have two of Pan’s attributes: the goat and the pipes. Later Stirling points to the
contrast between the Greek god’s excessive sexuality and Peter Pan’s refusal of sexuality. The
book has a comprehensive bibliography as well as a list of sequels, prequels, and adaptations
featuring Peter Pan.
© Katarzyna Jerzak, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_005
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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The Aftermath of Myth through the Lens of Walter Benjamin
45
gives way to a modern fairy tale, as in the framework set up by Walter Benjamin
in Der Erzähler (The storyteller, 1936):
The fairy tale tells us of the earliest arrangements that mankind made to
shake off the nightmare which myth had placed upon its chest.3
Neither Peter nor Karlson fits the mold of the mythical deity neatly, and yet
they both possess enough attributes to be more than mere echoes of Hermes.
The enduring power of these uncanny literary characters is due, in part, to the
fact that they resonate on a deep level of collective memory and collective
imagination. Often classified as fantasy, these two tales do not fit satisfactorily into any single genre. Just as their protagonists are Betwixt-and-Betweens,4
so, too, these stories contain elements of both myth and fairy tale, with Peter
Pan in Kensington Gardens employing ironic tragedy and Karlson on the Roof
using comic elements.5 Hermes—the god of wit and ambiguity—is a fitting
predecessor for the characters of both Karlson—who is funny, eloquent, and
shrewd—and Peter Pan, who is the very image of ambiguity. The genre of the
two stories, itself ambiguous, is capacious enough to contain the absolutely
outlandish and the absolutely necessary. The reader—whether a child or an
adult—is the recipient of the counsel that, argues Benjamin, when “woven
into the fabric of real life is wisdom”:6
3 Walter Benjamin, “The Storyteller,” in eiusdem, Illuminations, ed. Hannah Arendt, trans.
Harry Zohn (New York: Shocken Books, 1968), 102.
4 This term is used in Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens by the bird Solomon Caw to describe
Peter:
“‘Then I shan’t be exactly a human?’ Peter asked.
‘No.’
‘Nor exactly a bird?’
‘No.’
‘What shall I be?’
‘You will be a Betwixt-and-Between,’ Solomon said.”
j.m. barrie, Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1999), 17.
5 Maria Nikolajeva succinctly discusses the complex relationship between myth, fairy tale, and
fantasy in children’s literature in a subchapter entitled “Myth as Intertext” of Chapter 6 in
her Children’s Literature Comes of Age: Towards a New Aesthetic (New York: Routledge, 2015),
156–159. Nikolajeva, however, does not mention the character of Peter Pan in this section of
her book.
6 Benjamin, “The Storyteller,” 87.
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The fairy tale, which to this day is the first tutor of children because it was
once the first tutor of mankind, secretly lives on in the story. The first true
storyteller is, and will continue to be, the teller of fairy tales. Whenever
good counsel was at a premium, the fairy tale had it, and where the need
was greatest, its aid was nearest. This need was created by myth.7
Myth, according to Benjamin, is the key to the meaning of the world, but fairy
tale is our antidote to the inhumanity of myth, to its brutal force.
Both myth and fairy tale contain the timeless: a universal chronotope. The
child, too, perceives the world in nonlinear terms. It is from the child’s vantage point that reality can be perceived as at once particular and more inclusive.8 A baby notices the beetle crawling in the grass, but the same baby, in
amazement, raises his or her hand and eyes to the moon that adults take for
granted. The child’s perspective contains both the micro- and the macrocosm
and as such comprehends extraordinary spans of both space and time. In his
Karussellfahrendes Kind [Child on the carousel, 1928], Benjamin paints a striking portrait of the child straddling the heterogeneous realms of antiquity and
modernity:
The board carrying the docile animals moves close to the ground. It is at
the height which, in dreams, is best for flying. Music starts and the child
moves with a jerk away from his mother. First, he is afraid at leaving her.
But then he notices how doughty he himself is. He is ensconced as the just
ruler over a world that belongs to him. Tangential trees and natives line
his way. Then, in an Orient, his mother re-appears. Next, emerging from
the jungle, comes a treetop, exactly as the child saw it thousands of years
ago—just now on the roundabout. His beast is devoted: like a mute Arion
he rides his silent fish, or a wooden Zeus-bull carries him off as an immaculate Europa. The eternal recurrence of all things has long become child’s
wisdom to him, and life a primeval frenzy of domination, with the booming orchestrion as the crown jewels at the centre. As the music slows,
space begins to stammer and the trees to rub their brows. The roundabout
becomes uncertain ground. And his mother appears, the much-rammed
stake about which the landing child winds the rope of his gaze.9
7 Ibid., 102.
8 For the specificity of a child’s perspective, please see Françoise Dolto’s classic study Les
étapes majeures de l’enfance (Paris: Gallimard, 1994).
9 Walter Benjamin, “Child on the Carousel,” in eiusdem, One-Way Street and Other Writings,
trans. Edmund Jephcott and Kingsley Shorter (London: nlb, 1979; ed. pr. of Einbahnstraße,
1928).
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The child riding a carousel is an allegory10 of the childhood chronotope.11 It
contains both the most primal and the most modern history: the jungle on the
one hand, and sheer speed on the other. The child wants to, but is simultaneously afraid to fly away from his mother. He dreams of flying off, but wants
to return, echoing Daedalus and Ulysses at once. The movement of the carousel represents domesticated human history from antiquity to the present,
prehistory and emergence into history, life and death, the eternal return and
the exile’s return. It contains as well the Freudian game of fort und da with
the repetitive disappearance and reappearance of the mother.12 The mythical
past is playfully replayed in the child’s riding the carousel dolphin just as Arion
rode the real dolphin to safety, or, alternately, riding the Zeus-bull, like the still
innocent Europa. The menace of time is there but as long as the now slowing
carousel comes to a halt by the mother, the child arrives in a secure haven. Set
against the paradigm of Benjamin’s carousel, the two stories emerge in their
distinct expression. Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens proves to be a tragedy in
which the game of fort und da is cruelly broken, as the boy finds his mother’s
window barred and the return precluded. Peter’s tragedy, like tragedy as such
according to Benjamin, is grounded in myth. Sorrow, lament, the ceremonies
and the memorabilia of grief, are all Peter Pan’s paraphernalia. He is the boy
who buries the children who have stayed in the Gardens past Lock-Out Time.
Peter Pan of Kensington Gardens strikes a melancholy figure, one much closer
to its mythical origins than to a modern fairy-tale model. Like Hermes the Psychopomp, he functions as a mediator and a guide whose role will be further
transformed in Peter and Wendy (1911). Even though the text is prefaced by a
map of the Kensington Gardens and this royal park is a real place to this day,
10
11
12
Allegory, of greatest significance to Benjamin, is also indispensable to Mikhail Bakhtin.
“The indirect, metaphorical significance of the entire human image, its thoroughly allegorical nature is of utmost importance. […] The allegorical state has an enormous formgenerating significance for the novel,” in M.M. Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays by M.M. Bakhtin, trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin, Tex.: University
of Texas Press, 1981), 161–162.
Mikhail Bakhtin uses the term chronotope to describe the particular spatiotemporal conventions that govern different genres; see “Forms of Time and of the Chronotope in the
Novel” in Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, 84–258.
Freud describes and analyses the fort/da game in the second chapter of Beyond the
Pleasure Principle. While the original scene was enacted by Freud’s eighteen-month-old
grandson, the experience of a child throwing an object away and having it retrieved is
familiar to any parent. As for Freudian interpretations of the Peter Pan character, see the
first chapter of the classic study of the Barrie cycle by Jacqueline Rose, The Case of Peter
Pan, or the Impossibility of Children’s Fiction (Philadelphia, Penn.: The University of Pennsylvania Press, 21992; ed. pr. 1984).
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nonetheless its space in the book is not purely geographic: “No child has ever
been to the whole of the Gardens, because it is so soon the time to turn back.”13
This is a space familiar to all children and to those who remember what it is
like to be a child. It is a kind of chronotope, a time-space in which time is
molded along very different lines than in adulthood, and space is much larger,
much more extensive than later in life. Just as when one returns to one’s elementary school after many years and notices with surprise that the corridors
have become shorter and less tall, so, too, the space of the Kensington Gardens
to a child is almost infinite, it is an entire universe of sorts. This magical world
is so intensely connected to the lives of the children who visit it, that even an
absence from it can be a kind of presence: “It is glorious fun racing down the
Hump, but you can’t do it on windy days because then you are not there, but
the fallen leaves do it instead of you.”14
In this magical chronotope15 Barrie places the character of Peter Pan, the
boy who must be rather old as the narrator tells the reader that the reader’s
grandmother has known him, and yet “his age is one week, and though he was
born so long ago he has never had a birthday, nor is there the slightest chance
of his ever having one.”16 Peter flies back to Kensington Gardens, but as he is
no longer a bird and not yet a human, his existence is that of an outcast and an
exile. “Every living thing was shunning him.”17 Even though he eventually befriends the birds, the fairies, and some children, he will never be one of them.
Karlson on the Roof, on the other hand, contains almost no pathos even
though Karlson is a trickster and as such he cannot be easily assimilated into
the society around him, either.18 He does not quite belong in that world, being
himself an extra dimension—one that the novel’s main protagonist, Smidge,
needs so badly. Benjamin’s child on the carousel is little, while Smidge is
13
14
15
16
17
18
Barrie, Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens, 3.
Ibid., 5.
Here one must mention Maria Nikolajeva’s seminal work on Bakhtinian chronotope as it
applies to children’s literature: The Magic Code: Use of Magical Patterns in Fantasy for Children (Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International, 1988). Nikolajeva also devotes an
entire chapter (Chapter 5, “Chronotope in Children’s Literature”) to the notion of chronotope in her most recent book, Children’s Literature Comes of Age: Towards a New Aesthetic
(see above, n. 5), 121–152.
Barrie, Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens, 12.
Ibid., 15.
Interestingly enough, Karlson, just as Peter Pan, is at the origin of a “syndrome” of sorts,
in this case defined in Russia, where Lindgren’s character achieves its greatest popularity. See Svetlana Kheronova, Sindrom Karlsona, http://www.globosfera.info/2010/01/31/
sindrom-karlsona/ (accessed May 31, 2016).
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The Aftermath of Myth through the Lens of Walter Benjamin
49
already seven years old, but Smidge, too, needs a hand—and a lift, as it were—
to be able to fly away from his mother, whom he would still like to marry (he
believes it is bad luck on his part to have fallen in love with the same woman as
his father). Karlson’s role is then, among other things, to help Smidge make the
transition to the next stage of life. Far from doing it in a traditional, mentor-like
manner, Karlson does it by fits and starts, presumably propelling Smidge into a
wholesome adolescence and, ultimately, a kind of maturity. Rather than teaching Smidge commonplace morals, Karlson always wants to make a profit—at
the end of the third volume he triumphantly collects the large award that the
local newspaper offers to the person who will explain the mysterious object
flying over Stockholm. Hermes is also the divinity of thieves and found objects while Karlson both steals from thieves and enjoys a little pilfering now
and then (jiggery-pokery he calls it). Hermes’s (but also Dionysus’s) symbol
is the rooster and Karlson has a collection of drawings of the cockerel. Karlson is introduced in the first chapter as the one who can fly. “Everyone can fly
in aeroplanes and helicopters but Karlson is the only one who can fly all by
himself.”19 He lives on the roof, that is in the liminal space between ordinary
Stockholm and the sky. This liminality is much like Peter Pan’s Betwixt-andBetween status because he ultimately does not belong to any world. Despite
his friendly ways, his plump physique, and his congenial chatter, he is a figure of the stranger. He is also strangely out of time. When Smidge asks him
how old he is, Karlson replies: “Me? I’m a man in my prime,”20 and proceeds to
blow up Smidge’s steam engine as if he were in fact a rambunctious toddler. Yet
when he leaves, “his tubby little body clearly outlined against the star-dotted
spring sky,”21 Smidge remains behind with a sense of nostalgia, of unmitigated
loss. And when Karlson returns, the sound of his motor is more than welcome:
“Then he heard a heavenly sound.”22
As for readers, they are initially led to believe that Karlson is just a very entertaining imaginary friend who fills the void that Smidge experiences because
he does not have a pet. That is what Smidge’s parents and siblings seem to
think, too. And then, at the crowning moment of the first of the three volumes,
Smidge does indeed get a dog for his birthday. His Mum is sure that now Karlson will not be coming any more. But he does come, crashing the birthday
party and eating the biggest piece of cake, because he is the world’s best cake
19
20
21
22
Astrid Lindgren, Karlson on the Roof, trans. Sarah Death (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1958), 2.
Ibid., 8.
Ibid., 14.
Ibid., 37.
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eater, Karlson is. So what is the reader to do? How can Karlson be classified or
categorised? He is, on the one hand, the mythical leftover, as it were: an antediluvian creature that survived to our age. At the same time the child Smidge
recognises in Karlson the irreplaceable supplement to reality. The child, like
the artist, can see the familiar ancient in the seemingly modern. When Giorgio
de Chirico first travels to New York, he remarks that the city reminds of him of
plaster models of ancient Rome.23 As Benjamin puts it:
Task of childhood: to bring the new world into symbolic space. The child,
in fact, can do what the grownup absolutely cannot: recognise the new
once again.24
Technology is to Benjamin just a new configuration of nature, so in this perspective Karlson’s motor is merely a new symbol-image of the old, no more
surprising to the child than the wings of a bird.25
Many protagonists of Astrid Lindgren’s novels fly: Pippi Longstocking
certainly does and so do horses in Faraway Land in Mio My Son. The brothers Lionheart fall through the air as if flying. Flying in Lindgren’s other novels
serves usually as a means of escape although it can also be a means of pursuit
(for instance the Harpies in Ronia, the Robber’s Daughter). But none make flight
their primary means of locomotion, placing Karlson in a category of his own.
Like Peter Pan, Karlson has a special status in every way. He does not quite
23
24
25
Giorgio de Chirico (1888–1978), the Italian painter born in Greece, bears witness to
the presence of mythical figures in the contemporary urban landscape in many of his
paintings—including several self-portraits with the bust of Hermes—as well as in his surrealist writings: “As for Mercury, the god Mercury if you will, it was he, always the same;
the Mercury of moving vans, and suburban villas burglarised at high noon; the Mercury
of seaports; the Mercury of big navigation lines; the Mercury who soars in gliding flight
above the stock exchange at the moment when all the roarers blacken the steps of the
temple; the Mercury with a vague, disturbing gaze; the Mercury of tollhouses at the gates
of cities; the Mercury of cities, European and transatlantic; the Mercury of Hamburg and
San Francisco, the Mercury of political rallies held in white, geometrically ordered cities on
the edge of the Pacific; the modern Mercury of the Berlin stadium; the Mercury of horsedrawn trolleys moving along tracks in front of the Synagogue and the Protestant church in
the clear, gentle September afternoon,” Giorgio de Chirico, “The Engineer’s Son,” in eiusdem, Hebdomeros, trans. Margaret Crosland (Cambridge, Mass.: Exact Change, 1992), 126.
Benjamin, The Arcades Project, 390.
For other examinations of the sui generis attributes of childhood at odds with the adult
world, see Peter Coveney, The Image of Childhood. The Individual and Society: A Study of
the Theme in English Literature (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967); and Peter Hollindale,
Signs of Childness in Children’s Books (Stroud: Thimble Press, 1997).
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The Aftermath of Myth through the Lens of Walter Benjamin
51
belong, he is decidedly an outsider and yet he does not have a separate world
of his own.26 Since instead of wings he has a motor, he is a modern angel of
consolation come to cheer Smidge up when the boy is most lonesome. Karlson,
however, is also cunning and abrasive at times. Like Peter Pan, he cannot be
assimilated, adapted, or translated, and equally extraneous and a stranger to
love, he is still necessary. His Olympus is not very high but he needs to descend
from it nonetheless to complete the otherwise unbearably ordinary world of
mere inhabitants of Stockholm. Modern Sweden can thus accommodate the
otherworldly Karlson without relegating him to the phantasmic—Miss Crawly,
the housekeeper character in the book, believes in ghosts, but Karlson does
not. In Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens, Barrie infuses the real Gardens with a
mythopoetic second bottom. After Lock-Out Time, the other, magical life takes
over. In Lindgren’s universe, however, the mythical and the rational coexist
even during the day.27
In Franz Kafka (1934) Benjamin writes:
Ulysses, after all, stands at the dividing line between myth and fairy tale.
Reason and cunning have inserted tricks into myths; their forces cease
to be invincible. Fairy tales are the traditional stories about victory over
these forces […]. [Kafka] inserted little tricks into them; then he used
them as proof that inadequate, even childish measures may also serve to
rescue one.28
26
27
28
This makes both Peter Pan and Karlson akin to Mikhail Baktin’s category of the rogue, the
clown, and the fool in the novel: “The rogue, the clown, and the fool create around themselves their own special little world, their own chronotope. […] their existence is a reflection of some other’s mode of being—and even then, not a direct reflection. They are life’s
maskers; their being coincides with their role, and outside this role they simply do not
exist. Essential to these three figures is a distinctive feature that is as well a privilege—the
right to be ‘other’ in this world, the right not to make common cause with any single one
of the existing categories that life makes available; none of these categories quite suits
them, they see the underside and the falseness of every situation.” Bakhtin, The Dialogic
Imagination, 159.
In his study of Astrid Lindgren’s archetextual strategies, Krzysztof Bak delineates the importance of fairy tale, idyll, and other literary forms that Lindgren has used in her oeuvre.
Indeed her use of myth in the Karlson on the Roof trilogy could be seen as one of those
strategies, although Bak does not specifically address it. See Krzysztof Bak, “Strategie archetekstualne w twórczości Astrid Lindgren” [Archetextual strategies in Astrid Lindgren’s
work] in Filoteknos 1 (2010): 78–96, available at http://www.ifp.uni.wroc.pl/filoteknos/pdf/
Filoteknos_01_druk_ok_mail.pdf#page=79 (accessed May 31, 2016).
Walter Benjamin, “Franz Kafka,” in eiusdem, Illuminations, 117–118.
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Theodor Adorno, in Minima Moralia, says the following about Snow White
coming back to life so unconvincingly and then going off with the Prince just
because she found him good:
All contemplation can do no more than patiently delineate the ambiguity of melancholy in ever new figures and approaches. The truth is not
to be separated from the illusory belief that one day, out of the figures of
appearance [Schein], real salvation would nonetheless come.29
Smidge is the one who follows Karlson to all the places where one might certainly almost fall off the roof. Underneath his childish demeanor and despite
his intact nuclear family—he is one of the very few children’s literature protagonists who is not an orphan—he is the melancholy hero whose melancholy
is precluded by the heavenly whirr of Karlson’s motor. Thus, the childish measures rescue him. For even in a novel as cheerful and truly funny as the Karlson
trilogy, there is a hint of suicide, a suggestion that the child might at one point
decide that life is not worth living.
If Peter Pan is never too far off in the penumbra of Lindgren’s novel, he and
Hermes are very much in the forefront of her earlier story entitled In the Land
of Twilight (1949). Goran, the little boy protagonist, overhears his mother saying to the father that he will never be able to walk again. That same day, at dusk,
the liminal time between day and night, Mr. Lilyvale comes through the closed
window and invites him to fly to the Land of Twilight otherwise known as the
Land Which Is Not. A Hermes-like figure, this messenger and psychopomp
escorts the sick boy to the Land Where Nothing Matters. First they fly to the
weathercock, who is not there, then the boy gets to drive the streetcar and the
digger, and at last they end up in a little house on the seaside. Unlike Karlson
and Smidge, they do not steal or make pranks and nothing in this tale makes
the reader laugh. On the contrary. Everything is suffused with the melancholy
glow of a northern twilight from which it will be so much easier for Goran to
cross over to death. “It really doesn’t matter if you have a bad leg, because in
the Land of Twilight you can fly,”30 thus ends the story. This early, eerie version
of Karlson seems much in the vein of Romantic characters, such as E.T.A. Hoffmann’s Strange Child. Like the Strange Child, Mr. Lilyvale appears to a child in
29
30
Theodor Adorno, Minima Moralia: Reflections from Damaged Life, trans. from the German
original (Minima Moralia: Reflexionen aus dem beschädigten Leben, 1951) by Dennis Redmond (London–New York: Verso, 2005), 121–122.
Astrid Lindgren, In the Land of Twilight, trans. Polly Lawson (Edinburgh: Floris Books,
2012), 38.
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The Aftermath of Myth through the Lens of Walter Benjamin
53
time of dire metaphysical need, has the ability to fly and to bring the child or
children along, and is ultimately irreducible in his role as the consoler.31
In the world of myth, the ordinary, the human, and the temporal are subjected to the extraordinary, the divine, and the eternal. In the fairy tale, however,
the human element is the one that counts. The beating heart of the fairy tale is
the human heart, not the heart of the witch, the dwarf, or even the fairy herself.
Lindgren’s Karlson on the Roof purports to tell the story of a “perfectly ordinary
family” living in a “perfectly ordinary house” who, nonetheless, have someone
not at all ordinary living above them. This extraordinary being, an intrusion of
the fantastic and the mythical, is able to fly all by himself. Not an angel and yet
out of time, he is not quite in the same space as the rest of the characters. He
is not an angel because he is a trickster, but he is not an evil or a satanic character, either, thus effectively bypassing all of Christianity and claiming origins
in an earlier tradition. Karlson’s otherworldliness and his supernatural powers
appear as a surplus of reality. This surplus is an echo of the ancient mythical
heritage whose persistence is felt by many a modern artist. De Chirico, who
was born in Volos (ancient Iolcos, the city of Jason) in Greece and who from his
childhood embraced the continuity of the past and the present, detected the
mythical and the ancient in modern cities and often depicted his own ancient
double in his paintings. But while de Chirico’s Mercury/Hermes is an intangible, metaphysical presence perceived by the hypersensitive artist, both Barrie and Lindgren offer representations that are tangible and compelling. That
is why the setting of their novels is so concrete: Peter Pan lives in the actual
Kensington Gardens whose map is enclosed in the book, while Karlson lives in
the no-nonsense city of Stockholm, rather than in some enchanted forest. It is
not that these characters are full-blown versions of the ancient Greek deities;
rather, they are modern characters with symbolic glimmers of their mythical
origins. The adult reader easily recognises the Greek connection, while children delight in the extraordinary and the extravagant that have been the privilege of their age.32
Why does the figure of a Greek god, however faint, haunt us in these two
modern children’s classics? Why do notions of the real and the supernatural
come in this particular form? Before Christianity made the figure of Christ both
31
32
My thanks to Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer who drew my attention to Hoffmann’s story.
The Strange Child, of course, is itself—for it is an It—not an omnipotent figure, but rather
one who is involved in a struggle against an evil power.
The dual—child and adult—addressee of children’s literature is discussed, among others,
in the second chapter (“Children’s Literature—A Canonical Art Form”) of Maria Nikolajeva’s Children’s Literature Comes of Age, 56–58.
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human and divine, the Greek genius already merged the two in the symbolic
power of myth. In his doctoral dissertation on the Baroque Trauerspiel, Benjamin discusses Friedrich Creuzer’s definition of the symbol in his Symbolik
und Mythologie der alten Völker, besonders der Griechen (1819) as that which
resolves the conflict between the infinite and the finite “by the former becoming limited and so human […]. This is the symbol of the gods.”33 The modern
meaning of the ancient mythical figure of Hermes apparent in the characters
of Peter Pan and Karlson, is distant from the old, but, Benjamin would say,
that very distance paradoxically makes it available to the modern reader in
its familiar newness. The aftermath of myth, then, is no aftermath at all, but
an unbroken continuation across millennia. “This is why Greek myths are like
Philemon’s pitcher, which no thirst can empty,”34 and the genius of Barrie and
Lindgren is to tap the flow of myth in the twentieth century and to present it
in the modern children’s tale. In the era of the overabundance of information,
these stories rescue that which children and adults need the most: irreducible
meaning.
33
34
Quoted in Walter Benjamin, The Origin of German Tragic Drama, trans. John Osborne
(London–New York: Verso, 1998), 164.
Walter Benjamin, “Oedipus, or Rational Myth,” in eiusdem, Selected Writings, ed. Marcus
Bullock and Michael W. Jennings, trans. Rodney Livingstone (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap
Press, 1999), vol. 2, part 2: (1931–1934), 577–581.
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chapter 4
A Latin Lesson for Bad Boys, or: Kipling’s Tale of
the Enchanted Bird
Jerzy Axer
Give me the first six years of a child’s life and you can have the rest.
rudyard kipling, Something of Myself
…
This we learned from famous men
Knowing not we learned it…
rudyard kipling, Stalky & Co.
⸪
Kipling’s short story “Regulus,” written between 1908 and 1911, was first published in 1917 and ultimately was included in The Complete Stalky & Co. in 1929.1
In our day this collection is a fascinating source for readers interested in literature documenting both the phenomenon of being a child and how the artist
cultivates the memory of “the child within” in his mature work.
In this regard “Regulus” is undoubtedly one of the most inspiring texts in the
collection. For while free throughout of any sentimentalism, it conjoins a large
dose of nonconformism with a rich and manifold symbolism hearkening to the
deep substrata of cultural tradition. In my view this makes it a masterpiece in
the realm of literature devoted to the phenomenon of childhood—and a masterpiece that is nonetheless underrated because of the special trouble today’s
1 R.R. Kipling, The Complete Stalky & Co., illustrated by L. Raven-Hill (London: Macmillan and
Co., 1929), 229ff. For a discussion regarding the publication’s date, see the paper by Emily
A. McDermott, “Playing for His Side: Kipling’s ‘Regulus,’ Corporal Punishment, and Classical
Education,” International Journal of the Classical Tradition 15.3 (2008): n. i (there also more
bibliographical hints), available at http://scholarworks.umb.edu/classics_faculty_pubs/7/
(accessed June 28, 2016). See also notes on “Regulus” by Isabel Quigly on the Kipling Society’s
website, http://www.kiplingsociety.co.uk/rg_regulus1.htm (accessed June 28, 2016).
© Jerzy Axer, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_006
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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Axer
readers encounter during their reading. This trouble concerns the way the narrative is embedded within the context of a Latin lesson conducted according
to time-honoured didactic methods, albeit ones with which today’s readers are
unfamiliar, as the educational culture they were raised in eliminated the teaching of Latin as a method for forming character as long as a half-century ago.
Moreover, Kipling’s text, in order to entertain and captivate, must be read with
an understanding of the intertextual game between the Latin original and what
happens to it in the remarks of the teacher and the pupils. Wishing to assist in
interpreting the work, classical philologists do indeed offer themselves, and
they of course are aware of the difficulties. However, they generally stand at
considerable remove from interest in the matter of childhood and the cultural
symbolism in “Regulus,” preferring to analyse the work from the perspective of
the change to the educational model that has occurred since Kipling’s time.2
In the interpretation presented below I wish to propose reading “Regulus”
as a timeless tale of a young boy’s initiation into manhood, in the aim to revealing the deep structure of the story. My chapter offers neither instruction
nor commentary meant to facilitate a close reading of this masterpiece. For
my primary point is to breach the interpretive barriers created by focusing the
reader’s attention on the troubles arising from unfamiliarity with Latin and its
classroom jargon and from the seeming anachronism of the teaching methods
then applied.
*
I shall begin with a summary of the plotline. The narrator invites the reader to
“peep” in on a Latin lesson conducted at the school he attended as a boy. The
routine lesson turns into a test of strength between the teacher, Mr. King, and
his pupils. The age-old ritual of literal, word-for-word translation of Horace’s
ode on the historical Roman character Marcus Atilius Regulus (Horace, Carm.
3.5) unexpectedly leads to a display of emotions on the part of both the teacher
and his students. The provocateur who elicits this situation is the pupil Beetle,
2 Very representative of the attitude of classical philologists is the study by T.J. Leary, “Kipling,
Stalky, Regulus & Co.: A Reading of Horace Odes 3.5,” Greece & Rome 55.2 (2008): 247–262.
According to that author, this work does not belong to Kipling’s finest; to a certain degree he
even upholds the opinion of Edmund Wilson, who appraised the whole collection Stalky &
Co. as being of very low artistic quality: cf. “The Kipling that Nobody Read,” in Andrew Rutherford, ed., Kipling’s Mind and Art (Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1964), 17–69. Leary sees the
text’s value only as a social and historical document from the history of English education; he
also appreciates that, in the work of teachers today, as well, similar problems appear within
the curriculum and must be resolved, albeit by different methods.
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Kipling’s Tale of the Enchanted Bird
57
who is exceptionally resistant toward analysis of the Latin metre, and through
whom Kipling introduces his own persona to Stalky & Co.
An extraordinary change soon takes place, particularly in the behaviour of
one of the calmest and most introverted boys in class, Winton, dubbed “an
elderly horse” by his classmates. During the next lesson, which is devoted to
mechanical drawing, Winton seems to release the emotions he had pent up
during the Latin lesson, and plays a prank that is very unusual for his personality, in as much as he breaks the rules and offends the drawing master. The
Headmaster punishes Winton by making him copy five hundred Latin lines
from Virgil. This otherwise mild punishment in fact includes the consequence
of Winton not being able to participate in the pupils’ mandatory game of football. This, in turn, entails an unavoidable whipping meted out by a fellow pupil
having the rank of Captain of the Games. It was only membership in the First
Fifteen that could protect one against such a humiliating punishment. The
symbol of belonging to that chosen group was a Cap with a golden tassel, and
which Winton had not yet received, although it should have already arrived
from the tailor’s shop a week earlier.3
Mr. King (see figure 4.1) accompanies the pupil as he carries out his punitive
task, dictating to him Virgilian hexametres, as if continuing the previous Latin
lesson. Before receiving his corporeal punishment, Winton fights a heroic battle with his classmates, who jeer at him, and then stoically submits to the punishment he considers to be just. At the close of the tale Winton receives his Cap
of the First Fifteen, and Mr. King, quarrelling with the nature teacher about the
model for education (“classical versus modern”), states that his lesson about
Regulus has left the proper mark: “A little of it sticks among the barbarians.”
Kipling’s story is usually interpreted according to a rather simple formula.
The main idea in such analyses of the story’s content and message involves
believing that Kipling—on the basis of his own school memories—wanted to
present the process of character building in boys who were destined to assume
responsible posts in the colonial administration and military apparatus of the
British Empire. The writer accomplished his didactic objective by describing a
typical Latin lesson at the school of his youth. The story is meant to show how
3 In his essay “An English School” (published in the collection Land and Sea Tales for Scouts
and Guides [London: Macmillan, 1923]) Kipling says of his school’s team “our foot-ball team
(Rugby Union)”; however, about the First Fifteen and the honorific skull Cap he writes as follows: “Very few things that the world can offer make up for having missed a place in the First
Fifteen, with […] the velvet skull-cap with the gold tassel—the cap that you leave out in the
rain and accidentally step upon to make it look as old as if you had been in the First Fifteen
for years.”
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Figure 4.1
Leonard RavenHill, Mr. King
from R. Kipling, The Complete
Stalky & Co. (London: Macmillan and
Co., 1929), 231, scanned by the Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” University
of Warsaw.
practice in reading the classics can transform unruly boys into men aware of
their responsibility; how rigours they do not accept and against which they
rebel can lead to discipline based on consciously accepted duty. Thus, the text
is presented as an example of the role of the classics in educating British imperial elites.4 The entire collection of Stalky & Co. is also sharply criticised for this
same reason.5
The interpretations of “Regulus” point much less often to the dialogue with
Horace that Kipling as a poet continued throughout his life. The most interesting work in this regard, it seems to me, is the study by Stephen Medcalf,
“Horace’s Kipling.”6
4 Cf. Judith A. Plotz, “Latin for Empire: Kipling’s ‘Regulus’ as a Classics Class for the Ruling
Classes,” The Lion and the Unicorn 17 (1993): 152–167; cf. also Leary, “Kipling, Stalky, Regulus &
Co.”
5 Cf. McDermott, “Playing for His Side,” 369–392.
6 In Charles Martindale and David Hopkins, eds., Horace Made New: Horatian Influences on
British Writing from the Renaissance to the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 217–239 (about “Regulus,” see pp. 226 ff.).
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Kipling’s Tale of the Enchanted Bird
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The predominant type of interpretation, founded on the superficial intertextuality linking Kipling’s story to Horace’s ode (in undergoing his painful
transformation, the pupil Winton is similar to the heroic Regulus), leads us
to conclude that Kipling’s story is interesting first and foremost as a historical
source. Viewed as a didactic piece of prose for adults, it can serve as a source for
studying the role of the ancient heritage at British schools in Victorian times—
a world so distant from today’s that even objecting to it ceased to be attractive
half a century ago, after the educational revolution of the 1960s.
*
In my interpretation I wish to propose a less conventional way of viewing the
intertextual connections between Kipling’s work and Horace’s poem, and also
to expand the scope of references to classical culture that are employed along
with this reading.
Let us first note that the name of Horace’s character is Regulus; in Kipling’s
text—the Latin teacher’s name is King. In Horace, the scene of action is Rome;
in Kipling, the College Westward Ho! serves as a pars pro toto of the Roman
Empire,7 as its pupils learn to become consuls, legates, centurions, and lictors.
In Horace’s poem featuring Marcus Atilius Regulus, the hero’s ordeal in Carthage makes him an example of Roman virtue; in Kipling’s text the unruly pupil
Winton, once getting through his “ordeal,” is rewarded with the Cap with the
gold tassel, the emblem of his entrance into the realm of glory—the school’s
First Fifteen. In consequence, as we see, both of them—the teacher and the
pupil—may be dubbed in this context “kings”: King and Regulus.
This overly extravagant, at first glance, understanding gains credence when
we expand the scope of the textual allusions to include a hitherto neglected aspect of classical tradition, and one which moreover is strictly connected with
the later European folk tradition. These are texts about how birds were wont to
choose themselves a king. Thus, we shall take up, on the one hand, the fable of
Aesop known from Plutarch (Perry Index 434), and—on the other—the fairy
tales which the Aarne–Thompson tale type index denotes as numbers 0221
and 0222.
According to classical tradition a little bird—identified as being either
from the goldcrest or firecrest species (in Greek Basileus or Basiliskos, in Latin
7 I am referring here to the illuminating observations made by Harry Ricketts in his paper
“Kipling, Horace, and Literary Parenthood” presented on April 7, 2004 at the Kipling Society seminar, available at http://www.kipling.org.uk/rg_scylla_ricketts.htm (accessed Oct. 15,
2014).
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Regulus) or from the wren species (in Greek also Basiliskos, in late Latin also
Regulus)8—fought for the crown of the King of Birds, cheating once or more
in the process. For example, in Aesop’s fable, in a contest to determine the
highest flyer it hid in the plumage of an eagle and thus flew a few centimetres
higher than the eagle’s head. European folklore added new variations: in a contest to find who could dig the deepest hole, the goldcrest used a mouse hole. In
other versions it defended its title by leading all the flying creatures against all
the four-legged creatures.
Classical tradition and folklore played a part in this bird species being given
its Latin and vernacular names. In all of them we find the equivalent of the
Latin Regulus. The ways in which that bird’s pursuit of a crown were imagined
are connected with the fact that the heads of two of the three species mentioned (the goldcrest and the firecrest) are plumed with a veritable crown (a
gold stripe on a black background, see figure 4.2), and the third (the wren) is so
courageous that it faces down much stronger rivals. We need also bear in mind
that in the work of classical authors (including Aristotle, Aristophanes, Aesop,
and Plutarch), in folklore, and in later poetry these three species of feisty little
birds were conflated: the goldcrest, its relative the firecrest, and its more distant cousin, the warrior wren, also called the kinglet (whose diminutive is a
precise equivalent of the Latin Regulus) were treated as a single species.
Figure 4.2 Tim Mason, Goldcrest—Regulus regulus (L.)
www.flickr.com/photos/amblebirder, © by Tim Mason.
8 Concerning the ancient identifications, cf. W. Geoffrey Arnott, Birds in the Ancient World from
A to Z (London–New York: Routledge, 2007), 20–21. In modern ornithological nomenclature
the goldcrest is called Regulus regulus (L.), firecrest—Regulus ignicapillus (Temm.), and the
wren—Troglodytes troglodytes (L.).
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Kipling’s Tale of the Enchanted Bird
61
Today’s most popular account of that story was recorded by the Brothers
Grimm. “The Willow-Wren and the Bear” is a story about the nest of a wren—
the king of birds. The wren fights a winning battle with the other animals to
defend its children’s right to the crown. (This is the same bird whose virtue
Shakespeare underlined on several occasions.)
It is easy to notice that Kipling’s text may be suitably juxtaposed with the
tale about the choice of a king of the birds in Aesop’s fable and in fairy tales.
First, we need simply connect the Latin teacher’s name (King) and the name
of the king of the birds (Regulus), which also mimics the name of the Roman
hero (Marcus Atilius Regulus). Second, we need note that the pupil who was
rewarded with the Cap with the gold tassel in Kipling becomes the sibling of
the goldcrest’s chicks from the Grimms’ fairy tale, who merit the same kind of
headdress as worn by their father-king.
We may also reach down to a deeper level of intertextual connection found in
Kipling’s text. First, the relationship between the teacher and pupil is interesting in this context. The juxtaposition of Kipling’s tale with Horace’s poem has
already created a certain overlapping of roles. Through his reading of Carmen
3.5 the teacher, Mr. King, initiated a transformation of the pupil into Regulus,
something that was, well, capped when he was presented with the First Fifteen
Cap. In the interpretation I am making, when we take into consideration the
references to the tradition of Aesop’s fable and fairy tales, the ties between
the pupil and the teacher gain their full expression. In Aesop’s fable the eagle
gets fooled and taken advantage of by the wren—who then wins the prize. In
Kipling’s variant, Mr. King—just as the king of birds, the eagle—helps his pupil
achieve a crown by carrying him on his wings. In contrast to the eagle, however, Mr. King helps his student deliberately, out of devotion. This accords with
the way in which Kipling—years later—would see the roles of his teachers
and their sacrifice of their ambitions on behalf of their pupils, who are to become the equals of kings.9 Here I permit myself the observation that the beautiful fairy tale retold by Jane Goodall and entitled “The Eagle and the Wren”10
contains a similar vision of two birds cooperating with one another in a flight
9
10
Cf. Kipling’s poem that opens the collection Stalky & Co. and contains such a message,
a fragment of which is one of this chapter’s epigraphs.
First edition as Der Adler und der Zaunkönig. Eine Fabel, mit Bildern von Alexander Reichstein, aus dem Englischen von Bruno Hächler (Gossau–Zürich–Hamburg–Salzburg:
Neugebauer, 2000); English version: The Eagle and the Wren. A Fable Retold by Jane Goodall
(New York: North–South Books, 2000). For the reception of Aesop in children’s literature,
see Part 2 of the present volume: “The Aesop Complex: The Transformations of Fables in
Response to Regional Challenges.”
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toward heaven. Teachers like Mr. King are thus evidently heroes comparable
to Regulus. At the same time, “the black velvet Cap with the gold tassel” testifies to the metamorphosis of the pupil: the grey wren prepared to fight for its
dignity is transformed into a crowned bird.
Once we apply the full spectrum of textual associations, the interpretation
of Kipling’s story changes in many ways.
First of all, the didactic aspect becomes universal and timeless, just like in a
fable. The main message here, as in a Grimm fairy tale, is “never judge anyone
by appearance,” and this fits in very nicely with the case of the psychologically
transformed pupil, Winton. In accordance with the expectations of his teacher,
Mr. King, the “elderly horse” could prove to be the once and future king.
In terms of genre, the story is beyond the boundary separating children’s
and adult literature, also just like a fable. The new intertextuality marginalises
the outdated imperial political context and replaces it with the universal problem of a free citizen’s education through rebellion against authority to recognition of that authority.
Finally, as regards Kipling’s artistry in storytelling, there emerges the completely new and attractive possibility of seeing “Regulus” as a variation of one
of Kipling’s animal stories—stories in which animals are the narrators or characters. After all, we all remember that it was a wren who told Kipling the famous story of the white seal from The Jungle Book—the bird that “knows how
to tell the truth,” as Kipling wrote.
In my opinion, the short story “Regulus” is a masterpiece on many levels.
Its first level—the description of the Latin lesson based on reading aloud
and translating Horace’s Carmen 3.5—builds a space of historical and journalistic contextual meanings that the author intended and readers easily interpreted in terms of the ideological debate of the time (the late nineteenth
century) on the role of boys’ education and the role of the classics in that education. On this level “Regulus” can be seen as a belletristic version of Kipling’s
essay “An English School.”11
At a deeper level, however, and in connection with the less obvious usage
of Horatian allusions, there is the fairy-tale context, rooted in Antiquity and
folklore, and referenced indirectly through names and the symbolism that
stems from them. Here a game is played between the author and the cultural
tradition to which the reader may react depending on her/his own preparation and imagination. If the reader reacts, s/he will discern, in my opinion,
how deeply that game is related to the essence of Kipling’s artistry. In this
11
See nn. 2 and 3. Kipling annotated the copy of his manuscript of Stalky & Co. with the following interesting remark: “This is not intended to be merely a humorous book, but it is
an Education, a work of the greatest value.”
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Kipling’s Tale of the Enchanted Bird
63
sense Regulus’s story might be subtitled: “How the Goldcrest Got His Crown”
(the same formula Kipling uses in first four Just So Stories, e.g., “How the
Leopard Got His Spots”). “Regulus” read as a fairy tale is, in keeping with the
principles of that genre, cruel—but filled with hope.
Kipling knew very well something that philologists and anthropologists are
discovering today: humans are storytelling animals. He himself was one of the
greatest storytellers in the history of the English language.
I think Kipling is also in dialogue here with at least two great storytellers
he admired. At the level of anecdotes built on school memories, his partner
is Mark Twain (the affinity between Tom Sawyer and Stalky is quite obvious).
At the level of human-animal relations it would be Joel Chandler Harris and
his humorous book Uncle Remus.12 In the tales presented there, animals and
humans spin various narratives which mingle and intertwine. Indeed, in Stalky
& Co. we have a separate story that is testimony to the enthusiasm with which
Uncle Remus was read by the pupils at Westward Ho!13
Kipling was also a very good poet. His dialogue with Horace, begun with Latin lessons by teachers collectively portrayed in Stalky & Co. as Mr. King, lasted
throughout his life.14 Thus, at the close of these remarks on the most Horatian
story from the collection, I wish to stress (taking a tip from the aforementioned
Harry Ricketts15) that the verse found directly thereafter—“A Translation”—
presented as a rendering of the third song from the non-existent Book 5 of
Horace’s Carmina, is strictly connected with the story. That poem offers a subtle game between the syntax of the Horatian ode and the possibilities of its
imitation in English, though that language is not reflexive.16 In the realm of
12
13
14
15
16
First published in the United States in 1880, in England in 1881.
See the story “The United Idolaters.” Nota bene, before he began to write the first series
of Stalky & Co., on Dec. 6, 1895 Kipling wrote in a letter to Harris: “I wonder if you could
realise how ‘Uncle Remus,’ his sayings, and the sayings of the noble beasties ran like a wild
fire through an English public school when I was about fifteen.”
At the close of his life Kipling described the role of his teacher thus: “[he] taught me to
loathe Horace for two years; to forget him for twenty, and then to love him for the rest
of my days and through many sleepless nights” (Something of Myself, London: Penguin
Modern Classics, 1977, 29).
See n. 7.
See Charles Carrington, ed., Kipling’s Horace (London: Methuen Press, 1978), xix–xx; for
the text of Kipling’s poem see p. 102. I used a photocopy made in 1980 by the publisher
himself that included corrections and addenda. The level of Kipling’s game with Horace
is also documented by the bibliophilic edition published by Charles Carrington, Charles
Graves, and Alfred Godley, Q. Horatii Flacci Carminum Liber Quintus (Oxonii: Blackwell,
1920), where the imitation created by Kipling was translated into Latin (p. 21). This fictitious Book 5 of Horace’s Carmina with scholarly commentary and elaborate editing
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language it therefore continues and carries to another level the pupils’ troubles, as depicted in the story, with translating Horace into English. In the realm
of ideas, in turn, the poem strengthens the story’s point: Mr. King proves to
be a teacher whose Latin lessons succeeded in regard to both of the difficult
pupils—the dull Winton and the deaf to the rhythm of Latin metres Beetle.
Indeed, Mr. King helped the latter become no more and no less than a master
of English worthy of comparison with Horace.
renders the highest possible homage to the achievements of Kipling the poet in his search
of an English equivalent of Horace’s poetry.
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chapter 5
Laura Orvieto and the Classical Heritage in Italy
before the Second World War*
Valentina Garulli
To Elda Baldi Montesano, who gently opened my eyes
to the wonderland of literature, to life.
⸪
Introduction
Molti e molti anni fa c’era nell’Asia, vicino al mare, una città che si chiamava Troia. Il re di Troia si chiamava Ilo…1
* I would like to thank Caterina Del Vivo (Director of the Historical Archive at the “Gabinetto
G.P. Vieusseux,” Florence, and of the Tuscany Section at the Associazione Nazionale Archivisti Italiani) for her precious advice, generous help, and support at every stage of this
project. The unpublished documents quoted in the following belong to the Contemporary
Archive “Alessandro Bonsanti: Gabinetto G.P. Vieusseux,” Florence (henceforth mentioned as
acgv): my warmest thanks to Gloria Manghetti (Director of the Contemporary Archive) for
kindly granting me permission to use and publish this material, and to Fabio Desideri (Contemporary Archive) for his help with the manuscript material. My gratitude also to Guido
Bastianini, Patrick Finglass, Lucia Floridi, Gabriella Gruder-Poni, Camillo Neri, and Vinicio
Tammaro for reading a first draft of this paper and making useful comments. Laura’s and
Angiolo Orvieto’s writings will be referred to as follows.
Laura Orvieto’s works (ordered by date):
Orvieto, Leo e Lia = Laura Orvieto, Leo e Lia. Storia di due bambini italiani con una gover
nante inglese [Firenze: Bemporad, 1909], illustrazioni di Vanna Vinci (Firenze: Giunti, 2011).
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare = Laura Orvieto, Storie della storia del mondo. Greche e
barbare [Firenze: Bemporad, 1911, but in fact 1910] (Firenze: Giunti, 1961).
Orvieto, Principesse = Laura Orvieto, Principesse, bambini e bestie (Firenze: Bemporad, 1914).
Orvieto, Fiorenza = Laura Orvieto, Sono la tua serva e tu sei il mio Signore. Così visse Flor
ence Nightingale (Firenze: Le Monnier, 1920).
Orvieto, Beppe racconta = Laura Orvieto, Beppe racconta la guerra (Firenze: Bemporad,
1925).
Orvieto, Il natale = Laura Orvieto, Storie della storia del mondo. Il natale di Roma (Firenze:
Bemporad, 1928).
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Garulli
These words, written more than twenty years ago, introduced me for the first
time to a fascinating fantastical world, which would continue to engross me
so much that it became my everyday world: the classical world. These words,
so maternal and charming, are Laura Orvieto’s, who opens her retelling of the
great and spellbinding story of Troy, addressing her children Leo and Lia within the literary fiction and, through them, children all around the world.
All around the world, indeed, because this book—Storie della storia del mondo.
Greche e barbare—was immediately and lastingly successful and was translated
into several languages. It is known in the English-speaking world as Stories of
Greece and the Barbarians (1966),2 in French as Légendes du monde grec et bar
bare (1924),3 and in Dutch as Grieken en Trojanen: De ondergang van Troje (1927).4
Orvieto, La forza = Laura Orvieto, Storie della storia del mondo. La forza di Roma (Firenze:
Bemporad, 1933).
Orvieto, Storie di bambini = Laura Orvieto, Storie di bambini molto antichi [Milano: Mondadori, 1937] (Milano: Mondadori, 1971).
Orvieto, Stories = Laura Orvieto, Stories of Greece and the Barbarians, adapted and trans.
by Barbara Whelpton, illustrated by Clifton Dey [London–Toronto–New York: Burke, 1966]
(London–Toronto–New York: Burke, 1983).
Orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura = Laura Orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura (Fondazione
Carlo Marchi. Quaderni, 11), a c. di Caterina Del Vivo (Città di Castello, PG: Leo S. Olschki,
2001).
Orvieto, Viaggio = Laura Orvieto, Viaggio meraviglioso di Gianni nel paese delle parole.
Fantasia grammaticale (Fondazione Carlo Marchi. Quaderni, 32), a c. di Caterina Del Vivo
(Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 2007).
Angiolo Orvieto’s works cited:
A. Orvieto, “Barbari” = Angiolo Orvieto, “Barbari,” Il Marzocco 2.7 (March 21, 1897): 2.
A. Orvieto, “I papiri” = Angiolo Orvieto, “I papiri e l’Italia,” Il Marzocco 13.3 (January 19,
1908): 1.
In the texts cited below I will use expanded character spacing in order to emphasise some
words and concepts.
1 “Ilus was a great builder who, many centuries ago, reigned over Troy which lies in north-west
Asia Minor” (Orvieto, Stories, 9).
2 Orvieto, Stories. This translation is quoted in this chapter only when it does not omit anything of the original text.
3 Trans. Sylvère Monod (Paris: Nathan).
4 Trans. J. Henzel (Zutphen: W.J. Thieme). A whole list of Laura’s books, including their translations into different languages, is found in Caterina Del Vivo, ed., Fondo Orvieto. Serie i. Cor
rispondenza generale. Lettere A–B, premessa di Paolo Bagnoli (Firenze: Polistampa, 1994),
49–50: the papers of the “Fondo Orvieto” (acgv, Florence) attest that Bemporad publisher
sold translation rights into Spanish and Hebrew for Storie greche e barbare in 1928 and 1955,
respectively. Del Vivo, ed., Fondo Orvieto, 50, also mentions a translation into Czech. See
also Caterina Del Vivo, “Educare narrando ‘storie.’ Miti classici, tradizione ebraica, echi del
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Laura Orvieto and the Classical Heritage in Italy
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Telling stories was Laura’s5 talent: the story I want to tell is autobiographical
to some extent, because Laura’s introduction to the classical world was my own
first introduction as a child.
Angiolo, Laura, and the Classical World
Who was Laura Orvieto? Let us make her acquaintance. Once upon a time—
as she would write—she was born in Milan as Laura Cantoni, into a Jewish
middle-class family (March 7, 1876). Her fondness for literature was strong
from her youth: she used to read “furiously”—“furiosamente,” she writes in her
unpublished autobiography Storia di Angiolo e Laura6—any book she came
upon. At the same time, she felt the need to help people and “to do something
in the world.” She looked with great interest at the educational activity of the
teacher and writer Rosa Errera (1864–1946), who had been her own teacher
at the “Scuola Normale Gaetana Agnesi” for girls and who taught afterschool
courses (Scuola e famiglia) for children of the working class. Laura’s family did
not allow her to follow Rosa in this endeavour because of her social status, and
so it was that her love for children and storytelling found expression within her
family, in the stories she used to tell her young cousins.7
Novecento nella letteratura per ragazzi di Laura Orvieto,” in Antonella Cagnolati, ed., Madri
sociali. Percorsi di genere tra educazione, politica e filantropia (Roma: Anicia, 2011), 154; Aldo
Cecconi, “La fortuna editoriale delle Storie della storia del mondo. Greche e barbare,” in aa.vv.,
Laura Orvieto: la voglia di raccontare le “Storie del mondo.” Atti della Giornata di studio. Firenze,
Palazzo Strozzi, 19 ottobre 2011, Antologia Vieusseux n.s. 18/53–54 (May–December 2012): 75–84.
5 In the following I will refer to Laura Orvieto as Laura for the sake of brevity and for avoiding
confusion with Angiolo Orvieto.
6 Orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 61. For Laura’s life, see also Caterina Del Vivo, “Laura Orvieto: per una biografia,” in aa.vv., Laura Orvieto: la voglia di raccontare le “Storie del mondo”,
10ff.
7 In Luigi Tonelli’s interview, “Laura Orvieto,” L’Italia che scrive 16.5 (May 1933), 129, Laura says:
“Probabilmente, erano tutte reminiscenze di cose che avevo sentito dire; ma non me ne
rendevo conto. Quando cominciavo, non sapevo mai come sarebbe andata a finire la storia; l’inventavo, mentre raccontavo, o mi pareva d’inventarla, divertendomi mezzo mondo.
Divertivo, probabilmente, anche i miei piccoli amici, giacché, appena mi vedevano, chiedevano le novelle… Devo confessare che la compagnia dei bambini è stata sempre, per
me, la più gradita; nessuna conversazione, anche assai piacevole, di grandi, mi ha mai dato
il piacere, che provo, stando coi piccoli, e seguendoli nelle manifestazioni della loro incipiente intelligenza.” See also Del Vivo, “Laura Orvieto: per una biografia,” 14–15. On Laura
and the children, see also Giuliana Treves Artom, “Ricordando Laura Orvieto,” in Caterina
Del Vivo, ed., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache fra Ottocento e avanguardie (1887–1913).
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Laura’s education was the standard basic education reserved for women at
the so-called “scuole normali,”8 but afterward her family allowed her to improve her knowledge of English literature by taking private lessons from a
young teacher from Newcastle, Lily Marshall, who, along with Rosa Errera, became one of Laura’s female reference points and a close friend.9
Her familiarity with the classical world increased after her marriage in
1899 to Angiolo Orvieto (1869–1967), a Jewish poet, journalist, and founder—
together with his brother Adolfo—of the cultural journal Il Marzocco (1896–
1932).10 With him she moved to Florence.11
Laura and Angiolo’s relationship involved a complete and deep community of interests: they shared their projects and ideas throughout their life
together.12 So Angiolo’s interest in the classical world involved and affected
Laura, too.
8
9
10
11
12
Atti del seminario di studi (12–13–14 dicembre 1983) (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 1985), 365. On
Laura’s commitment to Jewish orphans, see Lionella Viterbo, “Impegno sociale ed educativo nella comunità ebraica fiorentina,” in aa.vv., Laura Orvieto: la voglia di raccontare le
“Storie del mondo”, 65–73. Laura’s choice to introduce her stories as told by Laura herself
to her children in Storie greche e barbare might indicate that such a frame could make a
woman’s book more acceptable, as Lucia Floridi has suggested to me (per litteras).
Laura, as a teenager, did not like traditional female activities: she liked to study, but her
family did not approve. See Orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 61–62, 64–65; Carla Poesio,
Laura Orvieto (Firenze: Le Monnier, 1971), 10–12; Claudia Gori, Crisalidi. Emancipazioniste
liberali in età giolittiana (Milano: Franco Angeli, 2003), 55–56; Monica Pacini, “Il giornalismo di Laura Orvieto: educarsi/educare,” in aa.vv., Laura Orvieto: la voglia di raccontare
le “Storie del mondo”, 109–126.
See Poesio, Laura Orvieto, 13; Gori, Crisalidi, 57.
Laura and Angiolo were relatives: the genealogy of their families is drawn in Orvieto, Sto
ria di Angiolo e Laura, xvii; and Caterina Del Vivo and Marco Assirelli, eds., Il Marzocco.
Carteggi e cronache (1887–1913). Mostra documentaria coordinata da Caterina Del Vivo.
Catalogo (Firenze: Mori, 1983), 11–12; on the journal Il Marzocco, see, e.g., Del Vivo and Assirelli, eds., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache (1887–1913), and Diletta Minutoli, “Il carteggio
Orvieto–Vitelli,” Analecta papyrologica 14/15 (2002/2003): 325–330. The journal’s logotype
contained a Greek quotation from Aesch. Pr. 309–310: μεθάρμοσαι τρόπους / νέους.
On Florence between the eighteenth and nineteenth century, see Franco Contorbia, “La
Firenze di Laura Orvieto: qualche considerazione,” in aa.vv., Laura Orvieto: la voglia di
raccontare le “Storie del mondo”, 27–34.
See, e.g., Alda Perugia, “Poesia e bontà nell’opera di Laura Orvieto,” La Rassegna mensile
di Israel 19/8 (1953): 11 and 13; Pasquale Vannucci, “Da Maria Pascoli a Laura Orvieto a
Eleonora Duse. Tre donne tre luci,” La Fiera Letteraria (July 18, 1954): 2; Sonia Naldi de
Figner, In memoria di Laura Orvieto (Monza: Nuova Massimo, 1954), 5–6; Treves Artom,
“Ricordando Laura Orvieto,” 366. Laura dedicated her books to him as to her “amico, maestro, compagno.”
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As she writes in Storia di Angiolo e Laura, during his university course in
Florence Angiolo was anxious to improve his knowledge of ancient Greek
because of his interest in ancient philosophy, and he asked the papyrologist
Girolamo Vitelli13 to give him tutorials: although he liked Angiolo, Vitelli
declined the request, perhaps because he had no time, but perhaps—Laura
adds—because he understood immediately that Angiolo was not cut out to
be a philologist:
L’Ateneo fiorentino era allora nel suo pieno splendore. Vi insegnavano
professori come Pasquale Villari, Girolamo Vitelli, Augusto Conti, Gaetano Trezza. Convinto di dover diventare storico della filosofia e quindi di
dovere imparare molto bene il greco, Angiolo chiese al professor Vitelli
di dargli lezioni particolari. Ma il Vitelli pur essendogli benevolo e diventandogli poi sempre più amico nel corso della vita, non aderì. Non aveva
tempo, e forse aveva acutamente capito che in Angiolo non c’era la stoffa
del filologo.
orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 40
Nevertheless, Angiolo attended Vitelli’s lectures, and his enthusiasm revealed a
promising poet rather than a philosopher or a philologist:
Nondimeno Angiolo frequentò assiduamente le lezioni del Vitelli, quelle
del Trezza […]. E i due professori lo avevano caro, perché riconoscevano
in lui quel caldo entusiasmo e quella sincerità di impressione che c’era
veramente, e che a un osservatore imparziale sarebbe apparso, come
forse apparve al Vitelli, indizio di uno spirito poetico più che filosofico
e filologico.
orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 40
13
On Vitelli (1849–1935), see below: Laura’s Workplace and Girolamo Vitelli. On Vitelli’s role
in the history of classical scholarship, see Donato Morelli and Rosario Pintaudi, eds.,
Cinquant’anni di papirologia in Italia. Carteggi Breccia–Comparetti–Norsa–Vitelli, 2 vols.
(Napoli: Bibliopolis, 1983); Rosario Pintaudi, ed., Gli archivi della memoria. Bibliotecari,
filologi e papirologi nei carteggi della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana (Firenze: Biblioteca
Medicea Laurenziana, 1996), 1–14; Guido Bastianini and Angelo Casanova, eds., 100 anni
di istituzioni fiorentine per la papirologia. 1908. Società Italiana per la ricerca dei Papiri.
1928. Istituto Papirologico «G. Vitelli». Atti del convegno internazionale di studi. Firenze, 12–13
giugno 2008 (Firenze: Istituto Papirologico Vitelli, 2009); Camillo Neri, “«Il greco ai giorni
nostri», ovvero: sacrificarsi per Atene o sacrificare Atene?” in Luciano Canfora and Ugo
Cardinale, eds., Disegnare il futuro con intelligenza antica. L’insegnamento del latino e del
greco antico in Italia e nel mondo (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2012), 115–117.
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He graduated in philosophy in 1895 with a dissertation on Xenophanes of
Colophon,14 published in 1899 as Filosofia di Senofane (Firenze: Seeber). His
rather “poetic” approach to the ancient Greek world comes out even later in
the autobiography, for example when, after the publication of Enrico Turolla’s
book Vita di Platone (Milano: F.lli Bocca, 1939), Angiolo and his friends founded
the so-called “Accademia Platonica” and met regularly to read that book:
Quella Vita di Platone fu letta dall’amico agli amici in una serie di riunioni
che essi chiamarono scherzosamente Accademia Platonica: e portò ad
essi l’afflato della grande anima dell’altissimo Greco, passata attraverso
l’anima ardente del moderno italiano, abbagliato e placato in luce quasi
ultraterrena da quelle aspirazioni quasi divine, da quelle altezze vertiginose. Folgorazioni alle quali, come Dante nel Paradiso, la mente si
abituava a poco a poco con stupore e rapimenti sempre crescenti, con
possibilità sempre maggiori di più vedere e più capire e più godere, in
commozione sovrumana, in quei colloqui e in quelle letture, con le grandi anime antiche a traverso la comunione loro. Ogni contingenza presente era obliata, nella luce di quella altissima poesia.
orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 134
In fact, Angiolo’s attitude toward the ancient world appears to be quite far
from philology and textual criticism, as he shows clearly in Orvieto, “Barbari”:
[…] quella pleiade illustre di filologi, che consumano gli occhi e gli occhiali a contare i mèn e i dè, gli kaí e gli allà di Platone o di Demostene,
che si lambiccano mesi e mesi il cervello per storcere a qualche strana
sentenza l’uno o l’altro passo controverso di questo o di quell’autore, con
artifici di virgole aggiunte o soppresse, con sottigliezza di conghietture
gelosamente custodite fra parentesi quadre e con arcana profondità di
raffronti.15
However, Angiolo’s passion for ancient Greek culture was fruitful during his
life: in a chapter of the autobiography, titled “Papiri,” Laura describes how
14
15
acgv, Florence, Or. 4.10.1: “La Filosofia di Senofane di Colofone criticamente esposta da
Angiolo Orvieto Tesi di Laurea 1894.”
This article is a strong attack against Germany and its hostile attitude toward Greece: it
mirrors a tendency which found in Giuseppe Fraccaroli and Ettore Romagnoli its best
representatives in Italy, see Neri, “«Il greco ai giorni nostri»,” 126–133. The attack against
philologists is already attested in Antiquity, see, e.g., Daniela Manetti, “La Grecia e il greco:
la fuga dei filologi (Herodic. sh 494),” Eikasmós 13 (2002): 185; one wonders whether Angiolo knew such texts.
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Angiolo’s attitude toward Greek philologists changed from 1897 to 1908, when
he met Bernard P. Grenfell and could appreciate him as “uomo d’azione e di
studio, miracolo d’energia e di dottrina.”16 On January 11, 1908 the British papyrologist went to Florence and gave a lecture on Greek papyri at the “Società
Leonardo da Vinci.”17 Grenfell’s lecture brought the difference between papyrology in England and Italy to light:
Il Vitelli ammirava e anche un po’ invidiava quei suoi colleghi, ai quali
la ricchezza e la liberalità dei cittadini inglesi dava modo di fare quegli
scavi, che portavano al mondo moderno nuove luci sugli usi e sui costumi
della Grecia antica e dell’antica letteratura […]. Ma chi poteva pretendere
che la povera Italia si permettesse il lusso di spender soldi per le ricerche
dei papiri in Egitto? Nemmeno pensarci, e il Vitelli non ci pensava: era
quello il tempo che con la scusa della povertà si finiva, in Italia, a non fare
tante cose, che con un po’ di buona volontà si sarebbero potute intraprendere, sia pure in misura modesta.
orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 99
This drove Angiolo to do something concrete in order to help Italian papyrology. Laura explains:
[…] quando si trattava di far vivere un’idea che a lui sembrava bella e alta,
anche se fosse lontana dai suoi studi, anche se avesse la sicurezza che a
lui non ne sarebbe mai venuto nessun utile, Angiolo si metteva a quel
lavoro come se la cosa lo interessasse personalmente, con quell’ardore
che in genere gli uomini adoperano per ciò che possa meglio farli riuscire
nella vita o negli affari.
orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 100
16
17
Angiolo describes B.P. Grenfell as follows: “[…] l’uomo abituato a rivocar dalle tombe
greche dell’Egitto le voci dei grandi e le voci dei piccoli, mute da diecine di secoli; colui
che ci ha fatto udire parole ignote di Sofocle e d’Euripide, di Saffo e di Pindaro, di Gesù
e di Paolo, e ha spirato il soffio della seconda vita in una folla multiforme che compra e
vende, fa leggi e le trasgredisce, salda conti e dà quietanza, promuove sequestri, porge
petizioni, paga tasse—allora come oggi—quest’uomo che ha passato tredici inverni fra le
rovine del Fajûm a scavare, a scoprire, a raccogliere; e tredici estati a Oxford a decifrare,
a interpretare, a illustrare—quest’uomo d’azione e di studio, miracolo d’energia e di dottrina che—come disse il Vitelli—«vola vivo per le bocche degli uomini»—parla della
sua grande opera con una semplicità austera che, nella terra di Cicerone, nel paese della
retorica endemica, stupisce ancor più dell’opera stessa” (A. Orvieto, “I papiri,” 1).
Angiolo founded this in 1902, together with Guido Biagi and Giulio Fano: see Orvieto, Sto
ria di Angiolo e Laura, 88–91; Del Vivo and Assirelli, eds., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache
(1887–1913), 103–108.
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In 1908, in his article “I papiri e l’Italia,” Angiolo announced the establishment
of the “Società Italiana per la ricerca dei papiri greci e latini in Egitto,” modelled on the British Egypt Exploration Fund:
[…] per andare in Egitto a intraprendere qualche scavo sistematico […]
bastano poche decine di migliaia di lire, e c’è il caso di ricavarne tesori.
Ma ci vuole un ente, una associazione con fondi propri, che garantisca
all’impresa continuità e sicurezza per un certo numero d’anni […]. Anche
i muscoli dell’ideale hanno bisogno di moto […]. Si troveranno in tutta
Italia 150 persone di buona volontà, che sottoscrivano 100 lire a testa? Io
spero di sì. Intanto, eccone una.18
a. orvieto, “I papiri,” 1
Angiolo was the leader and organiser (“l’anima e l’organizzatore”) of the new
“società degli idealisti,” as Laura describes it,19 but he never wanted to follow
Vitelli, Medea Norsa, or Ermenegildo Pistelli20 in Egypt, because he did not
18
19
20
The establishment of the new association on June 1st was announced in Il Marzocco
13/23 (June 7, 1908): 4–5. Ermenegildo Pistelli, in Omaggio della Società Italiana per la
ricerca dei papiri greci in Egitto al quarto convegno dei classicisti tenuto in Firenze dal xviii
al xx aprile del mcmxi (Firenze: Tipografia Enrico Ariani, 1911), 4, describing the history
of the new association wrote: “[…] si correva il rischio che s’esaurisse tutta l’attività italiana in questo campo, poiché era vano sperare aiuti ufficiali, e troppo audace il continuare
l’impresa con la sola speranza di aiuti privati, incerti ed intermittenti, mentre i papiri
greci sul mercato Egiziano salivano di giorno in giorno a prezzi sempre più favolosi.
Bisognava disciplinare l’iniziativa privata, renderla per qualche tempo stabile e costante,
e dirigerla specialmente a nuovi scavi. Fecero il miracolo l’entusiasmo e la tenacia di
Angiolo Orvieto.”
Orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 101.
Pistelli is mentioned in Laura’s autobiography: she relates that in 1914 Angiolo and the
senior Pistelli turned the room of the “Società Dantesca” into an information centre for
the families of the soldiers: “Così, con la collaborazione di Padre Ermenegildo Pistelli,
professore di greco e arguto scrittore di libri per ragazzi e per grandi, come due sacerdoti
uno nella tonaca dell’ordine degli scolopi, l’altro nel semplice abito borghese ma con lo
stesso cuore, eccoli tutti e due nell’ampia sala sovrastante alla chiesa di Orsanmichele e
connessa col Palagio dell’Arte della Lana, quello acquistato da Guido Biagi per la Società
Dantesca, grande sala nella quale si tenevano le conferenze e le lezioni dantesche e che
non serve più, in questi anni, a Dante, ma bensì all’Italia in grigio verde” (Orvieto, Storia
di Angiolo e Laura, 116). See also Marino Raicich, “Suggerimenti per la ricerca su alcuni
aspetti del «Marzocco» (Pistelli, scuola ecc.),” in Del Vivo, ed., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cro
nache, 246–247.
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consider himself competent, nor did he benefit from his efforts financially.21
At some point, he decided to attach the society to the University of Florence;
this choice proved to be wise, when anti-Jewish laws excluded him from the
directorship and from the society itself:
[…] e fu fortuna, ora che le leggi razziali escludono lui dalla Società che
con tanta fede e con tanta tenacia aveva fondata e diretta, e della quale
Girolamo Vitelli con altrettanta fede e altrettanta tenacia lo aveva voluto sempre presidente, né mai gli aveva permesso di lasciare il posto dal
quale egli più volte avrebbe voluto ritirarsi.22
orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 102
Through Angiolo, Laura’s name is deeply involved in the history of classical
scholarship in Italy, and she proves to be aware of the great importance of papyrology and more generally of the study of ancient Greek and Latin literature:
[…] quei papiri, che spesso contenevano contratti di compra e vendita,
di impegni commerciali, di notizie riguardanti un matrimonio o una
nascita o una morte, di esazioni di tasse, davano anche talvolta a quegli
studiosi gioia di versi sconosciuti di grandi poeti, lezioni sicure là dove
esistevano dubbi, talvolta completamenti di passi fino allora mancanti, e
notizie preziose sulla vita d’allora.
orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 99
21
22
Vitelli and Evaristo Breccia wrote some letters—now in the “Fondo Orvieto,” acgv, Florence; see Del Vivo and Assirelli, eds., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache (1887–1913), 107–108;
Caterina Del Vivo, “La donazione Orvieto all’Archivio Contemporaneo del Gabinetto G.P.
Vieusseux,” in Del Vivo, ed., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache, 369–378; Laura Melosi, “Laura Orvieto,” in eiusdem, Profili di donne. Dai fondi dell’Archivio contemporaneo Gabinetto
G.P. Vieusseux (Roma: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2001), 110–114—to Angiolo during
their excavations in order to communicate their results to him: see Del Vivo and Assirelli,
eds., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache (1887–1913), 107–108; Caterina Del Vivo and Marco
Assirelli, “Gli Orvieto: dalle prime riviste alla prima guerra mondiale,” in Del Vivo, ed., Il
Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache, 28–29; Del Vivo, ed., Fondo Orvieto; Minutoli, “Il carteggio
Orvieto–Vitelli,” 322–336; see also Morelli and Pintaudi, Cinquant’anni di papirologia in
Italia, vol. 1, 287 and vol. 2, 453 n. 2.
On the April 23, 1927 the “Società Italiana” deliberated its dissolution and on June 21, 1928
a new “Istituto Papirologico” was founded at the University of Florence; see Bastianini
and Casanova, 100 anni di istituzioni fiorentine per la papirologia, ix. During the war Angiolo and Laura escaped the anti-Jewish persecutions in a monastery in Mugello, under
the protection of Father Massimo, director of the Ospizio San Carlo: see Del Vivo, “Laura
Orvieto: per una biografia,” 19–22.
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But she became even more deeply involved in another project of Angiolo’s in
defence of classical culture. In Spring 1911, when a big conference of classicists
was held in Florence,23 Angiolo organised a performance of Sophocles’ Oedi
pus Tyrannus, directed by Gustavo Salvini, in the Roman Theatre at Fiesole:24
A quegli studiosi che per studi classici intendevano lo stare chini sui libri
a chiosare gli antichi testi, Angiolo propose una rappresentazione classica nel teatro romano di Fiesole: per vivificare quegli studi, far rivivere
un dramma antico nell’atmosfera nella quale era nato, all’aperto, dargli
nuovo interesse fra gli uomini d’oggi. Mossi dal suo fervore, i vecchioni
che dirigevano il congresso accettarono; ed ecco Angiolo fra gli artisti
drammatici, con Gustavo Salvini alla testa, a chiamare attori e attrici,
a raccogliere e a dare denari, a scegliere drammi e costumi, a riattare il
teatro in modo che gli attori avessero qualche cosa che somigliasse a un
camerino per vestirsi, e agli spettatori fossero dati posti solidi, senza buche traditrici dove rompersi una gamba.
orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 103
On April 20 Sophocles’ drama was successfully performed: Laura notes that
“i congressisti e tutta Firenze si commossero, e parlavano con interesse della
nuova iniziativa.”25 The success of the first performance at Fiesole opened the
way to further performances in the following years (1911–1914), such as Euripides’ Orestes and Bacchae.26 As usual, Laura took an active part in this project.
23
24
25
26
It was the 4th conference of the “Società Atene e Roma.”
As Pistelli (in Omaggio, 5) explains, the “Società Italiana” offered the participants a little
book with some specimina of the forthcoming volume of the Papiri della Società Italiana.
Orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 103.
Among others involved in these performances were: Ezio Anichini, who designed the
posters and tickets (see Marco Assirelli, “Illustratori e grafici nella Firenze del «Marzocco»,” in Del Vivo, ed., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache, 330), and was the illustrator of
Laura’s Storie greche e barbare (see Silvia Assirelli, “L’iconografia delle Storie della storia
del mondo: tre illustratori a confronto,” in aa.vv., Laura Orvieto: la voglia di raccontare le
“Storie del mondo”, 127–159); Ildebrando Pizzetti, who composed some musical pieces for
Euripides’ Bacchae (1913) and Tasso’s Aminta (1914); and the classicist Ettore Romagnoli,
whose letters to Angiolo belong to the “Fondo Orvieto” (see above) and were published
in part. For example, referring to Bacchae he appears to be concerned about a correct
and consistent staging: “[…] io in queste Baccanti ho tentato una ricostruzione stilistica, d’aspirazione artistica, ma archeologicamente fondata. Ho voluto una ricostruzione
della Tebe antichissima […]. Tutto questo allestimento scenico può piacere o dispiacere;
però è organicamente concepito” (Del Vivo and Assirelli, “Gli Orvieto,” 35 n. 90). On Angiolo’s committment to the Roman Theatre at Fiesole, see Del Vivo and Assirelli, eds., Il
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In particular, she describes her anxiety on the day of Oedipus’s first performance, as the weather was unpredictable and the performance had to be
open-air:
[…] e un’ora prima della rappresentazione Angiolo e Laura con la Lily
Marshall ospite salirono su a Fiesole, e con loro una cassettina pesante,
che conteneva una quantità di spiccioli, per il caso che all’ultimo momento l’acqua scendesse dal cielo sulla terra, e si dovesse rendere al pubblico
i denari dei biglietti. Ma che ansie fino all’ultimo con quel cielo grigio e
piovorno! Se si arriva fino a metà rappresentazione siamo salvi. Ma credo
che Angiolo e Laura e neppure la Lily alla quale era stata affidata la famosa cassettina non poterono commoversi troppo né troppo ammirare
la drammatica interpretazione di Gustavo Salvini: pioverà? non pioverà?
[…]. Ma la rappresentazione ebbe luogo, e quando Gustavo Salvini-Edipo
nella sua cecità invocò il sole, un raggio di sole sfolgorò veramente, quasi
a rispondergli, fra le nuvole.27
orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 104
27
Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache (1887–1913), 145–151; and Del Vivo and Assirelli, “Gli Orvieto,”
34–36. For some photos of the theatre, see Caterina Del Vivo, ed., …Narrando storie. Laura
Orvieto e il suo mondo. Catalogo della Mostra documentaria (Firenze, Palazzo Bastogi–
Archivio Storico del Comune, 20 ottobre–20 novembre 2011) (Firenze: Giunti, 2011), 17; cf. also
Cristina Nuzzi, ed., Eleonora Duse e Firenze. Catalogo della mostra, Fiesole 1994 (Firenze:
Firenze Viva, 1994).
Laura notes that the weather improved in the following days and that Eleonora Duse and
Sidney Sonnino attended the performances (Orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 104). Eleonora Duse was quite close to Laura and Angiolo for some time, and Laura writes that
Angiolo had shared with Eleonora his desire to make classical theatre live again at Fiesole;
she approved his project enthusiastically: “Angiolo le parlò di una idea che da tempo accarezzava: quella di far rivivere il teatro di Fiesole, di recitarvi le grandi tragedie greche. La
cosa le piacque subito, con un impeto di quella sua intelligenza luminosa che la faceva entrare d’un tratto nel cuore di un’idea, e già viverla tutta. Vedeva d’un tratto superato ogni
ostacolo, e già il magnifico spettacolo greco-italiano in azione: un generoso e facoltoso
tedesco, il banchiere Mendelssohn, marito della sua amica Giulietta Gordigiani, avrebbe
certamente dato volentieri i fondi necessari. – Ma non possiamo farne una cosa tedesca;
bisogna che sia una cosa italiana – obiettò Laura” (Orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 97).
The relations between Laura and Eleonora Duse cooled at some point: Eleonora had such
a strong ascendancy over Laura that Angiolo finally broke with her (Orvieto, Storia di
Angiolo e Laura, 97–99). Some letters between Laura and Eleonora were published by
Vannucci, “Da Maria Pascoli a Laura Orvieto a Eleonora Duse,” 2; Poesio, Laura Orvieto,
24–27; see also Del Vivo and Assirelli, eds., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache (1887–1913), 127;
Gori, Crisalidi, 119–120.
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It is worth mentioning that Angiolo had also dealt with classical themes as a
librettist: Laura mentions his Elena alle Porte Scee, published in 1904 and set to
music by Giovanni Minguzzi, but never performed.28
In other words, as her autobiography clearly shows, the classical world was
much more present in Laura’s life than one might expect given her education.
Since Laura shared Angiolo’s projects and ideas with enthusiasm, it should not
surprise us that classical mythology shaped her writing for children.
Laura’s Way
Laura, however, found her own way to the classical world. Pistelli describes this
as follows:
Ad un uomo d’ingegno—per esempio ad Angiolo Orvieto—sarebbe
venuto in mente di scrivere sul Marzocco un articolo […] sulla necessità
d’avere buoni libri di coltura classica […]. Oppure, un’altra cosa potrebbe
venire a mente, invece d’un articolo: un’adunanza […], un Convegno, un
ciclo di conferenze… Invece, una donna d’ingegno un bel giorno, forse
mentre aspettava che Angiolo Orvieto tornasse da una delle adunanze
che ho ricordate, con quell’intuito più sicuro, più pratico che è proprio
delle donne anche quando hanno ingegno, pensava: – Ma se cominciassimo […] dai ragazzi? Quali «storie» più belle, più fantastiche, più attraenti anche per loro, di quelle che racconta Omero?29
28
29
Orvieto, Storia di Angiolo e Laura, 87: “In quel momento, specialmente prima del Pane
altrui, tutti i musicisti volevano libretti di Angiolo; Puccini, Giordano, Franchetti. Per
Franchetti Angiolo dopo aver scritto una Rut e Noemi, compose una Elena alle Porte Scee
che fu pubblicata nell’«Illustrazione Italiana» [31/48, November 27, 1904] e musicata poi
da un [sic!] maestro Minguzzi.” Giovanni Minguzzi was an Italian composer (1870–1934):
see Marie-Thérèse Bouquet, in Alberto Basso, ed., Dizionario Enciclopedico Universale
della Musica e dei Musicisti, vol. 5 (Torino: utet, 1988), 114. On the history of Elena alle
Porte Scee, see two letters published by Del Vivo and Assirelli, eds., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e
cronache (1887–1913), 98. On Angiolo’s activity as a librettist, see also Del Vivo, ed., Fondo
Orvieto, 12–13; Del Vivo and Assirelli, eds., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache (1887–1913),
93–101; and Del Vivo and Assirelli, “Gli Orvieto,” 25–27.
Ermenegildo Pistelli, “Propaganda classica per ragazzi,” Il Marzocco 15/51 (Dec. 18, 1910): 2.
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Laura’s first—and best—work was the Storie della storia del mondo. Greche e
barbare, published between 1910 and 1911,30 when Angiolo revived Sophocles’
Oedipus at Fiesole, and a couple of years after the foundation of the Italian society for research on Greek and Latin papyri in Egypt. Seen in context, Laura’s
first book for children on classical mythology does not appear out of the blue.31
The series Storie della storia del mondo included, after the first volume, the
books Beppe racconta la guerra (1925), Il natale di Roma (1928), and La forza di
Roma (1933). This series was announced at the end of Leo e Lia (1909):
– […] quelli che vivono ora sono i figli dei figli dei figli dei figli dei figli
dei figli dei figli di quelli là. Ma ognuno di loro ha fatto un passo, e tutti
insieme hanno fatto la storia del mondo.
– Raccontami la storia del mondo, mamma – pregò Leo.
– La storia del mondo è fatta di tante tante storie, e sono tutte belle. Ma
non te le posso raccontare ora: sei troppo piccino. Te le dirò quando sarai
più grande: quando avrai almeno sei anni.
orvieto, Leo e Lia, 134
The title of the series, as well as its announcement, suggests that the scope
of the original project was broader than eventually realised: all the published
30
31
On the cover of the book, below Ezio Anichini’s illustration of the Trojan horse, the
date 1910 is printed, but at the bottom of p. iv is printed “1911—Tip. Giuntina, diretta da
L. Franceschini—Firenze, Via del Sole, 4.” In fact, as Contorbia (“La Firenze di Laura Orvieto,” 31) has pointed out, Pistelli’s review of Storie greche e barbare, published in Il Mar
zocco on December 18, 1910, proves that the book was already printed at that time and in
a letter dated on the 21st of the same month Sibilla Aleramo thanks Laura for the book
(Del Vivo and Assirelli, eds., Il Marzocco. Carteggi e cronache (1887–1913), 136 no. 281): this is
further confirmed by Vitelli’s letter to Laura published below, see: Laura’s Workplace and
Girolamo Vitelli.
Laura discovered her own inclination toward writing from 1905, when she started to write
for Il Marzocco under the pseudonym “Mrs. El.” Her activity was particularly intensive
between 1906 and 1908 (see Pacini, “Il giornalismo di Laura Orvieto,” 116–119); her column
was titled Marginalia: see also Del Vivo, ed., Fondo Orvieto, 26; Melosi, “Laura Orvieto,” 107;
Caterina Del Vivo, “«Nostalgie delle palme e dell’Arno»: dicotomie inattese e proiezioni
letterarie nelle opere di Angiolo e Laura Orvieto,” in Raniero Speelman, Monica Jansen,
and Silvia Gaiga, eds., Ebrei migranti: le voci della diaspora, Proceedings of the Conference.
Istanbul, 23th–27th June 2010, “Italianistica Ultraiectina” 7 (Utrecht: Igitur, 2012), 174; Del
Vivo, “Laura Orvieto: per una biografia,” 15. As for Laura’s interest in classical mythology,
the story of Hercules appears already in Orvieto, Leo e Lia, 90–92, 123, 127–128, 131.
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volumes invoke Classical Antiquity except for Beppe racconta,32 yet the Storie
della storia del mondo were probably conceived by Laura as a whole series of
books drawing from different cultures and traditions.33
Be that as it may, Laura’s writings belong to different genres. As Carla Poesio
observes,34 one can easily detect two principal strains: mythical narrative—
from Storie greche e barbare to Storie di bambini—on the one hand, and a more
varied collection of “popular literature” (Leo e Lia; Principesse; Fiorenza; Beppe
racconta; La forza) on the other, including short tales from everyday life (Leo
e Lia and Principesse), biography (Fiorenza), historical novel (La forza), and
recent history (Beppe racconta); between these two main strains she places Il
natale, as a sort of trait d’union.35 Classical mythology is the subject of Laura’s
mythical narrative (and partly of Il natale), which is unanimously regarded
as her best work. Moreover, it is precisely in the field of mythical narrative
that Laura plays a primary role in the history of Italian literature for children:
after her first and most important book on this subject—Storie greche e
32
33
34
35
On this novel, see Pino Boero and Carmine De Luca, La letteratura per l’infanzia (Bari:
Laterza, 1995), 154–155; Pino Boero, “Beppe racconta la guerra: Laura Orvieto e il fascismo,”
in aa.vv., Laura Orvieto: la voglia di raccontare le “Storie del mondo”, 45–64.
Caterina Del Vivo, “«La storia del mondo è fatta di tante storie». Mondo classico e tradizione ebraica nella narrativa di Laura Orvieto,” Antologia Vieusseux 15 n. 43 (January–
April 2009): 6–7, observes that perhaps “[…] le osservazioni censorie mosse ad alcune
delle sue pagine e la tiepida accoglienza editoriale alle sue proposte condussero la scrittrice ad allontanarsi dalle sue intenzioni ed a privilegiare il filone della storia della Grecia
e di Roma.” Del Vivo, “Altre Storie del mondo: gli inediti di ispirazione ebraica nell’archivio
di Laura Orvieto,” in Una mente colorata. Studî in onore di Attilio Mauro Caproni per i suoi
65 anni, promossi, raccolti, ordinati da Piero Innocenti, curati da Cristina Cavallaro, vol. 2
(Roma: Vecchiarelli, 2007), 555–574; Del Vivo, “«Nostalgie delle palme e dell’Arno»: dicotomie inattese e proiezioni letterarie,” 175–176, shows that some unpublished writings, such
as I racconti del sabato, Leone da Rimini, but also Viaggio (recently published: see Del Vivo,
“Educare narrando ‘storie’,” 170–174), suggest that Laura had planned to also tell stories
close to Jewish culture and tradition, see also Del Vivo, “Educare narrando ‘storie’,” 159–
160, 174–176; Roberta Turchi, “L’ultima delle storie della storia del mondo: Il viaggio meravi
glioso di Gianni, fantasia grammaticale di Laura Orvieto,” in aa.vv., Laura Orvieto: la voglia
di raccontare le “Storie del mondo”, 85–107. On Angiolo’s and Laura’s attitude toward Jewish
identity and Sionism, see Del Vivo, “Altre Storie del mondo,” 555–574; eadem, “Educare narrando: Laura Orvieto e le sue storie,” Bollettino dell’Amicizia ebraica cristiana 1–2 (2007):
7–20; eadem, “«Nostalgie delle palme e dell’Arno»: dicotomie inattese e proiezioni letterarie,” 167–184; eadem,“Laura Orvieto: per una biografia,” 16–18, with further bibliography.
Laura Orvieto, 69–70.
Sabrina Fava, Percorsi critici di letteratura per l’infanzia tra le due guerre (Milano: Vita e
Pensiero, 2004), 244, detects Virgil’s Aeneid and Livy’s History of Rome as sources of Il na
tale and La forza.
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barbare—interest in classical mythology grew and produced a rich series of
children’s books dealing with this subject in different ways.36 In the context
of Italian literature for children Laura’s book is something new: according to
Poesio37 and Grandi,38 Laura’s models must be sought in English and American
literature.39 Since her mythical narratives share several features with the works
of Nathaniel Hawthorne (1804–1864), Charles Kingsley (1819–1875), and Andrew Lang (1844–1912), as Poesio admits,40 these might have been models for
Laura.
Although in Laura’s writings, published or unpublished, these writers are
not mentioned, there is no reason to assume that she did not know them.41 But
does this mean that these books were Laura’s sources of classical myths?
The American writer Nathaniel Hawthorne wrote A WonderBook for Boys
and Girls (1851) and Tanglewood Tales (1853), two books for children that include several classical myths: his charming narrative style is actually similar to
Laura’s and may have inspired her.42 He created a personal and original revision of the classical myths and, like Laura, based his narrative on his experience with his own children. In his collections of stories Hawthorne retells the
following myths: Perseus, Midas, Pandora, the apples of the Hesperides, Philemon and Baucis, Bellerophon, Theseus, Antaeus, Cadmus, Circe, Persephone,
and the expedition of the Argonauts.
Charles Kingsley did not approve of rewriting classical myths, and he wrote
The Heroes, or Greek Fairy Tales for My Children (1856) as a faithful “translation” of the classical world; according to Poesio,43 his poetic prose echoes the
rhythm of Homeric verse, as well as some choral odes from Greek tragedy.
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
A synthesis of Italian literature for children before wwii can be found in William Grandi,
La Musa bambina. La letteratura mitologica italiana per ragazzi tra storia, narrazione e
pedagogia (Milano: Unicopli, 2011), 60–71 and 101–108.
Laura Orvieto, 51–63.
La Musa bambina. La letteratura mitologica, 104–105.
Fava, Percorsi critici di letteratura per l’infanzia, 244, observes generically (and ambiguously) that “l’epopea vibrante narrata in Storie della storia del mondo e in Storie di bambini
molto antichi si avvaleva, più o meno consapevolmente, di fonti mitologiche già rielaborate dai poemi omerici e dall’Eneide virgiliana.”
Laura Orvieto, 63 and 86.
In acgv, Florence, Or. 5.3.7 (a collection of opinions on children’s book: 1915–1920?) none
of these authors is mentioned. Nonetheless, Kingsley is mentioned (Valentia, Two Years
Ago) in Or. 5.3.1, third notebook, p. 1v (1898–1905?), although not in regard to his book for
children. See Del Vivo, “Laura Orvieto: per una biografia,” 8.
Poesio, Laura Orvieto, 53–54.
Ibid., 55.
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Kingsley retells only three myths: Perseus, the expedition of the Argonauts,
and Theseus.
Like Kingsley, Andrew Lang hews to the ancient texts in Tales of Troy and
Greece (1907), his retelling of the story of the Trojan War, the wanderings of
Ulysses, Perseus, Theseus, and the expedition of the Argonauts.
As Poesio correctly points out,44 Laura’s mythical narrative owes much to
these writers, and appears especially close to Hawthorne’s approach to classical myth. However, none of the books mentioned above includes the entire
saga of the Trojan War as it appears in Laura’s Storie greche e barbare: a more
significant overlapping of contents can be seen between the books mentioned
and Storie di bambini. Unfortunately, Laura and Angiolo’s personal library did
not survive, we therefore have no access to Laura’s sources of classical myths.45
Certainly in Laura’s Storie greche e barbare one can recognise some epic,
specifically Homeric features. Laura’s language includes many epithets, which
often “translate” the Homeric epithets:
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 37: “Elena, divina fra tutte le donne,” see
δῖα γυναικῶν, “noblest of women,” used for Helen in Il. 3.171, 228, Od. 4.305,
15.106; see Lexikon des frühgriechischen Epos [LfgrE], begründ. v. Bruno
Snell, vol. 2 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982–1991), 526;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 37–38: “Elena dalle bianche braccia,”
see λευκώλενος, “white-armed,” used for Helen in Il. 3.121, Od. 22.227; see
LfgrE, vol. 2, 526;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 38: “Elena dal lungo velo,” see τανύπεπλος,
“with flowing robe,” used for Helen in Il. 3.228, Od. 4.305, 15.171; see LfgrE,
vol. 2, 526;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 141: “Cassandra, la più bella delle figlie
del re Priamo,” see Πριάμοιο θυγατρῶν εἶδος ἀρίστην, “the most beautiful of
Priam’s daughters,” in Il. 13.365; see LfgrE, vol. 2, 1344;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 65: “Guardò finché poté le piccole navi
nere che s’allontanavano”; 38: “le navi nere dalle vele bianche”; 39: “le navi
nere,” “le piccole navi nere”; 71: “Intanto Menelao, nella nave nera, tornava
verso Sparta”; 75: “Salirono sulle navi nere,” see μέλαιναι νῆες, “black ships,”
and the like, both singular and plural; see Lexikon des frühgriechischen
Epos [LfgrE], begründ. v. Bruno Snell, vol. 3 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1993–2004), 381–400;
44
45
Ibid., 56, 58, 61.
Nothing interesting in this regard is found in the “Fondo Laura Orvieto” of the “Biblioteca dell’Università Popolare” belonging to the “Biblioteca Comunale del Palagio di Parte
Guelfa”: I owe this information to Caterina Del Vivo.
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Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 37 bis: “giovinette dalle belle guance,” see
καλλιπάρῃος, “beautiful-cheeked,” used for several women; see LfgrE, vol.
2, 1298–1299.
Laura often uses Homeric epithets for different referents:
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 37: “Elena dagli occhi glauchi,” see
γλαυκῶπις, “with gleaming eyes,” epithet of Athena; see LfgrE, vol. 2,
161–162; see also variations such as “la bellissima principessa […] dagli occhi color del mare” (Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 38, 60);
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 86: “nell’isola di Sciro lontana nel mare,”
see νήσων ἔπι τηλεδαπάων in Il. 21.454 and 22.45—“into isles that lie
afar,” trans. Augustus Taber Murray, in Homer, The Iliad, vol. 2 (London–
Cambridge, Mass.: W. Heinemann–Harvard University Press, Loeb, 1925),
441 and 457; τὴν νῆσον ἀφίκετο τηλόθ’ ἐοῦσαν in Od. 5.55—“the island
which lay afar,” trans. Augustus Taber Murray, in Homer, The Odyssey, vol.
1 (London–Cambridge, Mass.: W. Heinemann–Harvard University Press,
Loeb, 1919), 175.
Finally, Laura coins several variations of the Homeric epithets:
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 37: “Elena dai capelli color di fiamma,”
see, e.g., ἠύκομος, καλλίκομος, “lovely-haired,” “beautiful-haired,” used for
Helen in Il. 3.329, 7.355, 8.82, 9.339, 11.369, 505, 13.766, Od. 15.58; see LfgrE,
vol. 2, 526; see also variations such as “(la bellissima principessa) dai capelli color del sole” (Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 38, 60), “bianca come
un giglio e splendente come il sole, portava una corona di croco sui capelli d’oro,” “Elena dai capelli d’oro” (Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 54);
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 89, 90, 91, 104: (Agamemnon) “generale
dei generali,” see, e.g., ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν, “king of men,” ποιμήν λαῶν, “shepherd of the host,” regularly used for Agamemnon, see Lexikon des
frühgriechischen Epos [LfgrE], begründ. v. Bruno Snell, vol. 1 (Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1955–1979), 35;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 143: “Ulisse re di Itaca, il più astuto fra i
generali,” see various epithets of Odysseus, such as πολύμητις, “of many
counsels,” πολυμήχανος, “resourceful,” ποικιλομήτης, “full of various wiles,”
πολύφρων, “ingenious”; see LfgrE, vol. 3, 518;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 36: “passò per il mare Egeo sparso di isole
fiorite”; 69 and 75: “Passarono le Cicladi, le isole fiorite del mare Egeo,” see
νῆσος δενδρήεσσα in Od. 1.51, νῆσον ἀν᾽ ὑλήεσσαν in Od. 10.308, “wooded
island”; see LfgrE, vol. 3, 379.
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Besides these epithets, Laura very often makes use of the formulaic pattern
“così disse,” which translates the Homeric words ὥς (ἔ)φατο (“thus spoke”),46
and of formulaic sequences such as “quand’ebbero finito di mangiare e di bere”
(Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 125), which remind us of the Homeric formulaic line αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ πόσιος καὶ ἐδητύος ἐξ ἔρον ἕντο (see Il. 1.469, 2.432, 7.323, 9.92,
9.222)—“but when they had put from them the desire of food and drink,” trans.
Augustus Taber Murray, in Homer, The Iliad, vol. 1 (London–Cambridge, Mass.:
W. Heinemann–Harvard University Press, Loeb, 1924), 39.
What is even more interesting is that, when she describes Paris as a guest at
Menelaus’s court, Laura also reuses a Homeric “typical scene,” depicting a banquet (see Od. 1.136–142, 4.52–58, 7.172–176, 10.368–372, 15.132–146, 17.91–95):47
Il re desiderava molto di sapere chi fosse quel bellissimo giovane, ma non
domandò nulla: pensava che sarebbe stato poco gentile farlo parlare prima che avesse mangiato. Ordinò dunque che si portassero le tavole con
pane e carne e vino.
Subito i servi vennero, portando lucide tavole; le ancelle versarono acqua
pulita in catini d’argento, e il re e lo straniero si lavarono le mani. Poi le
ancelle misero sulla tavola pane bianco e grandi pezzi di carne arrostita,
e il re e lo straniero mangiarono la carne e il pane. Poi i servi versarono il
vino in belle tazze d’oro; e il re e lo straniero bevettero il vino. Poi, quando
nessuno dei due ebbe più voglia di mangiare e di bere, il re parlò allo
straniero.48
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 64
Laura seems to know and appreciate even Homer’s similes. In a few cases the
similes appear exactly in the same place of the account as in the Homeric
46
47
48
E.g., Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 70: “Così disse Paride” (“Thus spoke Paris,” Orvieto,
Stories, 80).
See Walter Arend, Die typischen Scenen bei Homer (Berlin: Weidmann, 1933), 69–72.
“Although Menelaus was most anxious to know who this young and handsome visitor
could be, he did not question him, for he feared to break the sacred rules of hospitality
by broaching the subject before having offered his guest a meal. So he ordered that tables
be set up and that roast meat, wine and white bread should be served without delay. The
slaves brought in smoothly polished tables and placed roast meat and loaves of fine white
bread on them. They filled silver basins with pure water and offered them to the king and
to the stranger, so that they could wash their hands before sitting down to eat. Then they
poured wine into beautiful gold cups and Menelaus and the stranger partook of their
meal. At last, when the repast had come to an end, the king questioned his guest,” Orvieto,
Stories, 71–72.
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poems: in other words, such similes confirm that the narrative sections they
belong to come from Homer:
Teti ringraziò molto il dio fabbro e volò via dall’Olimpo, lesta come uno
sparviero, portando con sé le belle armi splendenti.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 121
In the above passage Laura follows closely Il. 18.614–617:
αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ πάνθ’ ὅπλα κάμε κλυτὸς ἀμφιγυήεις,
μητρὸς Ἀχιλλῆος θῆκε προπάροιθεν ἀείρας.
ἡ δ’ ἴρηξ ὣς ἆλτο κατ’ Oὐλύμπου νιφόεντος
τεύχεα μαρμαίροντα παρ’ Ἡφαίστοιο φέρουσα.
But when the glorious god of the two strong arms had fashioned all the
armour, he took and laid it before the mother of Achilles. And like a falcon she sprang down from snowy Olympus, bearing the flashing armour
from Hephaestus.
Trans. murray, in Homer, The Iliad, vol. 2, 335
See also the following passage:
Come fiocchi di neve ghiacciata e spessa che cadono dal cielo in un giorno d’inverno, così dalle navi uscivano gli elmi e le corazze, le lance e gli
scudi: lo splendore delle armi saliva al cielo e la terra brillava tutta.
Simile a un Dio, Achille s’armò. Mise intorno alle gambe gli schineri di
ferro guarniti d’acciaio; allacciò la corazza intorno al petto, infilò la spada
al fianco, si calcò in testa l’elmo e prese scudo e lancia: quella lancia tanto
grossa e pesante che nessuno, fuorché lui, poteva adoperare. Lo scudo
luceva come la luna, e il pennacchio dell’elmo splendeva come il sole: nel
vedere Achille così armato, bello, forte e terribile, perfino i suoi compagni
si spaventarono.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 125
In Il. 19.357–383 the same simile introduces a longer and more detailed description of Achilles attiring himself:
ὡς δ’ ὅτε ταρφειαὶ νιφάδες Διὸς ἐκποτέονται
ψυχραὶ ὑπὸ ῥιπῆς αἰθρηγενέος Bορέαο,
ὣς τότε ταρφειαὶ κόρυθες λαμπρὸν γανόωσαι
νηῶν ἐκφορέοντο καὶ ἀσπίδες ὀμφαλόεσσαι
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θώρηκές τε κραταιγύαλοι καὶ μείλινα δοῦρα.
αἴγλη δ’ οὐρανὸν ἷκε, γέλασσε δὲ πᾶσα περὶ χθὼν
χαλκοῦ ὑπὸ στεροπῆς· ὑπὸ δὲ κτύπος ὄτρυνε ποσσὶν
ἀνδρῶν· ἐν δὲ μέσοισι κορύσσετο δῖος Ἀχιλλεύς.
τοῦ καὶ ὀδόντων μὲν καναχὴ πέλε, τὼ δέ οἱ ὄσσε
λαμπέσθην ὡς εἴ τε πυρὸς σέλας, ἐν δέ οἱ ἦτορ
δῦν’ ἄχος ἄτλητον· ὁ δ’ ἄρα Tρωσὶν μενεαίνων
δύσετο δῶρα θεοῦ, τά οἱ ῞Hφαιστος κάμε τεύχων.
κνημῖδας μὲν πρῶτα περὶ κνήμῃσιν ἔθηκε
καλὰς ἀργυρέοισιν ἐπισφυρίοις ἀραρυίας·
δεύτερον αὖ θώρηκα περὶ στήθεσσιν ἔδυνεν.
ἀμφὶ δ’ ἄρ’ ὤμοισιν βάλετο ξίφος ἀργυρόηλον
χάλκεον· αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα σάκος μέγα τε στιβαρόν τε
εἵλετο, τοῦ δ’ ἀπάνευθε σέλας γένετ’ ἠΰτε μήνης.
ὡς δ’ ὅτ’ ἂν ἐκ πόντοιο σέλας ναύτῃσι φανήῃ
καιομένοιο πυρός, τό τε καίεται ὑψόθ’ ὄρεσφι
σταθμῷ ἐν οἰοπόλῳ· τοὺς δ’ οὐκ ἐθέλοντας ἄελλαι
πόντον ἐπ’ ἰχθυόεντα φίλων ἀπάνευθε φέρουσιν·
ὣς ἀπ’ Ἀχιλλῆος σάκεος σέλας αἰθέρ’ ἵκανε
καλοῦ δαιδαλέου· περὶ δὲ τρυφάλειαν ἀείρας
κρατὶ θέτο βριαρήν· ἡ δ’ ἀστὴρ ὣς ἀπέλαμπεν
ἵππουρις τρυφάλεια, περισσείοντο δ’ ἔθειραι
χρύσεαι, ἃς ῞Hφαιστος ἵει λόφον ἀμφὶ θαμειάς.
As when thick and fast the snowflakes flutter down from Zeus, chill beneath the blast of the North Wind, born in the bright heaven; even so
then thick and fast from the ships were borne the helms, bright-gleaming,
and the bossed shields, the corselets with massive plates, and the ashen
spears. And the gleam thereof went up to heaven, and all the earth round
about laughed by reason of the flashing of bronze; and there went up a
din from beneath the feet of men; and in their midst goodly Achilles arrayed him for battle. There was a gnashing of his teeth, and his two eyes
blazed as it had been a flame of fire, and into his heart there entered grief
that might not be borne. Thus in fierce wrath against the Trojans he clad
him in the gifts of the god, that Hephaestus had wrought for him with
toil. The greaves first he set about his legs: beautiful they were, and fitted
with silver ankle-pieces, and next he did on the corselet about his chest.
And about his shoulders he cast the silver-studded sword of bronze, and
thereafter grasped the shield great and sturdy, wherefrom went forth afar
a gleam as of the moon. And as when forth over the sea there appeareth
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to seamen the gleam of blazing fire, and it burneth high up in the mountains in a lonely steading—but sore against their will the storm-winds
bear them over the teeming deep afar from their friends; even so from
the shield of Achilles went up a gleam to heaven, from that shield fair and
richly-dight. And he lifted the mighty helm and set it upon his head; and
it shone as it were a star—the helm with crest of horse-hair, and around it
waved the plumes of gold, that Hephaestus had set thick about the crest.
Trans. murray, in Homer, The Iliad, vol. 2, 363–365
Both in Laura’s account and in the Homeric lines, the following introduces
Automedon and the dialogue between Achilles and his horse:
Appena lo vide, Achille gli andò incontro come un leone affamato, che si
batte colla coda i fianchi e la schiena, ha la bocca spalancata e la schiuma
ai denti, e gli occhi brillano come due fiamme.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 126
Before confronting Aeneas, Achilles is described in Il. 20.164–175 as follows:
Πηλεΐδης δ’ ἑτέρωθεν ἐναντίον ὦρτο λέων ὣς
σίντης, ὅν τε καὶ ἄνδρες ἀποκτάμεναι μεμάασιν
ἀγρόμενοι πᾶς δῆμος· ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ἀτίζων
ἔρχεται, ἀλλ’ ὅτε κέν τις ἀρηϊθόων αἰζηῶν
δουρὶ βάλῃ ἐάλη τε χανών, περί τ’ ἀφρὸς ὀδόντας
γίγνεται, ἐν δέ τέ οἱ κραδίῃ στένει ἄλκιμον ἦτορ,
οὐρῇ δὲ πλευράς τε καὶ ἰσχία ἀμφοτέρωθεν
μαστίεται, ἑὲ δ’ αὐτὸν ἐποτρύνει μαχέσασθαι,
γλαυκιόων δ’ ἰθὺς φέρεται μένει, ἤν τινα πέφνῃ
ἀνδρῶν, ἢ αὐτὸς φθίεται πρώτῳ ἐν ὁμίλῳ·
ὣς Ἀχιλῆ’ ὄτρυνε μένος καὶ θυμὸς ἀγήνωρ
ἀντίον ἐλθέμεναι μεγαλήτορος Aἰνείαο.
And on the other side the son of Peleus rushed against him like a lion, a
ravening lion that men are fain to slay, even a whole folk that be gathered
together; and he at the first recking naught of them goeth his way, but
when one of the youths swift in battle hath smitten him with a spearcast, then he gathereth himself open-mouthed, and foam cometh forth
about his teeth, and in his heart his valiant spirit groaneth, and with his
tail he lasheth his ribs and his flanks on this side and on that, and rouseth
himself to fight, and with glaring eyes he rusheth straight on in his fury,
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whether he slay some man or himself be slain in the foremost throng;
even so was Achilles driven by his fury, and his lordy spirit to go forth to
face great-hearted Aeneas.
Trans. murray, in Homer, The Iliad, vol. 2, 383
The following fight in Laura’s account is also very close to the Homeric account:
Le parole uscivano dalla bocca del re di Itaca come i fiocchi di neve cadono dal cielo in una giornata d’inverno.49
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 79
Laura describes the effect of Odysseus’s words using the simile of Il. 3.221–223:
ἀλλ’ ὅτε δὴ ὄπα τε μεγάλην ἐκ στήθεος εἵη
καὶ ἔπεα νιφάδεσσιν ἐοικότα χειμερίῃσιν,
οὐκ ἂν ἔπειτ’ Ὀδυσῆΐ γ’ ἐρίσσειε βροτὸς ἄλλος.
But whenso he uttered his great voice from his chest, and words like
snowflakes on a winter’s day, then could no mortal man beside vie with
Odysseus.
Trans. murray, in Homer, The Iliad, vol. 1, 133
Paris and Helen have left Sparta and go fast to Troy by sea:
Le navi corsero veloci sul mare, e parevano gabbiani che volassero sulle
onde.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 66
The comparison between speed and the flight of a bird is usual in the Homeric
poems.50 See for example Od. 11.124–125 and 23.271–272:
οὐδ’ ἄρα τοὶ ἴσασι νέας φοινικοπαρῄους,
οὐδ’ εὐήρε’ ἐρετμά, τά τε πτερὰ νηυσὶ πέλονται.
And they know naught of ships with purple cheeks, or of shapely oars
that are as wings unto ships.
Trans. murray, in Homer, The Odyssey, vol. 1, 409
49
50
“The words fell from his lips like snowflakes, dropping from heaven on a winter’s day”
(Orvieto, Stories, 92).
See Simonetta Nannini, Analogia e polarità in similitudine. Paragoni iliadici e odissiaci a
confronto (Amsterdam: Hakkert, 2003), 57–58.
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Menelaus remains alone and lies on his bed without weeping, without complaining, without saying a word, motionless as a young tree uprooted by a
storm, and thrown to the ground:
Menelao rimase solo, gettato sul letto, senza piangere, senza lamentarsi,
immobile, come un giovane e forte albero che la furia della tempesta abbia schiantato e gettato al suolo.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 74
Other heroes are compared to trees falling down when they are killed, e.g. in Il.
13.389–391 and 16.482–486:
ἤριπε δ’ ὡς ὅτε τις δρῦς ἤριπεν ἢ ἀχερωῒς
ἠὲ πίτυς βλωθρή, τήν τ’ οὔρεσι τέκτονες ἄνδρες
ἐξέταμον πελέκεσσι νεήκεσι νήϊον εἶναι.
And he fell as an oak falls, or a poplar, or a tall pine, that among the mountains shipwrights fell with whetted axes to be a ship’s timber.
Trans. murray, in Homer, The Iliad, vol. 2, 31 and 201
and in Il. 14.414–418:
ὡς δ’ ὅθ’ ὑπὸ πληγῆς πατρὸς Διὸς ἐξερίπῃ δρῦς
πρόρριζος, δεινὴ δὲ θεείου γίγνεται ὀδμὴ
ἐξ αὐτῆς, τὸν δ’ οὔ περ ἔχει θράσος ὅς κεν ἴδηται
ἐγγὺς ἐών, χαλεπὸς δὲ Διὸς μεγάλοιο κεραυνός,
ὣς ἔπεσ’ Ἕκτορος ὦκα χαμαὶ μένος ἐν κονίῃσι.
And even as when beneath the blast of father Zeus an oak falleth uprooted, and a dread reek of brimstone ariseth therefrom—then verily courage no longer possesseth him that looketh thereon and standeth near by,
for dread is the bolt of great Zeus—even so fell mighty Hector forthwith
to the ground in the dust.51
Trans. murray, in Homer, The Iliad, vol. 2, 97
Laura’s attention to the world of the Greek singers is obvious in her cameo of
the singer:
Arrivato all’isola di Salamina, Paride Alessandro scese a terra, e per prima
cosa volle visitare il tempio di Afrodite, di quella dea che egli aveva scelto
51
See also ibid., 26–27.
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come la più bella quando era soltanto un pastore e badava alle pecore
sul monte Ida. S’avviò verso il tempio, e lungo il cammino sentì una musica. Un giovinetto biondo cantava accompagnandosi colla cetra: era un
poeta, un aèdo, come lo chiamavano gli antichi Greci.
– Come hai detto? – domandò Leo.
– Un aèdo. Gli aèdi erano poeti e musicisti insieme: e andavano di città in
città cantando canzoni e sonando la cetra.
– Come quelli che ora girano con l’organino?
– Press’a poco, ma gli aèdi cantavano cose belle. Cantavano belle storie di
dèi e di principi e di eroi, e però erano accolti con festa nelle capanne dei
poveri e nei palazzi dei re, e amati e onorati da tutti.
Paride, dunque, mentre dalla spiaggia andava verso il tempio di Afrodite,
sentì un aèdo cantare. L’aèdo cantava così:
– Chi non ha visto Elena, la figlia di Zeus, la regina di Sparta? Chi non
ha ammirato Elena, divina fra tutte le donne? Certo chi non ha visto
Elena non sa che cosa sia la bellezza: certo chi non ha visto Elena non
sa che cosa siano gioia e piacere. Elena dalla bianche braccia, Elena
dagli occhi glauchi, Elena dai capelli color di fiamma, tu sei in tutto
uguale alle dee immortali! Felice chi ti può mirare, felice l’uomo a cui
tu sorridi! Il suo cuore si riempie di dolcezza e la sua anima si illumina
di sole! –
[…] Sulla riva del mare l’aèdo cantava accompagnandosi colla cetra. Cantava così:
– Chi non ha visto Elena, la regina di Sparta, fior di bellezza? Elena dal
dolce sorriso, Elena dal lungo velo? Cammina diritta e bianca fra le sue
ancelle bianche, e sembra la luna che risplende nel cielo fra le stelle del
cielo. Elena dalle bianche braccia, Elena dai capelli color del sole, Elena
dagli occhi color del mare, tu sei in tutto uguale alle dee immortali! Felice
chi ti può mirare, felice l’uomo a cui tu sorridi! Il suo cuore si riempie di
dolcezza e la sua anima si illumina di gioia!
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 36–38
Laura’s style in Storie greche e barbare shows a special taste for repetition and
seems to develop its own “formularity”:
U na di l oro aveva i cape lli ne ri s s im i e pareva che dirigesse il
gioco: era Cli tenne st ra, la f i g li a m a ggiore d e l re Tin d a ro.
Un’altra se ne stava in disparte, intrecciando c orone d i c roc o p e r i
s u oi c ap e lli d’oro: era Elena, la sorella di Clitennestra, b ianc a c om e
u n gigl io e be lla come i l sole.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 52
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U na di l oro, cog li occhi e coi capelli n e ri, camminava avanti a tutte con passo sicuro: era Cli te nne s tra , la f iglia m a ggiore
del re Tindaro. Un’altra, bi anca come u n giglio e s p le n d e n te
c ome il so le, portava una corona di cro co s u i ca p e lli d ’oro: era
Elena, la più bella creatura che occhi umani avessero mai veduta.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 54
A l ta e sotti le , vest i t a di bi anco, con un velo leggiero sui capelli
d’oro, col bellissimo viso un po’ triste, entrava come una immagine di
sogno la donna magnifica.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 64
A l ta e so tt i le , ve st i t a di bi anco, cogli occhi color del mare e i
capelli color del sole, pareva che Elena portasse con sé il sole, dovunque
appariva.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 70
The end of one chapter runs as follows:
Elena ascoltava: una m ag ì a dolce, m a n d a ta d a A frod ite , le
fac e va credere a tutte le parole del principe troiano, desiderare di star
sempre con lui, sognare un mondo meraviglioso di amore e di gioia nella
città lontana dove la nave li portava.
E la nave correva, veloce come il vento, portando Elena lont ano, lon tano, e sem pre pi ù lont ano.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 68
The next chapter begins as follows:
Come un sorriso sul mare, Elena, la bella regina, andava l ont ano ne l
mare, accompagnata da Paride. Una m a gìa d i s ogn o, m a n d a ta
da Afrodite , le fac e va dimenticare le persone e le cose che aveva
lasciato nel suo paese, e le impediva di pensare al dolore infinito che la
sua colpa avrebbe portato a lei ed agli altri.
orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 69
Such a feature may certainly belong to fairy tales, but since it is found in Storie
greche e barbare more than in the other books, we are perhaps entitled to argue
for the influence of Homer’s diction and formulaic style.52
52
See Poesio, Laura Orvieto, 84–85.
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At the very least, Storie greche e barbare betrays a good knowledge of ancient epic poetry. Laura’s intention of making school subjects not boring but
pleasant53 reminds us to some extent of Angiolo’s attitude, his intolerance of
a boring—and philological—approach to the classical world. Nevertheless, in
Storie greche e barbare Laura provides children with many details on several
aspects of classical world and culture, always paying attention to their correct
historicisation and inviting children to compare different behaviours and understand what is good and not good:
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 43: “– Noi non dobbiamo vendicarci, perché noi sappiamo che vendicarsi è una cosa molto brutta. Ma allora gli
uomini non lo sapevano. Allora gli uomini erano peggiori di noi. Erano
tutti un po’ selvaggi, e gli antichi Greci, quantunque fossero il popolo più
civile del mondo, credevano che la vendetta fosse una cosa bella”;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 63: “Gli antichi Greci chiamavano barbari
tutti quelli che non parlavano la loro lingua, e che si vestivano in modo
diverso da loro”;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 63–64: “[…] altri accompagnarono gli
stranieri nella stanza del bagno. Perché devi sapere, Leo, che gli Elleni
eran molto puliti, e quando arrivavano a casa impolverati, prima di ogni
altra cosa si lavavano”;
53
In the interview given to Tonelli (“Laura Orvieto,” 129) she says: “Mi parve simpatico,
dunque, parlar loro, invece che di maghi e di fate, di quei personaggi che avrebbero
dovuto conoscere, prima o poi, nella scuola e nella vita; e senza annoiarli, anzi divertendoli, e magari entusiasmandoli.” Tonelli (ibid., 130) comments: “[…] ella ha bisogno dello
stimolo storico, come se propriamente non le riuscisse, o non le piacesse, inventare di
sana pianta; ma, avuto lo stimolo, e trovato quasi lo schema narrativo, riesce a illuminare
questo schema, a colorirlo, animarlo, trasfigurarlo, facendo qualcosa di nuovo e inconfondibile […]. I personaggi storici, secondo i suoi intendimenti, esplicitamente confessati,
non dovrebbero apparire, come generalmente appaiono nei libri di scuola, quasi figure
cristallizzate e immobilizzate, che avessero perduto ogni movimento vitale, per assumere
una determinata e convenzionale figura, ma bensì muoversi con le passioni multiformi
di quando vivevano e operavano.” See also Naldi de Figner, In memoria di Laura Orvieto,
8–9: “Per i piccoli soltanto […]? No. Nella fretta della vita presente anche un adulto non
può che con vero diletto vedere balzar fuori da quelle pagine personaggi a lui noti i quali,
alleggeriti e sciolti dalle pesanti notizie bibliografiche e dalle snervanti postille dei testi
scolastici, appaiono sotto una luce nuova.” On the success of Laura’s works at school, see
Melosi, “Laura Orvieto,” 108; Del Vivo, “Altre Storie del mondo,” 567 n. 58; Cecconi, “La fortuna editoriale,” 81. On the importance of classical mythology at school in Italy between
the 1920s and 1940s, see William Grandi, “La musa bambina: il mito nei libri italiani per
ragazzi,” in aa.vv., Laura Orvieto: la voglia di raccontare le “Storie del mondo”, 163–164.
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Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 25 (referring to Paris): “Ma non aveva
già sposato Enone? – Sì, ma allora gli uomini potevano avere più di una
moglie”;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 100: “Ma gli antichi non pensavano che
questo fosse rubare: era diritto di un esercito prendersi la roba e le persone dei vinti. Paride aveva rubato al re Menelao perché gli aveva portato
via Elena di nascosto, ma, secondo l’idea degli antichi, Achille non rubò
niente affatto quando prese Briseide. A tutti pareva giusto che la bella
giovinetta toccasse a lui, e anche a Briseide pareva giusto, sebbene fosse
molto dispiacente di diventare schiava. Devi pensare, Leo, che allora gli
uomini erano un po’ selvaggi, e credevano di avere il diritto di trattare gli
schiavi come adesso noi non si tratterebbero nemmeno le bestie”;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 101: “Sì; anche ora, qualche volta, si bruciano i morti, ma in modo molto meno bello. Allora si bruciavano all’aria
aperta, sopra un mucchio di legna, e le ceneri dell’uomo e quelle della legna si mescolavano. Ora i morti si mettono in una specie di forno per bruciarli, e si fa tutto il possibile perché le loro ceneri rimangano separate”;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 103: “[…] mandò due araldi. – Che cosa
sono? – domandò la Lia. – Invece dei giornali c’erano questi uomini che
gridavano le cose – rispose Leo”;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 120: “Gli antichi non sopportavano il
dolore senza piangere, anzi i più forti urlavano più degli altri. E anche
Achille piangeva, prendendo da terra manate di polvere che si gettava
sulla testa, sul viso e sui vestiti, e strappandosi i capelli”;
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 132 (referring to Greeks outraging Hector’s corpse): “– Era una brutta cosa quella che facevano – disse Leo. – Era
brutta, ma agli antichi non pareva. E anche Achille, il più nobile di tutti,
fece una cosa che nessun eroe farebbe oggi.”
Such passages not only reveal how modern Laura’s educational idea is, implying a deep, thoughtful, and critical or rather “active” reading, through which
the reader is stimulated to ask questions and to think independently,54 but
54
See Poesio, Laura Orvieto, 82–83; Oreste Del Buono, “A Micene c’era una volta un orco,”
Rinascita 27 (July 7, 1984): 32. As Gori, Crisalidi, 124–125, observes, “[…] il ribaltamento del
principio di autorità portava Laura Orvieto a credere che l’educazione non dovesse impartirsi attraverso l’imposizione di norme e divieti ma, viceversa, offrendo stimoli continui,
per formare il carattere, le idee e i modelli di comportamento”; on Laura’s ideas about
education, which were close to Montessori’s methods, see Gori, Crisalidi, 132–133; eadem,
“Laura Orvieto: un’intellettuale del Novecento,” Genesis 3/2 (2004): 183–203. Perugia, “Poesia e bontà,” 12, defines Laura as “l’educatrice garbata che insegna ad essere contenti e
sereni ed a scoprire la ricca meravigliosa varietà della vita”; see also Mario Gastaldi, Donne
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they also reveal Laura’s own investigation of the ancient world and its customs.
After all, Angiolo’s classicism hesitated between Vitelli’s philology and Romagnoli’s “antiphilologism,”55 and Laura may have shared his ambivalence.
However, she was able to find her personal and unique way to classical
myth. She stresses its fairy-tale aspects, often introducing her stories with a
typical fairy-tale opening such as “once upon a time.”56 At the same time, she
55
56
luce d’Italia (Pistoia: Grazzini, 1930), 461. In Laura’s idea of education books played a central role: therefore she supported the institution of the so-called “bibliotechine,” small
collections of books bought by generous women for children of the working class (see,
e.g., Fava, Percorsi critici di letteratura, 242 n. 7; Pacini, “Il giornalismo di Laura Orvieto,”
119 n. 41). She wrote in Il Marzocco 13/6 (Feb. 9, 1908): 1: “[…] educazione e cultura, perché
soltanto una maggior diffusione di buoni libri può innalzare il livello morale e intellettuale
degli uomini, perché soltanto dopo un diligente esame si possono dare libri che faccian
bene e non male, e perché una parola può talvolta gettare nell’anima di un bimbo una luce
che ne illumini tutta la vita”; these books have to be “capaci di divertire i piccoli lettori,
di incatenarne l’attenzione, di educarne i sentimenti, di formarne il carattere.” On Laura’s
opinions about children’s literature, see Gori, Crisalidi, 65–66; and Caterina Del Vivo, “Libri dietro i libri. Laura Orvieto, «Il Marzocco», la biblioteca di Leo e Lia, e le «Storie del
mondo»,” Antologia Vieusseux N.S. 19/57 (September-December 2013): 93–122.
As Raicich, “Suggerimenti per la ricerca,” 247–248, observes: “[…] da un lato si favorisce la
seria filologia di Girolamo Vitelli, la ricerca di papiri e dunque quel suo modo di leggere
i greci che troverà poi ammiratori come De Robertis e Cecchi, un modo lindo e rigoroso.
D’altra parte […], viene favorita anche una divulgazione di tutt’altro aspetto, indulgente a
fantasiose ricostruzioni, a traduzioni tra carducciane e dannunziane, ai gusti insomma di
Ettore Romagnoli, così sprezzante verso la filologia vitelliana di marca teutonica e arida.
Dal romagnolismo, combinato con il clima dei salotti fiorentini, si giunge […] agli spettacoli fiesolani con quel menu classicheggiante e nello stesso tempo salottiero che così
bene rappresenta l’impasto di classicismo e di belle époque […]. Ma gli Orvieto […] si
muovevano senza troppi disagi tra filologi ed esteti, servendo gli uni e gli altri.” Angiolo
Orvieto, immediately after the discovery of psi ix 1090 with Erinna’s lines, wrote “Erinna
e Bauci. Una poetessa diciannovenne di 23 secoli fa,” Il Marzocco 34/8 (Feb. 24, 1929): 1:
“[…] se con un po’ di fantasia—stimolata anche dalle ingegnose integrazioni ed ipotesi
del Vitelli e della sua eccellente discepola Medea Norsa—arriveremo non dico a ricostruire ma a supporre qualche parte del poemetto, che male ci sarà?” On Romagnoli and his
philologia delenda, see Enzo Degani, “Ettore Romagnoli,” in aa.vv., Letteratura italiana. I
Critici, vol. 2 (Milano: Marzorati, 1968), 1431–1448 and 1459–1461 (= Maria Grazia Albiani
et al., eds., Filologia e storia. Scritti di Enzo Degani, 2 vols., Hildesheim–Zürich–New York:
Olms, 2004, vol. 2, 937–957); and Neri, “«Il greco ai giorni nostri»,” 128–133.
Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 7: “Molti e molti anni fa c’era nell’Asia, vicino al mare, una
città che si chiamava Troia”; ibid., 15: “C’era una volta un re che si chiamava Priamo ed era re
di Troia”; ibid., 41: “Negli antichissimi tempi, in un antichissimo paese, vivevano due fratelli.
Uno si chiamava Tieste, e l’altro, che aveva sposato la figlia di un re, si chiamava Atreo”; ibid.,
45: “Molti anni fa, in un’alba d’autunno tutta scintillante di rugiada, due giovinetti camminavano in silenzio per una stretta e sassosa strada di montagna. Parevano fratelli ed erano
infatti; biondi e belli tutti e due, col viso pallido e triste e gli occhi pieni di lagrime. Andavano
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casts a fresh light on the everyday aspects of the ancient stories, making them
even more familiar to children.57
Laura’s ancient world, while very different from the present time,58 is not
idealised. Even in Storie di bambini her presentation of Classical Antiquity could
not be further from Fascist propaganda, which used the Roman past to foster
insane delusions of grandeur: while reducing classical myths to a size suitable
for children, her good sense also provides adults with an alternative approach
to ancient world, one flavoured with humour.59 While avoiding the horrors of
war and gory excess in her narrative,60 she also avoids sentimentality.61 Laura’s
57
58
59
60
61
soli per la montagna, ma non erano coperti di grosse tuniche di lana come i montanari di
quel tempo: le loro tuniche bianche brillavano di ricami d’oro, e i loro sandali ben fatti erano
ornati d’oro come quelli dei re”; ibid., 61: “Molti e molti anni fa vivevano nella città di Sparta
un re, una regina e una principessa. La regina si chiamava Elena, il re, Menelao, e la principessa, Ermione. Ermione era la bimba più graziosa che si potesse immaginare, bionda e bianca,
cogli occhi celesti e la bocca che pareva una fragola.” On the fairy-tale accents of Laura’s
narrative, see, e.g., Perugia, “Poesia e bontà,” 10; Fava, Percorsi critici di letteratura, 245 n. 25.
“Vivevano nel palazzo di Atreo tre figli di Tieste; due bimbi e una bambina. Erano cresciuti
insieme coi figli d’Atreo; insieme facevano il chiasso giocando a rincorrersi, a rimpiattino,
alla palla” (Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare, 41). Note that “fare il chiasso” is one of Laura’s
Lieblingswörter. See also Franco Cambi, “La classicità spiegata ai bambini in Storie della sto
ria del mondo,” in aa.vv., Laura Orvieto: la voglia di raccontare le “Storie del mondo”, 37–38.
Also the narrative frame of Storie greche e barbare—a mother/Laura who tells stories to
her children Leo and Lia—helps to go back and forth between the present and the past:
see Del Vivo, “Educare narrando ‘storie’,” 169; Perugia, “Poesia e bontà,” 9. Unfortunately,
the English translation (Orvieto, Stories) omits this frame completely.
Del Buono, “A Micene c’era una volta un orco,” 32, suggests: “Storie della storia del mondo
è un bel libro anche e forse soprattutto per gli adulti. Portatelo via ai vostri bambini dagli
8 ai 10 anni!” See Gastaldi, Donne luce d’Italia, 462 and 464; on Laura’s irony, especially in
Storie di bambini, see Poesio, Laura Orvieto, 44 and 89–95. On Laura’s writing and Fascism,
see Naldi de Figner, In memoria di Laura Orvieto, 10; Poesio, Laura Orvieto, 43 and 117;
Boero–De Luca, La letteratura per l’infanzia, 155; Gori, “Laura Orvieto: un’intellettuale del
Novecento,” 183–203; Fava, Percorsi critici di letteratura, 247–248, 250 n. 51, 267; Del Vivo,
“Educare narrando ‘storie’,” 169–170. On censorship, see Fava, Percorsi critici di letteratura,
246 and 313; Del Vivo, “Altre Storie del mondo,” 565–566; eadem, “Educare narrando ‘storie’,” 154ff. Laura appears in the list of the authors unwelcome in Italy in 1939, and definitely from 1942: see Giorgio Fabre, L’elenco. Censura fascista, editoria e autori ebrei (Torino:
Zamorani, 1998), 451 and 479. Il Marzocco folded in 1932, when its editors were invited to
work for the regime (see Del Vivo, “La donazione Orvieto,” 378).
See Poesio, Laura Orvieto, 77–78; Fava, Percorsi critici di letteratura, 245; Grandi, La Musa
bambina. La letteratura mitologica, 59–60. See also the next section on Laura’s workplace
and the unpublished Storia del principe Agamennone e della principessa Clitennestra (see
below, Appendix).
See Del Buono, “A Micene c’era una volta un orco,” 32: “[…] storie vibranti ed essenziali,
magari dominate da sensualità smodate e crudeltà inammissibili, ma comunque non
contagiabili dai sentimentalismi.”
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interest in the historical reality of the ancient world no doubt contributed to
this attitude.
Laura’s Workplace and Girolamo Vitelli
The papers of the “Fondo Orvieto” (acgv, Florence) cast light on Laura’s work
process, in particular with regard to her treatment of mythical subjects: Or.
5.5.1 includes a manuscript of Storie greche e barbare dating, according to the
inventory drawn up by Caterina Del Vivo, to 1910–1911, very close to the publication date. This manuscript version differs from the published text: the titles
of three chapters are slightly different from those published62 and the manuscript includes a chapter that was not published (Storia del principe Agamen
none e della principessa Clitennestra). This chapter was certainly excluded from
the published version because of the bloody and crude violence of the story:
Agamemnon’s behaviour is brutal, especially in killing the baby, and Tantalus’s
head being chopped off is not a picture suitable for children.63 On the verso of
fol. 17 the following comment is added:
Non so chi altro racconti di questa uccisione del bambino, senza attingere ad Euripide (Ifigenia in Aulide v. 1151); e in Euripide è detto, a
quanto sembra, che Agamennone uccise il bambino sbatacchiandolo a
terra (non contro le pareti).
This is similar to a few comments written on the verso of the other sheets of
the same file by a hand different from Laura’s. These notes can be classified as
follows: (a) narrative additions; (b) comments on myths and their tradition;
(c) lexical suggestions. (In the following transcription of the notes, E = Editor,
L = Laura.) Most of them are narrative additions: they are accepted by Laura
only in a very reduced form.
62
63
Storia di Paride, instead of the published Storia di Paride e delle feste di Troia; Seguito della
storia di Agamennone e Menelao, instead of Continua la storia di Agamennone e Menelao;
Storia di un finto pazzo e di una finta donna, instead of Storia di un finto pazzo; Storia del
ritorno di Achille alla guerra, instead of Come Achille tornò a combattere. The first chapter
of the book (Storia della città di Troia e del re Laomedonte) is missing, but its first sheet can
be found in acgv, Florence, Or. 5.7.3 (unnumbered).
The text is published in the Appendix at the end of this chapter.
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a)
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Narrative Additions
Storia di Paride, di Enone e della mela d’oro
(acgv, Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 3)
Storia di Paride, di Enone e
della mela d’oro (Orvieto, Storie
greche e barbare, Ch. 3)
fol. 1v: “– Come? interrompe la Lia – il dio p. 21: “Poseidone, dio del mare e
del mare porta dei cavalli? – Sicuro; forse
dei cavalli, condusse con sé due
avevo dimenticato di dirvi che Posidone era magnifici cavalli fatati”
anche dio dei cavalli. Posidone, dunque,
condusse con sé sue magnifici cavalli ecc.” E
fol. 4v: “figlio di Afrodite: Eros significa pro- p. 22: “figlio di Afrodite e, come
prio amore, e si capisce che anche lui, come sua madre, dio dell’amore”
sua madre, era dio dell’amore” E
fol. 5v: “era Eris, che vuol dire Discordia,
p. 22: “era Eris, la Discordia; una
tutt’il contrario di Eros—una dea in somma dea”
ecc.” E
fol. 12v: “– Ma il figlio di Priamo si chiamava Paride, osservò Leo. – È vero: non avevo
pensato a dirvi che aveva due nomi, Paride
e Alessandro... In somma, quel bellissimo
giovane giudicherà ecc.” E
p. 24: “Paride Alessandro
giudicherà”
Storia del principe Paride e della regina
Elena (acgv, Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 10)
Storia del principe Paride e della
regina Elena (Orvieto, Storie
greche e barbare, Ch. 10)
fol. 5v: “Dall’Asia era andato a Salamina e
di là veniva ora a Sparta. (Altrimenti può
esservi il malinteso che Salamina non sia
nell’Ellade)” E
p. 62: “Era venuto colle sue navi
da Salamina”
Storia del ritorno di Achille alla guerra
(acgv, Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 19)
Come Achille tornò a combattere
(Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare,
Ch. 19)
fol. 18v: “e dieci talenti d’oro. Talenti? disse p. 122: “e dieci enormi monete
Leo. – Già, talenti. Allora non c’erano le
d’oro. E la pace fu fatta”
monete coniate, e l’oro e l’argento si davano
a peso; e si chiamava talento il peso non so
bene di quanti chilogrammi, parecchi di
certo. Così, dunque, la pace fu fatta, etc.” E
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Laura avoided the learned, sometimes heavy additions made by an editor
who certainly knew Greek and classical culture very well, but ignored the
lightness and special touch of Laura’s narrative. On the other hand, Laura paid
much attention to the editor’s comments on myths and their traditions, following such suggestions carefully:
b)
Comments on Myths and Their Tradition
Storia di Paride (acgv, Florence, Or. 5.5.1, Storia di Paride e delle feste di
file 4)
Troia (Orvieto, Storie greche e
barbare, Ch. 4)
fol. 7v: “Crederei preferibile l’altra forma
della leggenda. Ed Enone sarebbe corsa a
salvarlo, se suo padre non l’avesse a forza
trattenuta. Quando potè arrivare al suo
Paride, egli era già morto” E
p. 28: “e Enone sarebbe corsa a
salvarlo se suo padre non l’avesse
a forza trattenuta. Quando potè
arrivare al suo Paride, era troppo
tardi. Paride giaceva morto”
Seguito della storia di Agamennone e
Continua la storia di Agamennone
Menelao (acgv, Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 8) e Menelao (Orvieto, Storie greche
e barbare, Ch. 8)
fol. 6v: “C’è un Timandro figliuolo di
p. 52: “con lui uscirono i suoi figli
Tindaro? Che io sappia, era una Timandra. Castore e Polideuche”
Abbia la bontà di riscontrare” E
fol. 7r (in the text): “con lui uscirono i suoi
figli: Timandro, Castore e Polluce” (“Polideuche” is written above “Polluce”) L
Storia della principessa Ifigenia (acgv,
Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 15)
Storia della principessa Ifigenia
(Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare,
Ch. 15)
fol. 28v: “Tauride è un malinteso moderno pp. 96 and 97: “nel paese dei
Tauri”
(non modernissimo però) dal greco
Ἰφιγένεια ἡ ἐν Tαύρoις///////// [e dal latino
Iphigenia in Tauris], cioè ‘Ifigenia fra i
Tαῦρoι’. C’è il popolo dei Tauri, ma non il
paese Tauris (Tauride). Dica dunque ‘nel
paese dei Tauri’ ‘in un paese i cui abitan o
qualcosa di simile” E
fol. 29r (in the text): “in un paese lontano
che si chiamava Tauride” is corrected into
“nel paese dei Tauri” L
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fol. 32r (in the text): “a Tauride” is corrected into “nel paese dei Tauri” written
above L
Storia di due re e di due schiave (acgv,
Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 16)
Storia di due re e di due schiave
(Orvieto, Storie greche e barbare,
Ch. 16)
fol. 1v: “Forse converrebbe non compromettersi, ed adoperare espressioni tali da
non dar come sicuro che Briseide e Criseide furono tutte e due fatte schiave nella
stessa occasione etc.” E
pp. 99–100: “ma ai re e ai generali
toccarono le donne più belle e gli
oggetti più preziosi. Achille fra
le altre cose ebbe una giovinetta
bellissima, dalle guance rosee e
dagli occhi lucenti, che si chiamafol. 2r (in the text): “ma ad Agamennone e
va Briseide. E Agamennone ebbe
ad Achille, che aveva combattuto meglio
una giovinetta bellissima dalle
di tutti, toccavano le due donne più belle
guance rosee e dagli occhi lucenti
della città vinta. Le [fol. 3r] più belle erano
che si chiamava Criseide”
Briseide e Criseide, due giovinette dalle
guance rosee e dagli occhi lucenti” is corrected into “ma ai re e ai generali toccavano
le donne più belle e gli oggetti più preziosi.
Achille fra le altre cose ebbe una giovinetta
bellissima che si chiamava Briseide. Agamennone ebbe una giovinetta bellissima,
dalle guance rosee e dagli occhi lucenti, che
si chiamava Criseide” L
Finally, corrections of personal names, such as “Polideuche” instead of “Polluce” and “Xanto” instead of “Csanto,” reveal that Laura wanted to adopt the
forms closest to Greek; she also accepted a suggestion concerning word choice:
c)
Lexical Suggestions
Seguito della storia di Agamennone e
Continua la storia di Agamennone
Menelao (acgv, Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 8) e Menelao (Orvieto, Storie greche
e barbare, Ch. 8)
fol. 6v: “(Il nome greco di Polluce è Polyp. 52: “con lui uscirono i suoi figli
deukes)” E
Castore e Polideuche”
fol. 7r (in the text): “con lui uscirono i suoi
figli: Timandro, Castore e Polluce” (“Polideuche” is written above “Polluce”) L
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Storia del principe Paride e della regina
Elena (acgv, Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 10)
Storia del principe Paride e
della regina Elena (Orvieto, Storie
greche e barbare, Ch. 10)
fol. 15v: “questo ‘terribilmente’ mi sa
troppo di tedesco e forse non è molto
adatto al tono di stile di questi ‘märchen’
italiani” E
p. 64: “Elena somigliava veramente alle dee immortali”
fol. 16r (in the text): “Elena somigliava terribilmente alle dee immortali”; and “veramente” is written above “terribilmente” L
fol. 25v: “Non so perché l’accento Astioché (In francese si capisce, ma in italiano
sarebbe falso)” E
fol. 26r (in the text): “Astioché chiamò le
altre ancelle, e raccontò quello che era
successo. E tutte piansero e gridarono,
svegliarono i cittadini e i soldati”
p. 66–67: “Climene chiamò le
tre ancelle e raccontò quello che
era accaduto. E tutte piansero e
gridarono, svegliarono i cittadini
e i soldati”
Storia di Achille, di Enea e di Ettore (acgv,
Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 20)
Storia di Achille, di Enea e di
Ettore (Orvieto, Storie greche e
barbare, Ch. 20)
fol. 2v: “scriverei Xanto” E (in the text
Laura had written Csanto first,
then corrected it to Xanto)
pp. 125, 126, 128: “Xanto”
These notes are evidence of an attentive reading by someone who was close
to Laura and knew Greek and classical culture very well, since she took these
suggestions to heart: she did ask for more information about myths and their
details and was concerned with their exactness, but felt free to decide what
suggestions to accept.
Who was this mysterious editor? A comparison with other handwritten
documents preserved in the Fondo Orvieto reveals that this fine handwriting
belonged to Girolamo Vitelli, who was a close friend of Angiolo’s and Laura’s
throughout their life.64 Further proofs for this ascription are given by two short
64
Vitelli’s letters to the family are preserved at acgv, Florence, Or. 1.2485.1–118. A complete
edition of these letters by Diletta Minutoli is forthcoming in the collection “Carteggi di
filologi” to be published by the Dipartimento di Civiltà Antiche e Moderne of the University of Messina. On Vitelli’s relationship with Adolfo and Angiolo Orvieto and his collaboration to Il Marzocco, see Minutoli, “Il carteggio Orvieto–Vitelli,” 322–336.
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letters sent by Vitelli to Laura in 1910, preserved at acgv, Florence, as part of
the Fondo Orvieto (Or. 1.2485.40 and Or. 1.2485.42 respectively). Their texts are
the following:65
Firenze 23.1.’910
Preg.ma Signora
Ho ricevuto il manoscritto, che leggerò molto volentieri. Ma Ella dovrà
darmi un po’ di tempo, perché appunto in questi giorni ho altro da fare,
e non posso differire. Spero di poterle rimandare il manoscritto a principio della prossima settimana. Mi perdoni, se non66 farò più presto: gli
è che non posso proprio. Ho lette alcune pagine: mi paiono | addirittura
‘deliziose’. Capirà, quindi, l’interesse mio di poterle suggerire qui un ma
invece di però, e altrove un benone invece di bene.67 Così un po’ di merito
di quelle ‘delizie’ toccherà anche a me.
Mi ricordi ad Angiolo ed Ella mi creda
Suo Dev.mo
G. Vitelli
Firenze 11 Dic. ’910
Preg.ma Signora
Grazie del Suo bel libro. Ne ho rilette alcune pagine, con vero piacere: e
m’immagino l’entusiasmo con cui lo leggeranno i piccoli lettori ai quali è
destinato. I miei nipotini non sanno, pur troppo, ancora leggere: serbo ad
essi, per un avvenire sperabilmente non | troppo lontano, le Sue “Storie
della Storia”, e son sicuro di tenere in serbo per essi un prezioso regalo. Mi
auguro che il Suo esempio abbia molti imitatori—dato e non concesso
che molti vi sieno capaci di imitar… bene!
Mi ricordi a Suo marito, e non Le rincresca di credermi sempre
Suo Dev.mo
G. Vitelli
65
66
67
In the transcription the sign | indicates the end of a page and the passage from the
recto to the verso of the cards. These letters—mentioned by Minutoli (“Il carteggio
Orvieto–Vitelli,” 324 n. 4)—are unpublished: I thank Diletta Minutoli for allowing me
to publish these texts, which will be included in the complete edition of Vitelli’s letters to
the Orvieto family.
The word non is added supra lineam.
Underlined by Vitelli.
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The date of the first letter, the allusion to a manuscript that Vitelli intends to
read soon (“Spero di poterle rimandare il manoscritto a principio della prossima settimana”), and the verb “rilette” (“reread”) in the second letter, referring
to Storie greche e barbare, all this suggests that Vitelli had read and commented
on Laura’s Storie greche e barbare before publication (“Così un po’ di merito di
quelle ‘delizie’ toccherà anche a me”). Furthermore, the second letter proves
that this book came out at the end of 1910, rather than in 1911 as the date printed on the book itself indicates.68 The manuscript of the Storie greche e barbare
can thus be reasonably dated before January 23, 1910.
The letters published above are the sole letters addressed to Laura by Vitelli
and preserved at the acgv. Vitelli sent two postcards explicitly to Angiolo and
Laura.69 Even when Vitelli wrote only to Angelo, however, he never failed to
mention Laura and to send his greetings to her.70 It should therefore come
as no surprise that Vitelli was asked to read Laura’s first writing on classical
mythology before publication. We should also acknowledge Laura’s attention
to the historical and philological exactness of her stories and admit that, within such a context, her sources to classical myth had to be more varied than they
were supposed to be.
Unfortunately, no manuscript of Storie di bambini survives. This book is different from Storie greche e barbare for several reasons. As Poesio pointed out,71
it shares with Storie greche e barbare its felicitous style and careful delineation
of characters; Laura provides detailed information about customs and life in
Classical Antiquity less often than in Storie greche e barbare, because these are
stories of gods and semi-divine heroes, out of time and place.72 However, the
68
69
70
71
72
See above n. 30.
acgv, Florence, Or. 1.2485.101 (a black and white postcard with a view of Colle Isarco) and
acgv, Florence, Or. 1.2485.102 (a black and white postcard with a view of “Passo Brennero
m. 1370: Limite col Cippo di Confine”) will be published in Diletta Minutoli’s edition of
Vitelli’s letters to the Orvieto family.
See Diletta Minutoli and Rosario Pintaudi, “Medea Norsa ed Angiolo Orvieto,” Analecta
papyrologica 12 (2000): 302–370; and Minutoli, “Il carteggio Orvieto–Vitelli,” 322–336.
Vitelli’s letters preserved in the Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence, do not include any from
Laura: I owe this information to the courtesy of Giovanna Rao (keeper of the section
“Manoscritti, Rari e Tutela”).
Laura Orvieto, 98–101.
Poesio’s judgement is too sharp in this respect (Laura Orvieto, 98): “[…] un certo scadimento rappresentato, in qualche parte, da un’eccessiva insistenza sul tono colloquiale e da
un voluto rifuggire da precisazioni storico-geografiche, così come una certa negligenza—
sempre voluta—di documentazione, allo scopo, forse, di sottolineare la familiarità del
dialogo col lettore, col proposito, insomma, di dimettere l’abito da cerimonia.”
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systematic attention paid in providing both the Greek and the Latin names of
gods and heroes reveals the same care in giving complete and careful information on classical myths to children as in Storie greche e barbare.73 Furthermore,
a comparison between the myths collected in Storie di bambini and those told
by Hawthorne, Kingsley, and Lang shows that Laura’s selection is broader than
theirs.
A Weekly Journal for Children: La Settimana dei Ragazzi
Laura’s last project, the weekly journal La Settimana dei Ragazzi,74 which she
edited from 1945 until early 1948,75 also reflected her interest in Classical Antiquity. Various references to the classical world come up here and there in this
publication. A survey of the whole series under her direction allowed me to
collect four kinds of texts concerning the Graeco-Roman heritage.
1. Short historical and informative notices concerning people (Loc.,76 “Carneade, chi era costui?” La Settimana dei Ragazzi ii/35, Sept. 1, 1946, p. 2), monuments, and places (Loc., “Che cos’è la via Appia?” La Settimana dei Ragazzi
iii/28, July 13, 1947, p. 6), customs (anon., “La prima lettera postale,” La Set
timana dei Ragazzi i/10, June 2, 1945, p. 2). The anonymous piece on the first
postal letter is particularly interesting, because it gives a description and a
proper Italian translation of one of the oldest preserved Greek private letters,
engraved on both sides of a lead tablet, found in Athens, published in 1897 and
dating from the end of the fifth or the fourth century bc, and kept in Berlin.77
In Wilhelm Dittenberger’s edition—Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum, vol. 3
(Leipzig: Hirzel, 31920), 385–386, no. 1259—the inside text runs as follows:
73
74
75
76
77
Note also that Laura prints the names of some gods and heroes with the correct accent:
e.g., “Prosèrpina,” “Pèrseo.” The case of “Pèrseo” is particularly interesting because this accent is rather unusual in Italian, but it is the usual (and correct) accent among classicists.
See Poesio, Laura Orvieto, 121–123.
The issue of January 11, 1948 was still edited by Laura; the first issue of February 1948 was
edited by Giuseppe Fanciulli: Caterina Del Vivo kindly gave me this information. See also
Del Vivo, “Laura Orvieto: per una biografia,” 22 n. 58; and Pacini, “Il giornalismo di Laura
Orvieto,” 122–126.
I could not identify “Loc.”
See also Federica Cordano, “Le missive private dei Greci nel V secolo a.C.,” Acme 58 (2005):
43; further bibliography in Hans-Josef Klauck, Ancient Letters and the New Testament: A
Guide to Context and Exegesis, with the collaboration of Daniel P. Bailey (Waco, Tex.: Baylor University Press, 2006), 19 n. 5.
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Mνησίεργος | ἐπέστειλε τοῖς οἴκοι | χαίρεν καὶ ὑγιαίνεν· | καὶ αὐτὸς οὕτως
ἔφασ[κ]ε [ἔχεν] | στέγασμα, εἴ τι βόλεστε, | ἀποπέμψαι ἢ ὤας ἢ διφθέρας ὡς
εὐτελεστά(τα)ς καὶ μὴ σισυρωτὰς | καὶ κατύματα: τυχὸν ἀποδώσω.
Mnesiergos sends to the people at home (his instructions for them) to
rejoice and to be healthy and says it to be so also with him. Dispatch a
covering, if you please, sheepskins or goatskins, the cheapest possible
and not shaped into cloaks, and shoe-soles; I will make a return when I
get the chance.
Trans. hans-josef klauck, Ancient Letters and the New Testament, 19
The outside address runs as follows:
φέρεν ἰς τὸν κέραμ|ον τὸγ χυτρικόν, | ἀποδỡναι δὲ Nαυσίαι | ἢ Θρασυκλῆι ἢ
θυἱῶι.
Take to the earthenware pottery and give to Nausias or Thrasykles or his
son.
Trans. klauck, Ancient Letters and the New Testament, 19
The text published in La Settimana dei Ragazzi is the following:
La prima lettera postale
La lettera postale non è un’invenzione moderna. Sembra che la prima
lettera sia stata scoperta da uno studioso in Grecia ed è un documento
molto curioso. Si tratta di una sottile laminetta di piombo piegata in due.
Sopra una delle facce si legge inciso il seguente indirizzo: “Da portare al
Mercato delle Ceramiche e da rimettere a Nausias oppure a Trasicles padre e figlio”. Sull’altra faccia si legge: “Mnesiergos invia saluti ed auguri di
buona salute a tutti quelli della famiglia e annunzia loro che egli sta bene.
Gli fareste piacere inviando una coperta a due pelli di montone (oggi si
direbbe a due piazze) ma di genere ordinario e senza guarnizioni di pelliccia. Avrei anche bisogno di due suola forti. Appena avrò il modo ve le
restituirò”.
2. Short stories signed by authors other than Laura: Angelica Marrucchi, “La
cicala, la formica e l’ape,” La Settimana dei Ragazzi ii/32, Aug. 11, 1946, p. 3; Ester
Maugini, “Orfeo ed Euridice,” La Settimana dei Ragazzi ii/47, Nov. 24, 1946, p.
3; Gabriella Neri, “Fabio e la Dea Fortuna,” La Settimana dei Ragazzi i/37, Dec.
9, 1945, p. 6, and “Il sorcio compito e quello rustico,” La Settimana dei Ragazzi
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i/38, Dec. 16, 1945, p. 6; Angiolo Orvieto, “Il pastore e la zanzara,” La Settimana
dei Ragazzi ii/37, Sept. 15, 1946, p. 3 (Angiolo appears as the translator of the
pseudo-Virgilian poem Culex).
3. Very short stories not signed, mainly taken from Aesop’s fables: “La vecchia e il medico,” La Settimana dei Ragazzi ii/28, July 14, 1946, p. 2; “La rana
invidiosa,” La Settimana dei Ragazzi iii/25, June 22, 1947, p. 3; “Il Cervo che si
specchia,” La Settimana dei Ragazzi iii/33, Aug. 17, 1947, p. 5; “La gatta morta,”
La Settimana dei Ragazzi iii/38, Sept. 21, 1947, p. 6; “La signora Fortuna,” La
Settimana dei Ragazzi iii/39, Sept. 28, 1947, p. 6; but see also anon., “Gli occhi,
il naso, la bocca, gli orecchi e i diti,” La Settimana dei Ragazzi i/22, Aug. 26,
1945, p. 3; and [aa.vv.], “Discordie,” La Settimana dei Ragazzi i/31, Oct. 28, 1945,
p. 3, on the same subject, which is the well-known fable on the human body
and its parts (see Aesop’s The Belly and the Members and Menenius Agrippa’s
speech in Liv. 2.32, a fable included in Orvieto, Leo e Lia, pp. 79–83, as Siamo
tutti servitori).
4. One story signed by Laura: “Storia di Ercole e di Filottete,” La Settimana
dei Ragazzi iii/7, Feb. 16, 1947, p. 3. This is essentially the last piece of the Storie
greche e barbare, on the basis of both its subject and the structure; moreover,
one can see some continuity in Laura’s interest in Hercules’ character from Leo
e Lia (see above, n. 31) and from Storie di bambini (Storia di un bambino che si
chiamava Eracle e si chiamava anche Ercole, 113–130) to this journal.
Laura’s Projects
Laura died in Florence on May 9, 1953, leaving some projects unfinished.78
Some of them concern, once again, Classical Antiquity. Several unpublished
writings are preserved at acgv, Florence, as Or. 5.5.2 (manuscript copies) and
Or. 5.5.3 (typed copies): in addition to stories such as “Teseo e sua moglie,” “La
venditrice di corone e l’operaio del palazzo,” “Le due montagne,” and “La storia
del gigante,” some manuscript sheets contain an unpublished translation of
the Greek text of the Life of Homer falsely attributed to Herodotus. The translation preserves many Greek sentences from the original text, often within
brackets, to explain or justify the given translation: although his handwriting
78
See Poesio, Laura Orvieto, 33. In the interview given to Tonelli (“Laura Orvieto,” 129),
probably referring to La forza, Laura says: “Che cosa scrivo ora? Sto terminando di correggere un nuovo libro per ragazzi, che dovrebbe servire d’introduzione a una Vita di
Virgilio: un libro che, seguendo il metodo dei due precedenti, narra la storia di Roma
prima dell’Impero, anzi, prima dello sbalzo di Cesare e della democrazia imperiale.”
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tended to become increasingly similar to Laura’s, this translator can be recognised as Angiolo.79
A close collaboration between Laura and Angiolo is attested in the first decade of the twentieth century, when Laura wrote the unaccomplished novel
Leone da Rimini:80 at least some parts of the text betray both Laura’s and
Angiolo’s hands, especially when Jewish customs and rituals are described in
detail. In other words, Laura and Angiolo’s perfect communion involved writing, too.
The manuscripts mentioned above suggest that Laura’s creative writing on
classical material could take the translation of an ancient text as its starting
point: such a work process casts new light on Laura’s attitude to ancient literature and culture and—most important—on her writings concerning the
classical world.
Appendix: One More storia della storia del mondo
|[1r] Storia del principe Agamennone e della principessa
Clitennestra81
Oggi bisogna raccontare la storia di una principessa che aveva i capelli neri e
gli occhi neri e fu prima buona e poi cattiva. Era figlia del re di Sparta e si chiamava Clitennestra: era bella, ma aveva una sorella più bella di lei, che si chiamava Elena. Elena e Clitennestra stavano sempre insieme. Insieme facevano il
chiasso e insieme filavano la lana: insieme lavavano i ve|[2r]stiti del re nel fiume
e insieme tessevano la tela. Ma un giorno un principe che veniva da Micene
vide la principessa Clitennestra, la domandò in moglie e l’ebbe.
Così la principessa Clitennestra lasciò la sua madre Leda, il suo padre Tindaro,
la sua sorella Elena, i suoi fratelli Castore e Polluce e Timandro,82 per andare
a Micene col principe Tantalo. Da principio non voleva molto bene al suo
marito…
79
80
81
82
A comparison with Angiolo’s handwriting reveals some significant similarities; such similarities can be detected also in the Greek texts written by Angiolo in his “tesi di laurea”
(acgv, Florence, Or. 4.10.1).
The text has been recently published by Del Vivo, “Altre Storie del mondo,” 571–573.
acgv, Florence, Or. 5.5.1, file 1 (currently counted as such, although a number 8 written
in pen is discernable). In the following transcription a vertical stroke followed by a sheet
number printed within square brackets marks the beginning of a new page.
The words e Timandro are underlined in blue pencil and a question mark is traced above
the name Timandro by the same pencil.
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– Ma se non gli avesse voluto bene non l’avrebbe sposato! esclamò Leo
– Non si può dire. Allora un uomo quando voleva sposarsi non domandava
alla donna |[3r] se lei gli voleva bene: la83 prendeva perché badasse alla casa,
gli filasse la lana, gli84 facesse vestiti e gli desse85 figlioli. Del bene non glie ne
importava. E nemmeno Tantalo probabilmente domandò a Clitennestra se era
contenta o no di diventare sua moglie. Era contento lui e basta.
Lontana dalla sua sorella, dalla mamma, dal babbo e dai fratelli, Clitennestra
si sentì in86 principio triste triste. Ma poi si abituò alla casa e al marito. Aveva
anche molto da fare, e si sa che lavorare fa allegria. C’erano mucchi di lane da
filare, mucchi di filo da |[4r] tessere, e bei tappeti da ricamare, e un’infinità di
ancelle da dirigere!
– Perché dici ancelle? domandò la Lia.
– Perché le cameriere di allora si chiamavano così.
Quando poi Clitennestra partorì un bambino, un cosino piccolo piccolo e grasso grasso, colle mani e i piedi che parevano quattro guancialini rosa e gli occhi
che parevano due fiori celesti, allora sì che la principessa fu occupata da mattina a sera! Aveva fatto fabbricare una culla piccina e bellina, e insieme colle
ancelle aveva lavorato a preparar |[5r] fasce e camicine e copertine. E le pareva
proprio di avere un bambolino, e si divertiva a fasciarlo e rifasciarlo, a cullarlo,
a cantargli la ninna nanna.
Un giorno Clitennestra cantava una canzone al suo bambino che si addormentava, quando sentì un gran rumore per la strada. – Che cosa c’è, che cosa non
c’è? – Mandò un servo a vedere, e il servo ritornò poco dopo un po’ spaventato.
– Io non ci capisco niente, padrona. Tutti gridano; uno dice una cosa, uno |[6r]
ne dice un’altra. C’è chi ha visto dei soldati, ma nessuno sa chi siano e che cosa
vogliano… Torno a vedere, padrona? –
Il servo andò per la seconda volta in istrada e ritornò più spaventato che mai.
– Padrona, dicono che ci sia la guerra! Uomini armati vengono verso la città!
Qualcuno ha visto fra loro Agamennone e Menelao, i due figli d’Atreo! Tutti
scappano, tutti si nascondono! Nascondiamoci anche noi, padrona! –
Ma Clitennestra non si nascose, e mandò invece alcuni servi a cercare Tantalo.87 |[7r] La città era sottosopra: tutti sapevano ormai che Agamennone e
83
84
85
86
87
The word la is corrected from a previous La, with the initial letter capitalised; a preceding
dot has been likely turned into a colon.
Before gli was written e, then deleted by an oblique stroke.
The initial version was vestiti e figlioli: the original e was deleted and replaced by the
above-line addition e gli desse.
Before in a letter is deleted, possibly d: Laura might have planned to write da principio.
Before Tantalo one can read dove fosse.
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Menelao venivano a combattere il re Tieste. I cittadini discutevano e non andavano mai d’accordo: chi diceva che Tieste aveva ragione e chi diceva88 che avevan ragione i figli d’Atreo; chi sosteneva89 che il vero re era Tieste e chi avrebbe
voluto che vincessero Agamennone e Menelao. Alcuni si nascondevano pieni
di paura negli angoli90 più bui della casa, altri correvano in cerca di notizie,
altri restavano incerti, altri si armavano per combattere. |[8r] Fra i combattenti
c’era il principe Tantalo,91 lo sposo di Clitennestra. Appena Tantalo seppe che
un esercito nemico s’avvicinava, corse a casa, rivestì l’armatura solida e lucente
che gli aveva regalato Tindaro nel giorno delle nozze,92 lasciò nelle stanze più
sicure Clitennestra e il bambino, e corse in aiuto di Tieste suo padre e di suo
fratello Egisto.
Intorno alla città,93 per le strade, nelle piazze, tutti combattevano: nelle vie
si ammonticchiavano i morti e i |[9r] feriti. Agamennone, tutto armato, non si
fermava un istante, ma feriva e uccideva senza posa: sotto la sua spada rossa
di sangue cadevano innumerevoli i nemici. Nessuno, vedendolo combattere,
avrebbe creduto che il figlio d’Atreo fosse tanto giovane. Aveva la forza di dieci
uomini: pareva un lupo in mezzo a un gregge di pecore che non sanno difendersi e cadono sanguinanti là dove94 passa il feroce animale: intorno a lui95
cadevano a destra e a sinistra i guerrieri feriti e uccisi.
|[10r] Nel mezzo della lotta, quando già stava per vincere, Agamennone incontrò
Tantalo. Lo vide di lontano, e corse verso di lui per combattere. Tantalo non desiderava di misurarsi con Agamennone che sebbene più giovane era tanto più
forte di lui,96 e si sarebbe allontanato, se Agamennone non gli avesse rivolto
parole ingiuriose:
– Tu cerchi di sfuggirmi, vile, cane miserabile! Vieni, vieni avanti! Vedremo se
il figlio di Tieste potrà vincere il figlio d’Atreo! Ah tu te ne vai? Tu |[11r] fuggi?
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
Before diceva has been deleted soste at the end of the line.
Before sosteneva have been deleted the words voleva per re.
Laura had written nell’angolo: above the preposition is written negli above the line, and
the final o in angolo is corrected to i.
In the manuscript one can read c’era Tantalo. A il principe Tantalo; the words lo sposo
marito di Clitennestra are added above the line.
In the manuscript delle sue nozze.
Before Intorno one reads Sulle ri.
The words là dove are written above dovunque.
In the manuscript dove intorno ad A al principe: above principe is written a lui.
In the manuscript tanto più giovane era già tanto più forte di lui.
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Fuggi, fuggi pure, se ti piace!97 Saprò ben io raggiungerti e trapassarti colla mia
spada! –
Così urlava Agamennone: e intanto correva veloce incontro a Tantalo che ormai l’aspettava di pié fermo, pronto a ferire. Ma la lancia di Tantalo, urtando
contro il grossissimo scudo di ferro di Agamennone,98 si ruppe in cento pezzi,
e a Tantalo restò solo la spada.
– Ma non avevano i fucili e tutte le altre cose? domandò la Lia.
|[12r] No, non li avevano. I fucili furono inventati molti molti anni dopo. Allora
i guerrieri99 adoperavano soltanto la lancia e la spada, e poi100 freccie [sic], e
pietre, e sassi e bastoni. E Agamennone, colla sua lancia, trapassò la corazza di
Tantalo.
– Ma che? domandò Leo meravigliato. Che la trapassavano? Non era di ferro?
– Sì, ma quando il colpo era molto forte, anche la corazza si rompeva: e ti so
dir io che in quel momento Agamennone adoperava tutta la sua forza! Fatto
sta che Tantalo rimase |[13r] ferito, e Agamennone gli saltò addosso come una
tigre,101 cacciandogli la spada a doppio taglio nel collo, presso la spalla. Un
sangue nero e denso uscì dalle ferite: la testa si staccò a mezzo dal busto, e
Tantalo cadde morto fra i morti. Ma Agamennone non si fermò nemmeno a
guardarlo. Lo spinse da parte con un piede, e continuò a combattere.
– Perché non si fermò? domandò Leo
– Era in guerra: non poteva fermarsi. E poi gli uomini d’allora eran feroci: non
ci badavano ad ammazzare qualcuno.
– Ma quelli che morivano erano dispiacenti |[14r] di morire?
– Quelli sì, molto. Ma allora non si sapeva che dobbiamo fare agli altri quello
che vorremmo fosse fatto a noi. Adesso lo sappiamo; eppure in guerra,102 chi ci
bada? E anche senza la guerra, quante volte gli uomini e i bimbi si tormentano
fra loro!
– Ma io vorrei sapere del bambino della principessa – disse la Lia
– Il bambino della principessa dormiva tranquillo, e la sua mamma lo cullava
per paura che si svegliasse:103 veniva tanto rumore dal di fuori! Urli di vincitori
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
In the manuscript se t’accomoda!: immediately after t’ has been added i, and piace! is written above accomoda.
In the manuscript del figlio d’A di Agamennone.
In the manuscript i sold guerrieri.
Laura had written le freccie, le pietre e i sassi e i bastoni: above the first four words deleted
she has written e poi, e, e respectively; the comma after pietre is added, too.
The words come una tigre are added above the line.
In the manuscript specialmente in guerra: a comma before specialmente is deleted, too.
In the manuscript che non si svegliasse.
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e lamenti di feriti; rumore d’armi che s’urtavano e grida di gente che chiedeva
|[15r] aiuto.104
A un tratto la porta s’aperse, e un servo entrò piangendo,105 colle vesti stracciate e macchiate di sangue:
– Padrona, padrona!
– Che cosa c’è? Parla!
– Il tuo sposo, l’illustre Tantalo….
– Dov’è? È ferito?
– È morto! Il principe Agamennone l’ha ucciso!
– Dov’è? L’hai qui? L’hai portato con te?106
– No padrona è nella strada! Non uscire!107 Se esci, siamo morti tutti! Agamennone ha la forza di cento |[16r] uomini!108 Ferisce, squarta, ammazza tutti! Nessuno gli resiste! Uno spettacolo simile non l’ho mai visto! Nascondiamoci,109
padrona, che Agamennone non ci veda! Se ci trova, siamo morti!
– Ma però Agamennone sarebbe stato un vile se avesse ammazzato una donna
senz’armi – disse Leo.
– Sì, ma Agamennone in quel momento era infuriato, e il servo sapeva che
un uomo infuriato è facilmente vile. E piangeva forte, e con lui piansero
Clitennestra e le ancelle:110 e il bambino a quel rumore si svegliò, |[17r] e pianse
anche lui.
Ma quando Clitennestra sentì piangere il suo bimbo, lo prese in collo e lo alzò
al cielo, pregando gli dei.
– Zeus padre, e voi tutti, dèi immortali che abitate le alte cime dell’Olimpo,
ascoltate la mia preghiera! Proteggete questo bambino, fatelo diventare coraggioso e forte, e quando sarà grande, aiutatelo a vendicare Tantalo suo padre, a
vincere Agamennone e a ucciderlo! –
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
In the manuscript chiedeva |[15r]domandava aiuto. The verb chiedeva might have been
added after deleting domandava in a blank space available at the bottom of fol. 14r.
Laura had written in furia, above the line is added piangendo. One reads colle vesti strac
ciate, e in disordine, piene [on the line is added e, above the line macchiate] di sangue;
[semicolon is corrected to a dot] Cliten la.
Laura had written lo voglio vedere, lo voglio seppellire! [above the line are written the
words L’hai qui? L’hai portato con te?].
Laura had written – Padrona non uscire! [No is added at the beginning of the line, the
initial letter P in Padrona is corrected from capital to lower case, è nella strada! is added
above the line, the initial small n in non is capitalised].
At the top of the page one reads ferisce, squart uomini.
Laura wrote Nascondiamoci at the beginning of a new line, then she struck through the
first part of the verb (Nascon) and added Nascon again at the end of the preceding line.
Below the line, after the word ancelle Laura added e pia, and struck it afterward.
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Così pregava Clitennestra. E mentre ella pregava,111 Agamennone entrò nella
stanza colla furia di una bestia selvaggia.112 La sua |[18r] armatura era nera113 di
sangue: i suoi occhi schizzavan ferocia. S’avvicinò alla principessa, le strappò
dalle braccia il bambino, e lo scagliò114 lontano115 contro la parete. I servi si
gettarono per terra urlando,116 il bambino cadde morto, e Clitennestra rimase
lì ferma ad aspettare che Agamennone uccidesse anche lei.
– Così il tuo figlio ammazzerà Agamennone! urlò il figlio d’Atreo. E guardò
la principessa, e la vide pallida e addolorata, come una che desideri solo di
morire.
Allora sentì un gran rimorso, e le andò vicino.
– Figlia di Tindaro, perdonami. Ero acciecato [sic] |[19r] dall’ira. Ma non voglio
farti del male. Voglio farti diventare regina di Micene.
– Lasciami seppellire il mio bambino e il mio sposo – rispose la principessa.
Fece117 raccogliere della legna e farne un mucchio; ci mise118 sopra il corpo di
Tantalo e del bambino e li bruciò: poi riunì le ceneri, le seppellì: e pianse sulla
tomba dei suoi morti.
Quando tutto fu finito, Agamennone tornò da Clitennestra.
– Figlia di Tindaro, io sono re di Micene e voglio farti regina. Diventa mia moglie. –
Ma Clitennestra, guardandolo bene in |[20r] faccia, rispose:
– Non voglio sposare il mio peggiore nemico. Tu mi hai ucciso il marito, tu mi
hai ucciso il figliolo. Io non diventerò mai tua moglie. –
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
Laura had written Così pregava Clitennestra, e [corrected into capital E] in quel momento
entrò mentre ella pregava, ent [corrected into Aga]mennone entrò.
Vitelli’s comment on this story (fol. 17v) runs as follows: “Non so chi altri racconti di questa
uccisione del bambino, senza attingere ad Euripide (Ifigenia in Aulide v. 1151); e in Euripide è detto, a quanto sembra, che Agam. uccise il bambino sbatacchiandolo a terra (non
contro le pareti).”
The word nera is added above the line: the original text is not legible, since it has been
corrected several times.
Added above gettò, stricken in order to avoid repetition, given the following si gettarono
in the next sentence.
The words per terra followed, and were stricken in order to avoid repetition, given the
following si gettarono per terra in the next sentence.
Before urlando one reads spav.
The initial capital letter F is a correction from something else, hard to identify: the following raccogliere seems to be corrected from an original raccol corrected by addition of g
between o and l.
One reads un mucchio di [above the line della] legna, [comma replaced by e farne un muc
chio; written above the line] ci mise.
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Così disse la principessa, sicura che Agamennone l’avrebbe ammazzata per le
sue parole.
Ma Agamennone non ammazzò Clitennestra. La prese a forza, la portò nella
casa d’Atreo, e la obbligò a diventare sua moglie.
Così Clitennestra diventò regina di Micene. Per le strade i cittadini gridavano:119
Viva Agamennone nostro re! |[21r] Viva Clitennestra nostra regina! – Ma Clitennestra piangeva in segreto, e pensava in segreto a vendicarsi di Agamennone.
119
Laura had written Così per le strade di Micene [Clitennestra diventò regina di Micene. Per le
strade added above the line] i cittadini gridavano.
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chapter 6
Saul Tchernichowsky’s Mythical Childhood:
Homeric Allusions in the Idyll “Elka’s Wedding”
Agata Grzybowska
The Hebrew poet Saul Tchernichowsky was born in 1875 in a small village in
Tauria, in the steppe north of the Crimean peninsula. When he was a boy, his
neighbours called him “a salted Greek” (grek solenyĭ in Russian). Many years
later he was called “the Greek” among the Hebrew poets. Tchernichowsky
learned to read Russian when he was five years old and Hebrew when he was
seven. In the gymnasium in Odessa he studied Greek and Latin. Between 1918
and 1931, he translated the Odyssey and the Iliad from the original, as well as
the fifteenth idyll of Theocritus and the poems of Anacreon. He was the first
Hebrew writer who had never studied in a ḥeder.1
As well as being a translator, Tchernichowsky wrote his own sonnets, ballads, and idylls. The idylls, which have always been the author’s most widely
read works, are dedicated to the life of Jewish children and to the link between
generations: between those of the parents and grandparents who could hardly
imagine a life outside the Diaspora and that of budding Zionism. As almost
all of these poems are centred around a hero in the first years of his adolescence, they were avidly read by Jewish children and teenagers in the Diaspora,
and were featured on essential reading lists in Israeli schools over several decades. One of them, “Keḥom ha-yom” [In the heat of the day],2 tells the story of
Velvele, who decides to follow a meshuloḥ (an emissary) to Palestine and dies
on the way. The idyll “Berele ḥoleh” [Berele is sick]3 relates how the Jewish boy
1 Ḥeder (lit. “room”)—the common name for the elementary school for the teaching of Judaism. The ḥeder was a privately run institution, the teacher receiving his fees from the parents. It was generally housed in a room in the private home of the teacher, called the rebbe
(Yiddish form of “rabbi”) or melammed. The age groups were from 3–5, 6–7, and 8–13. No
secular studies were taught, the subjects for the three classes being, respectively, reading in
the prayer book, the Pentateuch with Rashi, and the Talmud. See Fred Skolnik and Michael
Berenbaum, eds., Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 8, s.v. (Detroit, Mich.: Thomson Gale, 22007).
2 Shaʾul Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Keḥom ha-yom” [In the heat of the day], in eiusdem, Shirim [Poems] (Tel-Aviv: Shocken, 1947), 215–225. For the readers’ convenience, the transliteration of
Hebrew words, proper, names, and titles in the main text has been simplified.
3 Shaʾul Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Bereleh ḥoleh” [Berele is sick], in eiusdem, Shirim, 233–245.
© Agata Grzybowska, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_008
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Berele is cured by a Ukrainian sorceress (volkhovitka). In the idyll “Levivot”,4
the grandmother recalls the childhood of her granddaughter Rezele. All these
stories are narrated in Hebrew hexameters (Tchernichowsky was the first to
use them in Hebrew). The idylls were inspired by Homer and Theocritus, but
also by Goethe’s Hermann und Dorothea5 (1796–1797) and Adam Mickiewicz’s
Pan Tadeusz6—the Polish epic national poem first published in 1834. Tchernichowsky also wrote several collections of poetry for Hebrew children who
were just about to learn to speak and to read. These poems—some of which
have recently been republished7—describe scenes of the everyday lives of
children or refer to Biblical stories or Talmudic legends.
Tchernichowsky’s works drew on the memories of his own childhood. The
memories which grew into his idylls and his autobiographical poems have also
yielded the poet’s autobiography, describing the poet’s youth until his arrival at
the gymnasium in Odessa.8 In this autobiography he combines the memories
of the magic moments of his childhood with his family history, which he himself calls the “mythology” of the family—using the Greek word for “mythology”
transliterated into Hebrew. By this he refers to the heroic deeds of his ancestors which contributed to the image of the “Hebrew hero” that he created for
himself when he was still a child.
We have to be aware that the autobiographical works of Hebrew poets
fulfilled part of the role that the Bildungsroman had in European literature.
Clothing Jewish childhood in the garments of a Greek genre clearly reveals the
universal element in the childhood experience.9 This element was based on
references to Classical Antiquity. Before Tchernichowsky wrote his first idylls,
4 Shaʾul Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Levivot” [Pancakes], in eiusdem, Shirim, 133–144. Levivot—a type of
potato pancake.
5 Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Hermann und Dorothea (Lepizig: Koehler & Amelang, 1955; ed.
pr. 1798).
6 Adam Mickiewicz, Pan Tadeusz (Kraków: Dom Książki, 1992; ed. pr. 1834).
7 See Shaʾul Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, Ba-ginah [In the garden] (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2012).
8 Shaʾul Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Meʿeyn Avtobiografiya” [A sort of an autobiography], in Boaz Arpaly,
ed., Shaʾul Ṭsherniḥovsḳi. Meḥkarim uteʿudot [Shaʾul Ṭsherniḥovsḳi. Studies and documents]
(Tel-Aviv: Shocken, 1947), 17–135.
9 I am aware that the universality of childhood experience is a broadly disputed and contested
topic in childhood studies. However, since this chapter is focused on philological matters,
I chose not to join this discussion. See: Martin Woodhead and Heather Montgomery,
eds., Understanding Childhood: An Interdisciplinary Approach (Chichester: Wiley–The
Open University, 2003); Allison James, Chris Jenks, and Alan Prout, Theorising Childhood
(Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998); Mary Jane Kehily and Joan Swann, eds., Children’s Cultural
Worlds (Chichester: Wiley–The Open University, 2003).
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classical works were virtually absent from Hebrew literature. The Hebraists
of his generation translated European classics for young readers on a large
scale.10 Their project encompassed the bestsellers that every Russian child
would read: Jules Verne, Thomas Mayne Reed, Mark Twain, and many others. It
also contained a number of European classics that were adapted for the young
Hebrew reader—most notably Chayim Nachman Bialik’s adaptation of Don
Quixote (from a second-rate Russian edition).11 In fact, the only work which
referred to Classical Antiquity was Vladimir Jabotinsky’s Hebrew translation
of Raffaello Giovagnoli’s Spartaco12 (made from the Italian original published
in 1873–1874).
It is remarkable that Tchernichowsky’s childhood, as we know it, is a work
of translation: he knew the names of all the flowers, animals, fruits and vegetables, foods, kitchen tools, and all the other details of rural life in Ukrainian
and Russian, but when he gave his memoirs the form of idylls, he translated the
words into Hebrew and then dressed them in a Greek garment. This process of
translation can be illuminated by a close philological reading.
Tchernichowsky’s longest idyll contains around 2,200 hexameters and has
the title “Ḥatunatah shel ’Elḳah” [Elka’s wedding]. Elka was the poet’s grandmother, who was married in the 1840s when she was between fourteen and
sixteen years old. In 1911 Tchernichowsky wrote a letter (in Russian) to his aunt
asking her to describe in Yiddish every detail of Elka’s wedding. Thanks to
some features of Homeric style that Tchernichowsky uses in the poem, as well
as the Homeric allusions present in it, the poet’s grandmother, a Jewish girl in a
village in Tauria, receives some of the lofty dignity of the Homeric epic.
The first example of a Homeric allusion in “Elka’s Wedding” can be found in
the first verses of the poem: Mordechai of Podovka observes the cattle that are
being lead from the pasture:
הּצֺאן ִמן ַה ָּׁש ֶדה-י
ַ מו ֵֺעד ׁשּוב ַה ֶּב ֵה ִמים וְ רו ֵֺע
.ּפֹור ַח
ֵ ּוב ַענְ נֵ י ָא ָבק
ְ בּוכה
ָ ּומ
ְ הּומה
ָ ּומ
ְ ְּב ָשאו ֺן
ֶ גָ עֺה ִּתגְ ֶעינָ ה ַה ָּפרו ֺת ַהּנַ ֲענו ֺת ָל ֶהם ְל ֶעגְ ֵל
,יהן
10
11
12
See also Lisa Maurice’s chapter, “Greek Mythology in Israeli Children’s Literature”, in the
present volume.
Ḥayim Nachman Bialik, “Don Kishot, Tirgum Mekuṣṣar” [Don Quixote: An abbreviated
translation], in Ḥayim Nachman Bialik, Kitvei Ḥ. N. Bialik ve-Mivḥar Tirgumav [The works
of Chayim Nachman Bialik and a selection of his translations], vol. 3 (Berlin: Ḥovevei haShira ha-Ivrit, 1923).
Rafaello Giovagnoli, Aspartakus [Spartacus], trans. Ze’ev Jabotinsky (Odessa: Targeman,
1913).
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ֲא ֶׁשר ֵפ ְרׁשּו ַה ְּב ַע ִלים ִמּבוֺא ֶאל ַהּד ֶֺבר ָה ַר ּענַ ן
וְ ׁשו ְֺר ִקים ָה ְר ֵח ִלים וְ ַה ְט ָל ִאים,יהם
ֶ ִלינו ֺק ִמ ַּׁשד ִאּמו ֵֺת
13.[…] ַלקו ֵֺלי־קו ֺלו ָֺתן
It was the time when cowherds and shepherds returned from the pastures, in tumult, in riot and confusion, and in clouds of floating dust.
The cows were mooing, responding to their calves whom their owners
prevented from going to the fresh pastures in order to suck the teats of
their mothers, and the ewes were bleating, as were the lambs with all the
strength of their voices [...].14
The image of cows calling out to their calves can be found in book ten of the
Odyssey as part of a typical Homeric simile.15 After arriving at Aeaea, Odysseus
sends some of his crew to explore the territory. When his men fail to return,
he explores the island on his own. He finds his companions transformed into
pigs by Circe. The sorceress plans the same for Odysseus, but he manages to
avoid his own transformation and eventually becomes her guest. Before he
participates in the feast that Circe has prepared for him, Odysseus returns to
the shore in order to fetch the rest of his crew.
When Odysseus relates these events to the Phaeacians, he uses the following simile in order to describe how his companions ran toward him after his
long absence:
ὡς δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἂν ἄγραυλοι πόριες περὶ βοῦς ἀγελαίας,
ἐλθούσας ἐς κόπρον, ἐπὴν βοτάνης κορέσωνται,
πᾶσαι ἅμα σκαίρουσιν ἐναντίαι: οὐδ᾽ ἔτισηκοὶ
ἴσχουσ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἁδινὸν μυκώμεναι ἀμφιθέουσι:
μητέρας: ὣς ἔμ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι ἐπεὶ ἴδον ὀφθαλμοῖσι,
δακρυόεντες ἔχυντο.16
And as when calves in a farmstead sport about the droves of cows returning to the yard, when they have had their fill of grazing—they all frisk together before them, and the pens no longer hold them, but with constant
13
14
15
16
Shaʾul Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Ḥatunatah shel ’Elḳah” [Elka’s Wedding], in Benyamin Harshav,
ed., Shirat ha-teḥiyah ha-ʻIvrit: Antologyah hisṭorit-biḳortit [The poetry of the Hebrew Renaissance: A historical-critical anthology], vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Mossad Bialik, 2000), song 1,
vv. 6–11; the following quotations are taken from this edition.
Trans. A.G.
Hom. Od. 10.410–415.
Ibid.
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lowing they run about their mothers—so those men, when their eyes beheld me, thronged about me weeping.17
This scene, a product of Odysseus’s imagination, comes to life in “Elka’s Wedding.” The connection is even more striking when we consider Tchernichowsky’s own translation of the same passage into Hebrew.18 He uses the same
biblical infinitive absolute of the verb “to moo” (lago‘a in Hebrew).
The next example is very similar. A new character, the craftsman Meir,
arrives at the scene and interrupts the idyllic moment of reflection. Tchernichowsky introduces him with the following words: Meir was “a suppressor of
humankind with his talk, because his words had no measure”:
19.[...] ִּכי ְּד ָב ָריו ֵאין ָל ֶהם ִׁשעּור,ֺ ֵמ ַצר ַל ְּב ִרּיו ֺת ְּב ַד ְּברו
The Homeric character whose words have no measure is Thersites, who is described in the second book of the Iliad as ἀμετρoεπής—in a hapax legomenon
meaning “unbridled of tongue.”20
Yet another allusion to Homer can be found at the end of the fifth song of
“Elka’s Wedding,” in the account of the wedding feast and specifically of Mordechai’s ecstatic dance. The bride’s father asks his wife for a dance, and, when
she refuses, decides to dance the Cossack dance on his own:
:ָה ַלם ְּב ַרגְ ָליו ְּבכ ַֺח ָּב ִר ְצ ָּפה וַ ּיָ ָעף וֵ ּיָ ָטׁש
,ְיֵ ׁש ֶׁשהּוא הו ֵֺלְך וְ סו ֵֺבב ְּב ִעגּול ַּב ָּק ָהל ַּב ָּתוֶ ך
,ּותכּופו ֺת
ְ יׁשים
ִ וְ יֵ ׁש ֶׁשהּוא ּתו ֵֺפס ְמקו ֺמו ֺ ְמ ַכ ֵּתׁש ַּכ ִּת
,גּועים
ִ וְ יֵ ׁש ֶׁשהּוא ּפו ֵֺשט זְ רו ֺעו ָֺתיו ְּב ַא ֲה ָבה ַר ָּבה וְ גַ ְע
21.ֺ ּובאו ֺנו
ְ ֺ ִמ ְתהו ֵֺלל ְּב ִׁשגְ יו ֺנו,ּומעו ֵֺפף
ְ וְ יֵ ׁש ֶׁשהּוא ָטס
He hit the floor powerfully with his feet, he floated and flew, sometimes
he moved in circles in the middle of the crowd, sometimes he paused in
one place, and stamped swiftly and rhythmically; sometimes he stretched
17
18
19
20
21
Trans. A.T. Murray in Homer, The Odyssey, vol. 1 (Cambridge, Mass.–London: Harvard University Press–William Heinemann, Loeb, 1919), 375.
See Tchernichowsky’s translation of Hom. Od. 10.410–415 in the digitalised online edition
by Ben Yehuda, http://benyehuda.org/tchernichowsky/odyssey.html (accessed Nov. 14,
2015).
Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Ḥatunatah shel ’Elḳah,” song 1, v. 38.
Hom. Il. 2.212.
Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Ḥatunatah shel ’Elḳah,” song 5, vv. 439–445.
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out his arms in great love and longing, and he flew around, rowdy in his
strength and madness.22
The image of dancers hitting the floor with their feet appears in book eight of
the Odyssey just before Demodocus begins to sing his song:
[…] κῆρυξ δ᾽ ἐγγύθεν ἦλθε φέρων φόρμιγγα λίγειαν
Δημοδόκῳ: ὁ δ᾽ἔπειτα κί᾽ἐς μέσον: ἀμφὶ δὲ κοῦροι
πρωθῆβαι ἵσταντο, δαήμονες ὀρχηθμοῖο,
πέπληγον δὲ χορὸν θεῖον ποσίν. αὐτὰρ Ὀδυσσεὺς
μαρμαρυγὰς θηεῖτο ποδῶν, θαύμαζε δὲ θυμῷ.23
[…] and the herald came near, bearing the clear-toned lyre for Demodocus. He then moved into the midst, and around him stood boys in the
first bloom of youth, well skilled in the dance, and they smote the goodly
dancing floor with their feet. And Odysseus gazed at the twinklings of
their feet and marvelled in spirit.24
In the Hebrew translation of this passage Tchernichowsky uses exactly the
same expression as in his idyll.25
Besides the direct allusions, the most remarkable of which I have presented,
Tchernichowsky’s idyll contains more subtle allusions that add a humorous
note to the poem. Examples of such are the numerous Homeric similes in its
text, two of which can be traced back to similes used by Homer to describe the
crowd of Greek warriors in the second book of the Iliad:
τῶν δ᾽ ὥς τ᾽ ὀρνίθων πετεηνῶν ἔθνεα πολλὰ
χηνῶν ἢ γεράνων ἢ κύκνων δουλιχοδείρων
Ἀσίω ἐν λειμῶνι καϋστρίου ἀμφὶ ῥέεθρα
ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα ποτῶνται ἀγαλλόμενα πτερύγεσσι
κλαγγηδὸν προκαθιζόντων, σμαραγεῖ δέ τε λειμών,
ὣς τῶν ἔθνεα πολλὰ νεῶν ἄπο καὶ κλισιάων
ἐς πεδίον προχέοντο Σκαμάνδριον: […]
ἠΰτε μυιάων ἁδινάων ἔθνεα πολλὰ
αἵ τε κατὰ σταθμὸν ποιμνήϊον ἠλάσκουσιν
ὥρῃ ἐν εἰαρινῇ ὅτε τε γλάγος ἄγγεα δεύει,
22
23
24
25
Trans. A.G.
Hom. Od. 8.261–265 (emphasis mine, A.G.).
Trans. Murray in Homer, The Odyssey, 85.
See http://benyehuda.org/tchernichowsky/odyssey.html (accessed Nov. 14, 2015).
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117
τόσσοι ἐπὶ Tρώεσσι κάρη κομόωντες Ἀχαιοὶ
ἐν πεδίῳ ἵσταντο διαρραῖσαι μεμαῶτες.26
And as the many tribes of winged fowl, wild geese or cranes or long-necked
swans on the Asian mead by the streams of Caystrius, fly this way and that,
glorying in their strength of wing, and with loud cries settle ever onwards
[…]. Even as the many tribes of swarming flies that buzz to and fro throughout the herdsman’s farmstead in the season of spring, when the milk
drenches the pails, even in such numbers stood the long-haired Achaeans
upon the plain in the face of the men of Troy, eager to rend them asunder.27
In “Elka’s Wedding,” the young girls, the bride’s friends and cousins who come
together before the wedding ceremony, are compared to a flock of birds:
,]…[ ְּכאו ָֺתן ִצ ֳּפ ִרים ְק ַטּנו ֺת ֶׁשּנִ ְׁש ֲארּו ָלנּו ַּבחו ֶֺרף
((עת גָ ַדל ָה ָר ָעב ַּבח ְֺר ָׁשה
ֵ ֶׁש ִּת ְת ַּכּנֵ ְסנָ ה ַּב ְס ָתו
:צּודן
ָ ָׁשם ָע ַרְך ַה ַּצּיָ ד זֵ ְרעו ֺנִ ים ְל,ֵא ֶצל ַהג ֶֺדן
,יהן
ֶ ֶא ֶלה ָּתבֺאנָ ה וְ סו ְֺקרו ֺת וְ ֶא ֶלה ִּת ְפר ְֺשנָ ה ַּכנְ ֵפ
, ִמ ְתגַ ּנְ בו ֺת ִלזְ ּכו ֺת ַּבזֶ ַרע,נָ סו ֺת וְ חו ֺזְ רו ֺת וְ ָׁשבו ֺת
, ַהחו ְֺר ִפי וְ ַהּיַ ְרגָ ז, ַה ַּׁש ְרׁשו ֺר:ַא ַחת ַא ַחת ָּתבֺאנָ ה
יהם
ֶ ִמ ְתנו ְֺס ִסים ִּב ְׁש ַלל נו ֺצו ֵֺת,או ֺ ַא ְדמו ֺנִ ּיָ ה וְ ַח ְל ִחי
,– ָׁשחֺר וְ ָכתֺם ֶּׁשל ִלימו ֺן,יָ ר ֺק וְ ָכחֺל וְ ָאד ֺם
ֺת־ה ְּבתּולו ֺת ֶאל ֶח ְד ָרה ֶשל ֶא ְל ָקה
ַ ָּכ ָכה ִה ְת ַּכנְ סּו ַהּנְ ָערו
,יטים
ִ ַּת ְכ ִש,י־צ ְבעו ֺנִ ין
ִ ִּבגְ ֵד,עו ֺטו ֺת ַמ ֲח ְלצו ֺת ֲחדּורו ֺת
,י־הּב ֶֺש ֺם נו ְֺד ִפים ֵמ ֶהן ְל ֵמ ָרחו ֺק
ַ וְ ֵריחו ֺת ַס ֵּמ
, וְ ֶא ֶלה ֵּת ֶצאנָ ה ְּב ִח ָפזו ֺן,יצה
ָ ֶא ֶלה נִ ְכנָ סו ֺת ְּב ִר
28.עּותן
ָ יטיבו ֺת ַמ ְח ְלצו ֺת ֵר
ִ ֵמ,ת־ע ְצ ָמן
ַ ְמ ַׁש ְפרו ֺת ֶא,ְמשֺו ֲֺחחו ֺת
[…] as those little birds that stay with us in winter, that gather in autumn
(when famine grows in the thicket) next to the granary; there, the hunter
strews grains only in order to hunt them: some of the birds come and try
them, some spread their wings, leave and return, [and] sneak up in order
to pick a grain; one by one they come: chaffinch, siskin, tit, goldfinch, and
robin, they ruffle up the abundance of their feathers, green, blue and red,
black and yellow as lemons—thus assembled the young girls in Elka’s
room, wrapped in fancy garments, colourful dresses, adornment, and in
26
27
28
Hοm. Il. 2.459–473.
Trans. A.T. Murray in Homer, The Iliad, vol. 1 (Cambridge, Mass.–London: Harvard University Press–William Heinemann, Loeb, 1924), 85.
Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Ḥatunatah shel ’Elḳah,” song 5, vv. 15–27.
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perfume that spread its scent. Some were running into the house, some
rushing out, chatting, dressing up and praising each other’s dress.29
Despite the obvious differences between the Homeric simile and the image
presented in “Elka’s Wedding,” both passages have a lot in common. They
share, first of all, the idea that people who come together resemble a flock of
birds. In both similes the birds behave in a similar way: they fly to and fro and
ruffle their feathers. Tchernichowsky further clings to the form of a traditional
Homeric simile by naming various bird species. His simile, one might say, is a
diminutive version of the simile that appears in the second book of the Iliad.
Another simile in “Elka’s Wedding” is inspired by the comparison between
the crowd of Greek warriors and a swarm of flies. After a night of dancing and
feasting, the wedding guests linger in their beds and walk around tired and
sleepy:
ּופ ְתאו ֺם
ִ ,י־קיִ ץ
ַ יְמ
ֵ בּובים ְּכתֺם
ִ ְ[ ַמ ָּמׁש ְּכאו ָֺתן ַהז...]
ּומ ֻח ְס ֵרי־ּכ ַֺח ֶהם יו ְֺש ִבים
ְ ת־ּכ ָלם
ֻ אחז ַה ִּצּנָ ה ֶא
ַ ֺ ּת
30.[...] ית־חלו ֺנו ֺת
ַ ּוזכּוכ
ִ
ְּתלּויִם ִּב ְכ ָת ִלים
[…] truly like flies at the end of the summer, when cold suddenly comes
upon them and they sit, without power, and hang on walls and windowpanes [...].31
The comparison is a humorous antithesis to the vigorous warriors ready to
fight and destroy the Trojans.
Perhaps the most notable example of Homeric style in “Elka’s Wedding” is
Tchernichowsky’s recreation of the famous ship catalogue in the second book
of the Iliad. In the Iliad, the catalogue follows the introduction of Thersites;
similarly, in “Elka’s Wedding” the episode with Meir (who is Tchernichowsky’s
version of Thersites) precedes the catalogue of wedding guests. Mordechai
reads the guest list to Elka and to her aunt Frieda, repeating the formulaic expression “el ha-ḥatunah ṿaday yavo’u” (“they will certainly come to the wedding”) for every guest whom he has invited. The catalogue closely follows the
Homeric original: it provides the names of the guests and of the villages that
they inhabit, adding characteristic features of the guests and their place of origin. Every unit is concluded by the same formula:
29
30
31
Trans. A.G.
Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Ḥatunatah shel ’Elḳah,” song 6, vv. 3–5.
Trans. A.G.
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, דּוה
ָ יְ ָס,רּודזָ 'ה
ְ ִמיו ְֺצ ַאי ּדו ְֺּב, ְמ ַק ְּד ֺש־נו ָֺשנו ֺת,ָק ִמינְ ָקה
יה
ָ חו ְֺב ֵבי גַ ּנֵ י־יְ ָרקו ֺת וְ רו ֺב ָּדגָ ן ַּב ֲא ָס ֶמ
. ַהּׁשו ְֺפ ָכה ַל ְּדנֶ ֶפר—ׁשּוב ְׁשנָ יִם,ֲא ֶׁשר ַעל חו ֵֺפי ַהּקו ֺנְ ָקה
ִ ִצ ְיר ִלין ַה ַּק ְפ ָדן וְ ִל
, יטינְ ְס ִקי ַה ֵלץ ֶש ַּב ֵל ִצים ָּבעו ָֺלם
32.י—ל ֲחתּונָ ה וַ ַּדאי יָבו ֺאּו
ַ יׁש
ִ י—שנִ י ִּב ְׁש ִל
ֵ
ָקרו ֺב ִל
Kamenka (on the shores of the Konka that flows into the Dnieper), a village once founded by the Old Believers from the Dobruia; they are garden
lovers, and their barns are filled with corn—two [guests] will come from
there: Tsirlin, the pedant, and Litvinski, the greatest clown in the world,
my distant cousin—they will certainly come to the wedding.33
The examples of Homeric allusions clearly show that Tchernichowsky had
first-hand knowledge of the features of Homeric style and was familiar with the
achievements of Homeric scholarship. The most striking feature of the poet’s
idylls, however, is the fact that Tchernichowsky’s two most important literary
inspirations—the Hebrew Bible and the Homeric epic—merge in his poetic
work and describe the Jewish past in the Crimea in the most natural way.
32
33
Ṭsherniḥovsḳi, “Ḥatunatah shel ’Elḳah,” song 2, vv. 94–98.
Trans. A.G.
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chapter 7
Jadwiga Żylińska’s Fabulous Antiquity
Robert A. Sucharski
When James Mellaart, a British archaeologist, discovered in 1958 the settlement ÇatalHöyük (written also as ÇatalHüyük or Çatalhöyük) in southern
Anatolia, near today’s neighbourhood of Konya, he could not have realised
how (un)fortunate for him the later excavations there in 1961–1965 would be.1
The discovery of a well-preserved Neolithic community, reminiscent of an
American pueblo, inhabited from the middle of the eighth until the middle of
the sixth millennium bc, coupled with the unearthing of many well-preserved
figurines and reliefs depicting women, seemed decisive confirmation of the
nineteenth-century theory of a Neolithic matriarchate.2 The figurine representing a woman sitting on a throne with her arms laid on flanking cat-like
animals (lionesses?) seemed of particular significance at the time. This was
found in a grain bin, which suggested to Mellaart that it was of a Mother Goddess whose duties were to ensure the harvest or to protect the food supply.3
The discovery of a Neolithic city functioning as a kind of matriarchal beehive echoed not only in the world of science but also in popular life. In Poland,
Jadwiga Żylińska (1910–2009)4 was the author of a collection of twenty short
stories Kapłanki, amazonki i czarownice. Opowieść z końca neolitu i epoki brązu
[Priestesses, Amazons, and witches. A tale of the end of the Neolithic and
Bronze Age] which drew on—among others—Mellaart’s findings. Although
the title sounds very serious and almost scholarly, the book is addressed primarily to teens or young adults, and others of Żylińska’s writings I will discuss
in this chapter are books for children.
The book Priestesses, Amazons, and Witches, finished in 1970, was first published in 1972 by the Polish publishing house Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy
[State Publishing Institute] and then reprinted several times—I have counted
1 See James Mellaart, “Excavations at ÇatalHüyük,” Anatolian Studies 12 (1961): 41–65; 13 (1962):
43–103; 14 (1963): 39–119; 16 (1965): 15–191 (series of reports on the excavations).
2 See Johann Jakob Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht. Eine Untersuchung über die Gynaikokratie der
alten Welt nach ihrer religiösen und rechtlichen Natur (Basel: Schwabe, 1861).
3 See James Mellaart, Çatal Hüyük: A Neolithic Town in Anatolia (London: Thames & Hudson,
1967), 180.
4 See [Lucyna Marzec], “Jadwiga Żylińska,” in Wielkopolski Słownik Pisarek, http://pisarki
.wikia.com/wiki/Jadwiga_Żylińska (accessed Nov. 5, 2015).
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at least four new editions (1978, 1981, and 1986 by the same editorial house, and
2001 by Kopia Sp. z o.o.). Significantly, this book therefore belongs to Żylińska’s
best-known and most published writings: in the number of editions it yields
first place only to her two-volume historical novel Złota włócznia [Golden
spear, 1961],5 which narrates the history of Richeza of Lotharingia, the wife
of Mieszko ii Lambert and the Queen of Poland in the eleventh century, and
competes for second place with Piastówny i żony Piastów [Piast daughters and
wives, 1967],6 a collection of essays about women belonging to the first Polish
dynasty.
Priestesses, Amazons, and Witches is a journey through the archaeological
and mythical past, centred on the Eastern Mediterranean, having as its principal theme woman as an active factor in history. No doubt, this is a fiction,
composed mainly of myths, but it does also contain some facts that we are
accustomed to regard as true and proven. The plot starts in ÇatalHöyük, called
here Beehive-City (in Polish: Miasto-Ul), which is depicted as a society which
worshipped the Mother Goddess and in which all power was in the hands of
the great Queen-Bee (in Polish: Królowa-Pszczoła)—by contrast the role of the
king was first to impregnate the queen, then to die by being torn into pieces,
and finally to inseminate the soil with his blood. From the city in Anatolia we
move to Mesopotamia, where we watch the deluge and see “in the moment
when authority passed into the hands of men” how “manners significantly
deteriorated.”7 Then we watch the founding of cities, observing the deeds of
mythic and historic queens and princesses—Hatshepsut, Pasiphaë, Anchesenamon, Medea, Iphigenia, etc.—until finally we find ourselves in a Greece
already dominated by the Roman Empire, where young Spartiates, protesting
against the Latin conqueror, die willingly, while being whipped at the altar of
Artemis Orthia.
We see millennia pass—in the beginning women were active priestesses,
but in the end they forgot about that, and while maintaining their relation
with nature, came to be accused of magic and treated as malevolent witches.
In her book Żylińska presents her own vision of history; it is a kind of experiment that depicts a possible alternative version of the past and emphasises
5 I have counted at least six editions of the novel, all by Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy in
Warsaw: 1961, 1964, 1968, 1974, 1976, 1989.
6 At least four editions of the book by Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy: 1967, 1969, 1975, 1982.
7 Jadwiga Żylinska, Kapłanki, amazonki i czarownice. Opowieść z końca neolitu i epoki brązu
[Priestesses, Amazons and witches. A tale of the end of the Neolithic and Bronze Age]
(Warszawa: piw, 1972), 34 (quoted in the translation by R.A.S.).
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the female factor in our common times of yore. To use the words of Lucyna
Marzec, this is a “matriarchal, feministic manifesto.”8
Also significant is the fact that the book seems to be the first “herstory” in
Polish popular mythography. If we also take into account Żylińska’s previous
books on Polish history published in the 1960s, we may say that her writing
anticipates the very moment when the term “herstory” (no matter how erroneous and amusing it might seem) was coined—Oxford English Dictionary
On-Line presents the definition of the term as “history viewed from a female
or specifically feminist perspective” and gives its origin as 1970.9 It does not
matter in this context that modern archaeology regards Mellaart’s ideas on
ÇatalHöyük as mistaken—as Ian Hodder, the present director of excavations
there, makes clear:
It has long been argued that some form of “mother goddess” was central
to the symbolism at Çatalhöyük, and these views were partly based on
the interpretation of the reliefs with upraised arms as a woman. While
it remains possible that the figures are “mother bears” and representative of a female divinity, there is now little evidence that they are indeed
women at all.10
8
9
10
Lucyna Marzec is a historian of literature, working at the Adam Mickiewicz University
in Poznań, and interested in women writers in history and gender studies. See Natalia
Mazur’s interview with her on the lives and writings of women from the region of Wielkopolska, “Święte i prowokatorki. Julia pali cygara i jeszcze całuje się z Antonim” [Women
saints and provocateurs. Julia smokes cigars and yet kisses Anthony], Gazeta Wyborcza.
Poznań, March 8, 2013, http://poznan.gazeta.pl/poznan/1,36037,13523870,Swiete_i_prowokatorki__Julia_pali_cygara_i_jeszcze.html (accessed Nov. 17, 2015).
See http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/herstory?q=herstory (accessed
Nov. 5, 2015). See also Milena Kostić, “Marlowe’s Dido, Queen of Carthage: Subversion of
the Patriarchal Identity,” in Vesna Lopičić and Biljana Mišić Ilić, eds., Identity Issues: Literary and Linguistic Landscapes (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing,
2010), 98 n. 4: “Herstory is a neologism coined in the late 1960s as a part of a feminist
critique of conventional historiography. In feminist discourse the term refers to history
(ironically restated as “his story”) written from the feminist perspective, emphasizing the
role of women, or told from a woman’s point of view. The word has been used in feminist
literature since its inception. The Oxford English Dictionary credits Robin Morgan with
coining the term in her 1970 book, Sisterhood is Powerful.”
Ian Hodder, ÇatalHöyük 2005 Archive Report, http://www.catalhoyuk.com/sites/default/
files/media/pdf/Archive_Report_2005.pdf (accessed Aug. 31, 2016). It is also highly informative to learn about the modern feministic view on the excavations in ÇatalHöyük:
Kathryn Rountree, “Archaeaologists and Goddess Feminists at ÇatalHöyük,” Journal of
Feminist Studies in Religion 23.2 (2007): 7–26.
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Nevertheless, despite its ideological burden, Żylińska’s book was interesting
and influential literature that echoed also in popular culture. In the fourteenth
issue of Relax, one of the first comic magazines published in Communist
Poland, Maria Olszewska-Wolańczyk and Marek Szyszko presented their comic story W mocy Wielkiej Bogini [Within the power of the Great Goddess].11 The
hero of the story, a young Pole, moves with his sandglass to ÇatalHöyük, marries the queen’s sister, introduces the solar calendar in order to stop the ritual
of killing the queen’s lunar husbands, and luckily escapes the knives of the
bloodthirsty priestesses who try to immolate him.
Although Żylińska’s story is not directly mentioned in the comic it is quite
obvious that the story was conceived after a close reading of the book. (Only
the daily Kurier Popołudniowy of August 15, 1961 is depicted—we can see the
newspaper in the hands of our hero just before he reaches for his sandglass and
mysteriously moves through millennia to ÇatalHöyük.) Some Polish comic fans
accused the story of incongruities and sloppy drawing,12 but it nevertheless
provides evidence of the transferral of Żylińska’s ideas to the world of children
and teens, who sometimes prefer to see what they read instead of imagining it.
The plot of Priestesses, Amazons, and Witches concluded in ancient Greece.
It is therefore not surprising that in subsequent years Żylińska presented her
interpretation of a number of ancient Greek myths in a series of small books
addressed to young people. There were five of them: Mistrz Dedal [Daedalus
the master] (1973, reprinted 1976), Opowieść o Heraklesie [A tale of Hercules]
(1973, reprinted 1976), Tezeusz i Ariadna [Theseus and Ariadne] (1973, reprinted 1976), Młodość Achillesa [The youth of Achilles] (1974, reprinted 1976), and
Wyprawa po złote runo [The expedition for the Golden Fleece] (1976, reprinted the same year). All of them were republished together in 1986 under the
title Oto minojska baśń Krety [Behold the Minoan story of Crete] in a slightly
different order.13
At first glance you can see here a collection of myths that might be regarded
as “standard” Greek mythology and that includes the most important cycles:
the Cretan, Herculean, Thesean, Trojan, and Jasonian ones. Only the Theban
myths are lacking here. However, a closer look reveals much more and we are
11
12
13
Relax 14.1 (1978): 29–32.
Cf. the review by Sebastian Chosiński, “Czar «Relaksu» #14: Anioł Stróż towarzysza Mao i
pechowi zbójcerze” [The charm of «Relax» #14: The guardian angel of Comrade Mao and
the unfortunate robber knights], Magazyn Kultury Popularnej Esencja [Popular culture
magazine Essence], http://esensja.pl/magazyn/2011/07/iso/09,48.html (accessed Nov. 19,
2015).
I omit here Lament Demeter [The lament of Demeter], which was never published in its
entirety.
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able to see and understand the ways in which Żylińska rewrites, reinterprets,
and manipulates Greek myths in order to give them a much more “female look.”
Beginning with The Youth of Achilles, the first book I read as a six-year-old
child, I can perceive at least two methods Żylińska uses to achieve her aim.
First, there is the choice of a myth, or a special moment within the myth,
which emphasises female activity. Achilles’ youth is chosen, the period in his
life when he was hidden and raised as a girl, and so the book focuses on his
relation with Deidamia. Thus, in the book, the Trojan War—although certainly
referenced—is not presented as the most important part of his life. Second,
Żylińska dares to challenge the epic legacy. We all know the first verse of the
Iliad:
Mῆνιν ἄειδε, θεά, Πηληιάδεω Ἀχιλῆος […],14
rendered into English by Samuel Butler:
Sing, O goddess, the anger of Achilles son of Peleus […].15
However, we have to read to verse 280 of the first book of the poem before
we find out—thanks to Nestor—that Achilles’ mother is a goddess (“[…] εἰ δὲ
σὺ καρτερός ἐσσι θεὰ δέ σε γείνατο μήτηρ”16), and even then we do not become
acquainted with her name until verse 413 (“Tὸν δ’ ἠμείβετ’ ἔπειτα Θέτις κατὰ
δάκρυ χέουσα”17). Generally speaking, such a situation fully corresponds to the
later Greek tradition, according to which people are identified by their fathers’
names. In Żylińska’s book the situation is entirely different—we learn first
about Thetis, Achilles’ mother, and his father’s name—Peleus—only comes
later: as that of a man whom she did not want to marry. Thetis, in Żylińska’s
view, is the daughter of Chiron, the king of the centaurs, as well as a nymph
and an arch-priestess of the Moon Goddess. Indeed, Żylińska actually charges
Homer with changing the truth about Thetis (in the Iliad she is a Nereid, a sea
14
15
16
17
The Greek texts are referenced according to the editions of The Online Thesaurus Linguae
Graecae: http://www.tlg.uci.edu/ (accessed Dec. 27, 2015).
For the English texts, see: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu (accessed Dec. 27, 2015).
“You are strong, and have a goddess for your mother,” trans. Samuel Butler, quoted from
http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0217%3Abo
ok%3D1 (accessed Dec. 27, 2015).
“Thetis wept and answered,” trans. Samuel Butler, quoted from http://www.perseus.tufts
.edu (accessed May 18, 2013).
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goddess, the daughter of Nereus), because he lived half a millennium later,
when the legends had changed. In doing so Żylińska follows Robert Graves, her
spiritual master and himself a Mother Goddess worshipper, who in The Greek
Myths (1955), which is a kind of enlarged commentary on The White Goddess
(1948), his opus magnum, often prefers the idiosyncratic versions of myths to
be found in the Argonautica by Apollonius of Rhodes.
We owe to this Hellenistic poet the most elaborate version of the myth of
the Golden Fleece. It goes without saying that trying to follow the rules of erudite poetry typical for the period forced Apollonius to look for those versions
of the myth hardly to be found elsewhere. Żylińska follows Apollonius’s version of the story of Medea in The Expedition for the Golden Fleece, the second
of her books that I read as a child. Polish readers, who knew the story through
the popular in the 1970s mythologies of Jan Parandowski (1895–1978) or Wanda
Markowska (1912–1999), to say nothing of the works of Euripides, must have
been surprised when they learnt that it was Jason who killed Apsyrtus, Medea’s
brother. The choice of this rare version of the myth allows Żylińska to exonerate Medea from the charge of committing a most horrible crime, second only
to that of slaying her own children. There is no need to add that in Żylińska’s
book we find no notion of Medea’s infanticide. Woman is blameless and man
alone is the cause of all disasters. As Priestesses, Amazons, and Witches noted:
“in the moment when authority passed into the hands of men, manners significantly deteriorated.”18
When we read the three remaining books, we can find similar patterns of
thought. It is clear that Żylińska’s main purpose is to rewrite Greek mythology
in order to achieve an imaginary world in which the role of women is more
than essential (e.g., there is no notion of the Minotaur as a consequence of
Pasiphaë’s quite extraordinary passion or matrilineal legacy anywhere). There
is little doubt that even the choice of the title of the book which contains
all five novels—Behold the Minoan Story of Crete—and their later rearrangement cannot be regarded as haphazard. When we read the novels separately,
we find much discussion of Crete, but the island itself does not appear to be
the main subject. However, when we read them together in the later compilation, we confront the popular image of the island, which we owe to Arthur
Evans and the Minoan frescoes, as a matriarchate in which women played an
elevated role.
Żylińska wanted to rewrite Greek mythology and she succeeded; we have
books that are coherent and give us a consistent picture of the mythic past.
18
See above, n. 7.
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It does not matter whether this picture fully matches what we can read elsewhere; what is important is the fact that Żylińska gave Greek myths in Poland
new spirit and by reinterpreting them proved the classical tradition to be alive
and interesting for the youngest generation of readers. Interesting is also the
fact that Żylińska proved the Greek myths were flexible, allowing their various
interpretations, sometimes opposite and sometimes even contradictory to one
another.
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chapter 8
A Child among the Ruins: Some Thoughts
on Contemporary Modern Greek Literature
for Children
Przemysław Kordos
I admit that the title of this chapter may be misleading at first glance. Greece is
by no means a country of ruins, or a ruined country, and ancient archaeological sites (“ruins”) are relatively scarce. In fact, in some regions of this beautiful
country, such as Thrace or Thessaly, one can hardly find such attractions. On
the other hand, the two main cities, Athens and Thessaloniki, which house
probably up to 40% of the country’s population, are built around vast and
well-exposed ancient sites. The Athenian Acropolis is the city’s most important landmark, helping substantially in navigating the chaotic city centre. In
Thessaloniki the excavations mingle seamlessly with housing districts, shopping areas, and recreational parks, and are located near busy streets. So a Greek
child has an excellent chance of living close to some ruins.
The other, even more universal means of encountering Greek ruins is the
standard school curriculum, which revolves around ancient history, tradition, and literature. Textbooks abound in pictures and drawings that proudly
present their ancient heritage to Greek children. The role of the educational
system is very important in shaping the attitudes of future citizens. I will come
back to this issue later on, but first I will start with a personal note.
Although this chapter analyses several books for children written by Greek
authors in the past few decades, it is by no means reduced solely to literary
criticism. I propose a daring approach both in regard to classical reception
and children’s literature studies—one that results from my primary formation,
which is ethnography and my practice in this field, which comprises researching the Modern Greeks for fifteen years now.
The relation between ethnographers and their objects of study constitutes
a core of contemporary discussion on ethnographic self-conscience as discipline. Systemic approaches (deriving from social sciences in paradigm crisis)
are partly abolished in favour of personal contact, dialogue, and the uniqueness of the ethnographer’s position of being “then and there,” staying faithful
to the statement that “a researcher is also a research tool.”1 Thus, my interest
1 Cf. Anna Engelking, “Między terenem rzeczywistym a metaforycznym. Osobiste refleksje
o antropologicznym doświadczeniu terenowym” [Between the real and metaphorical field
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in this chapter is on a person, not a text, and in my analysis I depart from my
personal experience to draw out more clearly the most important extraliterary issues, such as the ideological shaping of the audience and historical politics of the Greek state which permeate the realm of education. As a result, we
will discover different aspects of the potential of the texts designed for Greek
children—texts that affect and strengthen their identity.
I was taught a “traditional” way of appreciating ruins, one bordering on admiration and nostalgia. On numerous occasions I tried to envisage the walls of
ancient buildings and arcades shading ancient streets, all in the midst of chasing the remains of yet another edifice. Therefore some of the images I encountered while in Greece came to me as a shock. Little boys playing soccer just
outside the Odeon of Herodes Atticus with a goalkeeper standing in one of the
ruined arches. An adolescent practising mountain biking on the hills and crevices of the Spartan Acropolis, whose disorderly remains are scattered among
a peaceful olive grove north of the modern town of Sparta (see figure 8.1). My
own son picking wildflowers in Cyprus’s Kourion. This all made me revise my
attitude to ruins. I never had a childlike appreciation of them, because from
the very beginning I only considered them in a scholarly manner. Children,
on the other hand, treat them for what they really are: bundles of stones in a
peaceful park, away from the hustle of a modern town, devoid of crowds and
sometimes even left unguarded. One could say that children’s contact with the
ruins, and through them with the past, is natural and intimate.2
It is only later that they learn—both through the system (school) and outside
of it (through extracurricular books, the centre of my interest here3)—about
the past, the “glory that was Greece,” and, for the first time feeling the weight
of work. Personal thoughts on anthropological field experience], in Tarzycjusz Buliński and
Mariusz Kairski, eds., Teren w antropologii. Praktyka badawcza we współczesnej antropologii
kulturowej [Fieldwork in anthropology. Research practice in contemporary cultural anthropology] (Poznań: Wydawnictwo uam, 2011), 169–180.
2 The inhabitants of Warsaw also have this experience of living among the ruins. The ruined
places are slowly being rebuilt and reconstructed, but at least the Tomb of the Unknown
Soldier, situated in the only surviving piece of the Saxon Palace, will remain a memory. Warsaw’s ruins are, however, very different from the Greek ones: while they remind us of the
unmatched bravery of insurgents, they are also a reminder of the utter catastrophe that was
brought about in the aftermath of the Warsaw Uprising (1944), when prewar Warsaw, destroyed in retaliation by the Nazis, ceased to exist. Therefore, the proportions of pride and
nostalgia these ruins evoke in the inhabitants of the Polish capital are quite different from
those felt by the Greeks, strolling around ancient debris in the Acropolis or Agora.
3 For the supportive role in education played by historical children’s fiction, see Janet Fisher,
“Historical Fiction,” in Peter Hunt, ed., International Companion Encyclopedia of Children’s
Literature (London: Routledge, 2004), vol. 1, 490–498. The entry comprises also a brief bibliographical guide.
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Figure 8.1 Przemysław Kordos, Mountain Biking in Sparta
© by Przemysław Kordos.
of history upon their shoulders, are taught to respect those places and to approach them with reverence and awe.
A brief glance at the Greek school curriculum is enough to justify this
thesis.4 Admittedly, the introduction of ancient themes is slow at first. During
4 All up-to-date textbooks are available on the Digital School webpage http://dschool.edu
.gr/ (accessed Oct. 12, 2015). Current curricula are contained in documents published by the
Greek Ministry of Education and Culture (the former Ministry of Education and Religion).
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the first three years, Greek children become acquainted with ancient myths
and aspects of ancient history (deeds of Alexander the Great or ordinary life in
classical Athens) only through texts studied in Modern Greek language class—
glimpses of Antiquity which function on an equal footing with texts concerning other epochs and countries. However, the situation changes radically in
the fourth grade with the introduction of the class on history: the first year of
the three-year course (fourth to sixth grade) is devoted solely to mythological,
archaic, classical, and Hellenistic Greece. During the second year the periods
of Roman and Byzantine dominance are covered. The third year focuses on
the last half millennium. Even such a short course description shows the importance placed on Greek Antiquity: up to half of the history course is taken
up by ancient history. The emphasis on Antiquity is stressed further in middle
school, which lasts for three years and is attended by children aged from 12 to
15. Here the history course is repeated, but this time only a year is devoted to
becoming acquainted with Antiquity.5 On the other hand a class in Ancient
Greek is introduced, along with extensive reading of Herodotus’s Histories and
Homer’s Odyssey. In the second year the Ancient Greek class is strengthened
by an anthology, which supplements the regular language textbook: Aρχαία
Eλλάδα: o τόπoς και oι άνθρωπoι / Arhaia Ellada: o topos kai oi anthropoi [Ancient Greece: The place and the people].6 This is a curious collection of ancient
texts, translated into Modern Greek, which revolves around the six most distinguished poleis and concludes with a chapter on the phenomenon of ancient
athleticism. Pupils in the last year of middle school read Anabasis Alexandri
by Arrian, learn about ancient theatre (δραματική ποίηση / dramatike poiese—
dramatic poetry) through the texts of Aristophanes’ Birds and Euripides’ Helen,
and take their first steps in philosophy with help from the pre-Socratic sages
to Plotinus. A diligent fifteen-year-old modern Greek pupil receives a thorough
classical education, being able to read and interpret a wide selection of ancient
masterpieces in their original form.7
5 Greece has recently become a battlefield for Ancient Greek language in the gymnasium
(lower middle school). In May 2016 a group of fifty-six professors published an open petition to abolish the extended Ancient Greek language curriculum in favour of extending the
Modern Greek programme. Their initiative brought about an intensive, sometimes aggressive response. The issue is still being debated, but it is failing.
6 Theodoros Stephanopoulos, Aρχαία Eλλάδα: o τόπoς kαι oι άνθρωπoι / Arhaia Ellada: o topos kai
oi anthropoi [Ancient Greece: The place and the people] (Athens: o.e.δ.b., 2010).
7 Education about Classical Antiquity by no means stops there. The last (non-compulsory)
three years of secondary education offer a variety of obligatory classes devoted to ancient
times. There is a third look at ancient history in the first year (accompanied by a textbook on
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Authors of books for children are free from the constraints and guidelines
of the school programme and can thus relate to children’s experience by employing a variety of techniques and shaping stories according to their needs.
I am interested in such methods as well as the message that they intend to
convey by invoking Antiquity. I have therefore chosen to look at three bestselling books with ancient themes. Their plots are contemporary (i.e., they do
not reconstruct aspects of ancient lives, like, for example, the Voyage du jeune
Anacharsis en Grèce written by Jean-Jacques Barthélemy, 1788), and all of them
have as protagonists Greek children who learn about their past. One would
assume that these books belong to so-called historical fiction. This is true, but
in a different sense this term functions within the realm of children’s literature
studies. Anna Adamik-Jászó argues that historical fiction is most commonly
based on the model “us versus others,” where our ancestors are faced not only
with different realities, but different people—friends, foes, invaders, victims.8
However, Modern Greek historical fiction deals with the Greeks and the model
is rather “us versus us” or even “how we have become us.” The books chosen
for analysis in this chapter fit in perfectly with this model. Their titles are the
following:
1.
2.
3.
Christos Boulotis, To άγαλμα που κρύωνε / To agalma pou kryone [The statue that was cold], illustrated by Foteini Stefanidi and published by Patakis (Athens, 1998);9
Alki Zei, H Aλίκη στη χώρα των μαρμάρων / E Alike ste hora ton marmaron
[Alice in Marbleland], illustrated by Sofia Zarabouka and published by
Kedros (Athens, 1997);
Kira Sinou, Eleni Hook-Apostolopoulou, To χέρι στο βυθό / To heri sto bytho
[The hand in the deep], published by Kastaniotis (Athens, 1988).
ancient historiographers), followed in the second year by anthologised ancient poetry and
rhetoric. Pupils read Sophocles’ tragedies and—in the third year—Pericles’ Funeral Oration.
Last but not least, those who are willing are offered a two-year course in Latin.
8 See Anna Adamik-Jászó, “Friend or Foe? Images of the Germans in Hungarian Literature for
Young Readers,” in Margaret Meek, ed., Children’s Literature and National Identity (London:
Trentham Books, 2001), 33–42, esp. 35.
9 Boulotis, a very popular and prolific writer of books for children, is a professional archaeologist, specialising in the Minoan and Mycenaean periods (see the entry on Boulotis at www
.biblionet.gr, which contains the literary resources of the Greek National Book Centre, accessed April 1, 2013).
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The first two books are written for children attending elementary school (and
Boulotis had in mind younger children than did Zei), while the third, much
longer and less illustrated, is for older children in the last classes of elementary
and middle school. All of them were acclaimed and won literary prizes.
In order to draw even the simplest comparisons I recently looked at these
books from three perspectives: I sought to discover the emotions that they are
intended to evoke (emotionality), the range and depth of information that
they are intended to convey (informative content), and their “fun factor” (their
potential for entertainment).
The first thing that strikes the reader of Christos Boulotis’s book The Statue
That Was Cold is how beautiful it is (see figure 8.2): hard-cover (and yet quite
slim), published in large format and with vivid, slightly dreamy illustrations by
the acclaimed Athenian artist, Foteini Stefanidi.10
The book won a plethora of literary awards, including the National Children’s
Book Award and an award from the important literary periodical Διαβάζω / Diabazo, and it remains popular. In fact, a fragment of it was included in a textbook.11 It tells the story of an exhibit in the National Archaeological Museum
in Athens—a small statue depicting a boy wrapped up in a cape and holding
a dog. The boy looks like he is cold and the story explains why: he is cold because he misses his “motherland” and because he has no friends. The statue,
which dates back to the first century bc, comes from the Ionian shores of Asia
Minor and was delivered to the museum in 1922, the year of the Micro-Asiatic
Catastrophe, the Graeco-Turkish war that brought about the exchange of populations and meant the end of Hellenism in Anatolia:
10
11
One could be tempted to include this book within the now widely discussed category of
“picture books.” Perry Nodelman argues the importance of the picture within a picture
book, putting it on the same level as textual content. Moreover, he defines dynamic as
the “essence” of picture books. While it is uncertain whether any of the books I chose to
analyse fall under the picture book category, Boulotis and Stefanidi’s work can be considered as such. However, caution is recommended, as it is the artistic value, not the factor
of “moving-the-story-forward,” that draws attention to Stefanidi’s marvellous creations.
In addition, the illustrations are here surely of lesser value than the text itself. Cf. Perry
Nodelman, “Picture Books and Illustration,” in Hunt, International Companion Encyclopedia, vol. 1, 154–165.
Anna Iordanidou et al., Γλώσσα τoυ Στ’ δημοτικoύ. Λέξεις… φράσεις… κείμενα, Γ’ τεύχος / Glossa tou St’ demotikou. Lexeis… fraseis… keimena, G’ teuhos [Language for the sixth grade.
Words… phrases… texts, part 3] (Athens: o.e.δ.b., 2011), 58–60 (textbook in Modern
Greek language for the sixth grade of elementary school).
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Figure 8.2 Cover of Christos Boulotis’s Tο άγαλμα που κρύωνε [The statue that was cold]
illustrated by Foteini Stefanidi (Athens: Patakis, 1998), © by Patakis Publishers.
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He [i.e., the statue] was homesick beyond remedy for his motherland in
Anatolia, on the opposite shore of the Aegean Sea. He had been brought
from there during a great disaster, by the desperate people who left their
homes to save themselves, becoming refugees scattered to the four corners of the world. (8)12
So the statue itself is a refugee,13 and is thus called To προσφυγάκι / To prosfygaki
[The little refugee boy]. In the course of the story the statue befriends a cleaning lady in the Museum, Mrs. Galateia, who is also a refugee from Asia Minor,
and then the statue becomes acquainted with another boy, Lambris, the son
of the night watchman. The three of them receive help from a mysterious blue
bird that comes to them in their sleep and organises a magical night trip to the
other shore, the “lost” shore. The excursion soothes their nostalgia—and the
statue is not as cold as before. Unlike the illustrations, the story is pretty weak:
I actually tried to tell it as a bedtime story to my son, but he did not like it at
all as it made him scared (and then he demanded a different story). Moreover,
the main message of the book has little to do with Classical Antiquity: the object—the statue—is not the pretext for a discussion about sculpture or Greek
civilisation in Ionia, but rather for an account of the lost “motherland” and the
deep longing for it:
‘But when will we cross again the waters of the Aegean?’ – sighed the
little statue […].
‘Who knows? [said Mrs. Galateia] Perhaps one day we will again see our
motherlands on the other shores of the sea, just for a moment. I also long
for it.’ (13)
12
13
All quotations from the book are translated by P.K.
While the majority of Western children’s literature in its inter- or multicultural aspect
focuses on contemporary issues such as refugees, exiles, and immigrants, for the Greeks
the refugees are also Greek. In a way Greece stays in self-imposed isolation, with its literary
attention turned inward and toward the past. Only recently, topics such as the presence
of Albanians (and Albanian children), who emigrated to Greece in massive numbers in
the 1990s and are now an element of ordinary Greek life, have come to the attention of
writers, but rather of those who seek an adult audience. Books, such as Katerina Mouriki’s Γκασμέντ, ο φυγάς με την φλογέρα / Gkasment, o fygas me ten flogera [Gazmed, escapee
with a flute] (Athens: Ekdoseis Papadopoulos, 2003); or Maroula Kliafa’s Ο δρόμος για τον
Παράδεισο είναι μακρύς / O dromos gia ton Paradeiso einai makrys [The road to Paradise is
long] (Athens: Kedros, 2003), are notable and rare examples.
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So the book is not at all informative (with the exception of a small fragment
on the last page which explains details about the statue as a museum exhibit),
it is not particularly entertaining, and its chief goal is evidently to evoke intense nostalgia for the land east of the Aegean. This feeling is very present in
contemporary Greek culture, permeating the most important masterpieces of
twentieth-century Greek literature. Antiquity is here merely a vehicle for this
feeling, a part of the history lost with everything else that was there. But there
are no political suggestions, no pointing fingers—just feelings.14 Laurajane
Smith states that using nostalgia as a discursive technique is generally improper for creating a link between (young) readers and their heritage. Nostalgia can
imply that the past was better than the present and evoke a feeling of a loss,
which, due to the nature of nostalgia, cannot be replaced.15 Overall, the message of the text is thus not at all positive.
It is worth mentioning that Boulotis later wrote another children’s book, in
which he approached Antiquity from a different angle. In the story of Pinocchio visiting Athens, the main protagonist, Collodi’s original creation, appreciates the genius of the Ancients who created such a marvellous city. The connotation is here devoid of nostalgia, but full of pride.16
The second book looks similar, but appearances are deceptive. In Alki Zei’s
Alice in Marbleland (with illustrations by Sofia Zarabouka, whose name also
appears on the cover and is written in the same print since her work is considered equally important to that of the author; see figure 8.3),17 even the title
suggests another type of entertainment. The main protagonist is a girl called
Alice, who likes reading about her famous predecessor who had adventures in
14
15
16
17
It is notable that neither the pupils’ exercises in the aforementioned textbook nor the
teacher’s guide book corresponding to the textbook mention Antiquity. The fragment of
Boulotis’s story is used only to teach the rules of narration: how to reconstruct the sequence of events in a story.
See Laurajane Smith, “Taking the Children: Children, Childhood and Heritage Making,”
in Kate Darian-Smith and Carla Pascoe, eds., Children, Childhood and Cultural Heritage
(London: Routledge, 2013), 107–125, esp. 115.
Christos Boulotis, Ο Πινόκιο στην Aθήνα / O Pinokio sten Athena [Pinocchio in Athens], illustrated by Vasilis Papatsarouchos (Athens: Polaris Ekdoseis, 2013).
Such a remark may be commonplace in a world in which illustrators and picture books
have won their position in literary criticism. It is not so in Greece, where book artists
still fight for their rightful place and appreciation. Sofia Zarambouka is an important
example, as she has published many books that she has both written and illustrated (e.g.,
twelve volumes of mythology for children).
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Figure 8.3 Cover of Alki Zei’s H Aλίκη στη χώρα των μαρμάρων [Alice in Marbleland]
illustrated by Sofia Zarabouka (Athens: Kedros, 1997), © by Metaichmio Publications s.a.
Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass. The Greek Alice will also have
adventures—but in the British Museum.
The book begins by introducing Alice, who lives just by the Ancient Greek
Agora and whose balcony has a view of the Acropolis. Her uncle Angelos is:
[…] an archaeologist—and a passionate one, as everyone said. His greatest dream was to see the Parthenon marbles (let no one dare call them
the Elgin Marbles!) removed from the British Museum, one by one, and
returned to their original home in Greece. (7)18
18
Trans. Amy Mimis (Athens: Kedros, 1997), pages in the book are not numbered.
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During the Easter holidays Alice travels with her uncle to London to see the
marbles (the so-called Elgin marbles taken off the Parthenon by Lord Elgin
at the beginning of the nineteenth century and treasured in the heart of the
British Museum ever since). Alice and her uncle visit them in the afternoon
as soon as they have checked in to their hotel. The next day, as Uncle Angelos
has some things to do, he leaves Alice in the hotel, but she goes out and finds
herself in the museum, in front of the marbles. There she meets a mysterious
talking cat, which, like the Cheshire Cat, can disappear at will. It tells her that it
is the descendant of Lord Elgin’s cat. They have a talk about the marbles. Alice
tells the cat about Lord Elgin, explaining how the marbles found their way to
London. In her story Lord Elgin is a selfish dandy, a thief, and a miser, but also
an unbelievably lucky devil. She explains how barbarous the process of claiming the marbles really was. The cat is convinced and offers Alice help in returning the marbles. She is supposed to take Polaroid pictures of the marbles,
for the cat has a special substance which, when applied to the photographs,
will transport the marbles from the museum to anywhere the photographs are
placed. So Alice will take her photos to the Acropolis and use the substance to
bring the marbles back to Greece. At the moment the cat has only a little potion, “only enough for the horn of the ox and for one ear of the horse” (33). But
perhaps in the future things will be different?
The book explains to children an important problem in Modern Greek archaeology: the loss of important works of Greek Antiquity to foreign museums.
Zei’s work is dedicated to Melina Mercouri (1920–1994), the actress, singer, and
eventually Minister of Culture, who put so much effort into trying to regain
the marbles, so far with no success, although the new Acropolis Museum has a
special hall, empty at the moment, that awaits the marbles. From Alice’s story
children also learn about the marbles themselves, about their former situation
within the Parthenon, about the themes they depict, and so on.
The book, while emotional, is also quite informative and entertaining,
especially if one knows and likes Alice in Wonderland. But the propaganda
and political undertone that permeate the whole text can be a little offputting. Here yet another author decides to talk about Classical Antiquity using
the language of strong emotions19 and it is not surprising, because “neither
19
Literary critics Peter Panaou and Tassoula Tsilimeni show that Zei’s book can be read
within the framework of national ideology, whose aim is not the glorification of the classical past but the reclaiming of its lost pieces. They also show that the book attempts a
British-Greek reconciliation within this subject. See Peter Panaou and Tassoula Tsilimeni,
“International Classic Characters and National Ideologies,” in Christopher Kelen and
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education nor literature is value-free,” as Judith Humphrey states in the opening line of her article on the image of girls in British children’s literature.20 She
then moves on to say that traditionally British education has been “strongly
moral.” These intuitive judgements are very true for the Modern Greek case, as
it is the easiest way to convey value and strengthen morality through evoking
certain emotions.
Kira Sinou and Eleni Hook-Apostolopoulou published The Hand in the Deep
(see figure 8.4) with the help of the illustrator Orion Akomanis, who is not
as well-known as the previously mentioned illustrators—and to be frank—
whose pictures are quite feeble. Nevertheless the book won many awards: the
Silver Medal of the Greek Divers Federation, the Award of the Women’s Literary Company, the Award of the Journalists and Tourism Writers Union, and
others. The awards, especially the first, say much about the book.
One of the writers, Hook-Apostolopoulou, is a diver, a professor of Greek
studies who takes a professional interest in “scholarly” diving and has been a
member of expeditions exploring old wrecks. The book tells the story of the discovery and excavation of the so-called Antikythera Treasure, the wreck found
by the shores of the small Ionian island of Antikythera, performed mostly by
Greek sponge divers from the Dodecanese island of Symi in the early years
of the twentieth century.21 The most famous exhibits found were the bronze
statue of Ephebe and the Antikythera Mechanism.22
The book undertakes to tell young readers about the excavation and its
aftermath. The main protagonists are a young diver named Tsabikos and Korinna, a girl from a wealthy Athenian family who takes part in the expedition
along with the senior government officials and naval officers. At the end of
the book we learn that the main narrator is the granddaughter of Korinna and
Tsabikos. She finds Korinna’s diary and questions her grandfather to record
his memories. The book is highly informative. It informs the reader about the
divers, their customs and problems (especially “the bends”), and about the sea
itself, its fauna and flora, and its dangers.
20
21
22
Björn Sundmark, eds., The Nation in Children’s Literature: Nations of Childhood (London:
Routledge, 2013), 200–206.
Judith Humphrey, “Subversion and Resistance in the Girls’ School Story,” in Jenny Plastow
and Margot Hillel, eds., The Sands of Time: Children’s Literature: Culture, Politics and Identity (Hertfordshire: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2010), 25–48, esp. 25.
Kira Sinou and Eleni Hook-Apostolopoulou, To χέρι στo βυθό / To heri sto bytho [The hand
in the deep] (Athens: Kastaniotis, 1988), 165.
The Antikythera Treasure was exhibited until August 2013 at the National Archaeological
Museum in Athens.
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Figure 8.4 Cover of Kira Sinou’s and Eleni Hook-Apostolopoulou’s To χέρι στο βυθό [The hand in
the deep]
illustrated by Orion Akomanis (Athens: Kastaniotis, 1988), © by
Kastaniotis.
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Readers also learn about Athenian highlife, and meet some high-profile
figures like the then Minister of Education, or the famous scholar Panagiotis
Kavvadias (1849–1928). They also hear about emerging social problems like the
fight for women’s suffrage. There are some historical digressions, for example
about the Cretan Insurrection in 1897. Finally, readers receive a lot of information on the wreck itself and on its treasures. The heroes take part in some of
the action, especially Tsabikos, who is actually the one who finds the treasure
(represented by the “hand literally sticking out of the sea bottom,” 2623). But
they are more a background, a pretext to present the whole story. In fact at
the beginning of the book the authors clearly state what is true and what is
fictional.
The propaganda that dominated the first two books is here much more discreet, but I will note two striking examples:
Then I told her about Symi, which was still Turkish then […]. Korinna did
not know what slavery [σκλαβιά / sklabia] was, because she was born in
free Athens and I did not know what freedom was, because I was born in
enslaved Symi. I felt freedom only when I left with my ship for the open
sea. There, in the boundless seas, there was no slavery [σκλαβιά / sklabia]
and no Turkey [Tουρκιά / Tourkia]. (134)
These last two words actually neatly rhyme in Greek and bring out the message
even more; but there is no evidence of Classical Antiquity here. It is presented
in the next fragment:
‘[These findings] have even more meaning, because they will be one of
the first, let’s say, “excavations” done exclusively by our own people.’
‘Why, father? Were there no excavations performed by Greek
archaeologists?’
‘Unfortunately, only in a very few cases. Mycenae was discovered by
Schliemann. Excavations in Olympia were led by the Germans. The
French found the Charioteer when they were digging in Delphi. And
Evans, who discovered unprecedented civilisation in Crete, is an Englishman. Only Mr. Kavvadias, who visited our home the other day, did some
excavating in Epidauros and on the Acropolis, where he discovered the
true treasure: the famous korai and Three-Headed Daemon. […] Besides,
from what I know these will be the first archaeological investigations to
take place under water.’ (63)
23
All translations from this book—P.K.
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In the first passage we experience a touch of nationalism, the well-known rhetoric that “Turkish rule was the Dark Ages for the Greeks.” The second is much
nobler, and in my opinion states an important reason for the significance of
the Antikythera findings. Not only is the treasure great and without comparison, not only will it finally be the Greeks that discover important aspects of
their past, but this exploration will be the first of its kind. Finally, Greece will
excel in what should be her “speciality”—in archaeology.24
I must admit that in the above books I failed to find what I was looking
for: they did not manifest any coherent (and advanced) way of teaching about
the past.25 I have found, however, some unexpected threads, like the use of
the past to promote present political and national issues, to reaffirm Modern
Greek identity, and to guide future endeavours (like the reclaiming of stolen
heritage). The above sample is small26 and it is difficult to present further
24
25
26
Such rhetoric by no means belongs to the past. Recently the striking announcement hit
the Greek and then the world media that Greek archaeologists had discovered a tomb in
Amphipolis (Eastern Macedonia) attributed to Alexander the Great’s wife and son. Regardless of the quality of the findings, the national hysteria that accompanied the discovery was remarkable, with it being dubbed a great triumph of “national archaeology.” See
Georgios Hamilakis, Aπό τη Bεργίνα στην Aμφίπoλη: Πρώτα ως τραγωδία, μετά ως φάρσα / Apo
te Bergina sten Amfipole: Prota os tragodia, meta os farsa [From Vergina to Amphipolis:
First as tragedy, later as farce], http://enthemata.wordpress.com/2013/09/01/xamilakis-2/
(accessed Sept. 30, 2013).
On the other hand they are ideologised, which aligns with the thought of John Stephens
who states that it is historical fiction for children that is “most radical ideologically,” see
his Language and Ideology in Children’s Fiction (London: Longman, 1992), 202. Later (203)
he admits that while writing historical fiction can be dangerous, he truly believes in the
existence of “transhistorical human values” and he assumes that “human desires are reasonably constant,” thus strengthening our bond with the past. Therefore, a well-executed
historical book for children is able to transmit a whole set of positive values, reaffirming the grasp of the past and reflecting eternal—as it seems—human nature, striving for
happiness and a good life, regardless of restrictions, conditions, and other time-related
factors. Moreover, “[i]t has long been an assumption of our culture that the essential purpose of writing both history and fiction is moral. […] [Such a] novel will make sense in a
thematic or symbolic way and will […] produce closure” (236).
A preliminary survey suggested the conclusions that apart from retellings of Greek mythology and ancient works, or stories about time travel, there are only a few books for children with ancient themes; see, for example, Boulotis’s series on Pinocchio experiencing
life in Ancient Athens or on Olympic Agon, the already evoked Ο Πινόκιο στεν Aθενα; Eleni
Sarantiti, Ο κήπος με τ’ αγάλματα / O kepos me t’ agalmata [The garden with statues] (Athens: Kastaniotis, 1980). One reason for this may be the aforementioned absence of regular
teaching on Antiquity in the first years of elementary school. The decision to introduce
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conclusions beyond some questions for future research. Nikos Dimou (b. 1935),
a famous Greek essayist, once said:
[Some Greeks] are like the sons of a famous philosopher who cannot understand his works, but who see that those who can respect these works
and cherish them.27
Through this little aphorism Dimou provokes a series of questions, which, in
the present socioeconomic crisis, are more pressing than ever. How is it possible to be a Modern Greek citizen without retaining an inferiority complex
(or a “victim syndrome”)? How is it possible to avoid being overshadowed by
the past? How is it possible to use Classical Antiquity to make oneself a better
Greek, who not only stands in reverent silence among the ruins, but who also
dares to converse with them, to question them, or even to refute them?28
Well, a good beginning, in my opinion, would be less emotional overtones,
less politics, and more fun in books for children with ancient themes. Let them
understand, the sooner the better, their privileged position among the ruins,
and at the same time let them play among them, too.
27
28
Antiquity only to older children deprives younger children of the knowledge base needed
to appreciate extracurricular books with ancient themes.
Nikos Dimou, H δυστυχία τoυ να είσαι Έλληνας / E dystychia tou na eisai Ellenas [The unhappiness of being Greek] (Athens: Patakis, 2014), aphorism 53 on p. 30 (trans. P.K.).
Tassoula Tsilimeni, in an entry that sums up postwar Modern Greek literature for children, is openly optimistic, as she states that the “didactic element has virtually disappeared”; see her “Greece. From 1945 to the Present,” in Hunt, International Companion
Encyclopedia, vol. 2, 1069–1071. I hope she is right, although three more modest examples show the—at least partial—existence of an ideological trait in such texts. And—as
the example raised by Robert Dunban proves—ideologised historical discourse quickly
becomes dated and soon these books will be unreadable or not deliberately funny. See
Robert Dunban, “Ireland and Its Children’s Literature,” in Meek, Children’s Literature and
National Identity, 79–88.
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chapter 9
The Reception of Classical Antiquity in Polish
Lexicography for Children and Young Adults
Ewa Rudnicka
The paper is devoted to references to Classical Antiquity in Polish dictionaries
for children and young adults. The subject may seem uninteresting, but in fact
the information and comments contained in dictionaries can be astonishing.
And the issue is important, especially if we take into consideration the role of
dictionaries in the education of young people, in conveying knowledge not
only about a modern language, but also about ancient times. They are also important in shaping their consciousness of traditions and their attitudes toward
their cultural heritage.
Dictionaries as Cultural Texts
It is not universally accepted that dictionaries—like literary works—are influenced by sociocultural factors, because traditionally dictionaries have been
treated as purely practical and objective works (although they are clearly not
objective). Indeed, the approach of scholars to lexicography has only begun
to change recently in Poland. It is significant, for example, that Ewa Szczęsna
included dictionaries under the category of cultural documents in 2002, even
though her study provides no justification for such a categorisation.1
Of course the cultural determinants in lexicography in some cases are obvious, but in others much less so. However, we can find something that may
be called a signum temporis in every dictionary. Ulrike Hass, the editor of an
impressive book about European lexicography,2 simply and logically justifies
the necessity of taking this factor into account in contemporary metalexicographical studies:
Research on lexicography has to include the cultural background and its
impact on lexicographical methodology, because lexicographers as well
1 See Ewa Szczęsna, ed., Słownik pojęć i tekstów kultury. Terytoria słowa [The dictionary of notions and texts of culture. Territories of the word] (Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne, 2002), 260–261.
2 See Ulrike Hass, ed., Große Lexika und Wörterbücher Europas (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2012).
© Ewa Rudnicka, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_011
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4.0 license.
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Rudnicka
as dictionary users are social beings and dictionaries are texts which have
communicative functions.3
But it is not enough to say that sociocultural factors influence the shape and
content of dictionaries. Rather, this is a two-way relationship. Dictionaries
also influence their users, and thus indirectly influence linguistic and extralinguistic reality. We need to keep in mind that dictionaries are the products
of specific people who, while they admittedly do not have the same freedom
of expression as other writers, can nevertheless create new meanings of words,
annihilate meanings, or even remove words which they deem unnecessary.
And what is more, they can also manipulate someone else’s texts and in this
way use persuasion on readers or even manipulate them, by taking advantage
of the widespread belief in the objectivity of dictionaries.
Thus, on the one hand dictionaries bear the mark of time, place, culture,
national customs, and sometimes even the mark of ideology (they “succumb”
to reality), and on the other they influence and mould our linguistic awareness
(they “shape” reality). They are important and interesting documents and mirrors both of the language as well as of the perception of culture and the world.
They are also a specific means of intergenerational communication (because it
is usually adults who prepare dictionaries for children and young people). And
young readers are a special kind of audience.
Polish Monolingual Dictionaries for Children and Young People
Polish monolingual lexicography for children and young adults is quite diverse
so far as the types of dictionaries and their level of difficulty is concerned. The
decision about choosing proper research materials therefore needs to be preceded by a very careful study of the content of library catalogues.
There are three hundred and two books categorised as dictionaries for children (aged approximately 0–6) in the catalogue of the National Library of Poland, however, this number considers not only first editions but all editions
3 Ulrike Hass, In Search of the European Dimension of Lexicography, plenary paper, held at the
Fifth International Conference for Historical Lexicography and Lexicology, Oxford, St. Anne’s
College (June 16–18, 2010), 1, online: http://www.linse.uni-due.de/linse/tagungen/Hass_Euro
pean-dimension-of-lexicography_SHORT_FINAL-VERSION_fer_LINSE.pdf (accessed Nov.
6, 2015, link no longer active, but see: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/275407101
_In_search_of_the_European_dimension_of_lexicography_Plenary_Paper, accessed Sept. 2,
2016).
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The Reception of Classical Antiquity IN POLISH LEXICOGRAPHY
145
taken together.4 Moreover, most of these books are simple pictorial dictionaries
for very young children, usually translated into Polish from foreign languages
(mostly English, French, and Spanish). Among these books, one is outstanding. This is the dictionary compiled by Maria Krajewska entitled Mój pierwszy
prawdziwy słownik [My first real dictionary]. In this dictionary illustrations do
not play the crucial role, but simple full-sentenced definitions accompanied by
contextualised examples of usage.5
There are in all two hundred and thirty items in the Polish National Library
catalogued as dictionaries intended for school age children and young adults
(aged approximately 6–18). This may sound like a large number, but if we take
into account that some of them are new editions or adaptations of earlier
published books, then the field is narrowed considerably, especially given the
significant fact that spelling dictionaries predominate among Polish school
dictionaries. There are of course various types of school dictionaries such as
general dictionaries, dictionaries of synonyms, dictionaries of foreign or difficult words, dictionaries of punctuation, dictionaries of idioms, etymological
dictionaries, dictionaries of correct Polish language, and, finally, thematic/specialised dictionaries from fields such as grammar, history, and economics. This
variety is a sign of the appropriate development of Polish school lexicography.
In order to maintain the relative uniformity of the tested material we decided to carry out preliminary research on general dictionaries of the Polish
language. Detailed analyses were made of the following seven dictionaries:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Małgorzata Iwanowicz and Edward Polański, Szkolny słownik tematyczny
języka polskiego. Nie tylko dla uczniów [A thematic school dictionary of
Polish. Not only for school students] (Łódź, 2011);
Małgorzata Kita, Edward Polański, Słownik tematyczny języka polskiego.
Człowiek w krainie słów [A thematic dictionary of Polish. People in the
land of words] (Warsaw, 2002);
Zofia Kurzowa and Halina Zgółkowa, Słownik minimum języka polskiego.
Podręcznik do nauki języka polskiego dla szkół podstawowych i obcokrajowców [A minimum dictionary of Polish. A textbook for learning Polish in
primary schools and for foreigners] (Poznań, 1992);
Maria Krajewska, Mój pierwszy prawdziwy słownik [My first real dictionary] (Warsaw, 2000);
4 Nevertheless the number allows us to realise the flourishing and growing publishing market
of lexicography for children in Poland.
5 See Maria Krajewska, Mój pierwszy prawdziwy słownik [My first real dictionary] (Warszawa:
Wydawnictwo Szkolne pwn, 2000).
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5.
6.
7.
Rudnicka
Bogusław Dunaj, ed., Szkolny słownik języka polskiego [A Polish language
school dictionary] (Warsaw, 2008);
Mirosław Bańko, ed., Wielki słownik ucznia [The school student’s big dictionary] (Warsaw, 2006);
Ewa Dereń, Tomasz Nowak, and Edward Polański, Słownik języka polskie
go z frazeologizmami i przysłowiami [Dictionary of Polish with proverbs
and idioms] (Warsaw, 2009).
The aim of the preliminary surveys of the dictionaries was to excerpt all entries containing any mention of ancient heritage. Thus we analysed not only
the words and their definitions, but also all other elements of the dictionary’s
microstructure.
Our Analysis of the Dictionaries’ Content
Although our preliminary research covered only one type of dictionary,
the analysed material turned out not to be truly comparable. This is because
the dictionaries were different in terms of size, number of entries, and especially in terms of their microstructure, which made a proper comparison
difficult:
Dictionary
M. Iwanowicz and E. Polański,
Szkolny słownik tematyczny
języka polskiego. Nie tylko dla
uczniów [A thematic school
dictionary of Polish. Not only for
school students]
M. Kita and E. Polański, Słownik
tematyczny języka polskiego.
Człowiek w krainie słów [A
thematic dictionary of Polish.
People in the land of words]
Number Volume Structure
of entries (number
of pages)
100
183
thematic arrangement, descriptive definitions,
examples of usage
in the form of
aphorisms
15,000
447
thematic
arrangement,
non-definitional
dictionary, examples of usage
in the form of
aphorisms
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The Reception of Classical Antiquity IN POLISH LEXICOGRAPHY
Dictionary
Z. Kurzowa and H. Zgółkowa,
Słownik minimum języka pol
skiego. Podręcznik do nauki
języka polskiego dla szkół podstawowych i obcokrajowców
Number Volume Structure
of entries (number
of pages)
1,520
215
[A minimum dictionary of
Polish. A textbook for learning
Polish in primary schools and for
foreigners]
M. Krajewska, Mój pierwszy
prawdziwy słownik [My first real
dictionary]
147
alphabetical
arrangement,
descriptive definitions, examples of
usage in the
form of made-up
sentences
6,000
560
alphabetical
arrangement, fullsentenced definitions, examples
of usage in the
form of made-up
sentences
25,000
639
alphabetical
arrangement,
descriptive definitions, no examples
M. Bańko, ed., Wielki słownik
50,000
ucznia [The school student’s big
dictionary]
2,628
alphabetical
arrangement, fullsentenced definitions, examples of
usage in the form
of sentences taken
from corpus
E. Dereń, T. Nowak, and E.
20,000
Polański, Słownik języka polskiego
z frazeologizmami i przysłowiami
[Dictionary of Polish with proverbs and idioms]
526
B. Dunaj, ed., Szkolny słownik
języka polskiego [A Polish language school dictionary]
alphabetical
arrangement,
descriptive definitions, examples of
usage in the form of
made-up sentences
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Rudnicka
We begin our analysis with thematic dictionaries.
A Thematic School Dictionary of Polish. Not Only for School Students by
Iwanowicz and Polański and A Thematic Dictionary of Polish. People in the Land
of Words by Kita and Polański differ the most from the set of dictionaries we
analysed, though they are similar to each other. These dictionaries are different
because they have a thematic—and not a typical alphabetical—organisation.
The fundamental characteristic of these dictionaries is that they show semantic
relations between words and do not provide definitions, nor do they make typical use of sentence examples. Instead, the authors use aphorisms and proverbs.
The material referring to Classical Antiquity is rather scant in both dictionaries. But we ought to remember that both dictionaries are small. In the
dictionary by Kita and Polański the description of twenty thematic fields contains about forty words concerning Antiquity, for example Nestor [Nestor] (in
the category “people of various ages”); Pola Elizejskie and Tartar [the Elysian
Fields and Tartarus] (in the category “locations of the dead”); ścięgno Achillesa
[Achilles’ tendon] (in the category “musculoskeletal system”); pięta Achillesa
[Achilles’ heel] (in the category “parts of the body in expressions”); wenero
logia and miłość lesbijska [venereology and lesbianism] (in the category
“knowledge about sexuality and eroticism”); kompleks Edypa, kompleks Elektry,
narcyzm [Oedipus complex, Electra complex, and narcissism] (in the category
“mental life”); deus ex machina and katharsis (deus ex machina and catharsis
in the category “tragedy”); helikon [helicon] (in the category “instruments”);
and Herkules, homerycki śmiech, prometejski, and safizm [Hercules, Homeric
laughter, Promethean, and sapphism] (in the category “literary eponyms”). The
words’ definitions are not supplied, and the only hint for guessing the meaning
is the name of the semantic field in which the words appear.
Furthermore, the dictionary presents aphorisms that illustrate the meaning of the words. There are over forty of this kind of sentence ascribed to classical writers, speakers, rulers, or philosophers, among them Agrippa, Aristotle,
Cicero, Epicurus, Euripides, Heraclitus of Ephesus, Horace, Julius Caesar, Ovid,
Pythagoras, Seneca the Elder, and Socrates. However, the aphorisms not only accompany the words that are formally related to them (which means using a particular word), but also words that are semantically related to them (which means
using any word that is semantically close to a particular entry), for example:
entry: śmierć—example: Nie wszystek umrę. Horacy6
[entry: death—example: I shall not wholly die. Horace];
6 Małgorzata Kita and Edward Polański, Słownik tematyczny języka polskiego. Człowiek w krai
nie słów [A thematic dictionary of Polish. People in the land of words] (Warszawa: Grafpunkt,
2002), 13 (English translations of the quoted entries—E.R.).
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The Reception of Classical Antiquity IN POLISH LEXICOGRAPHY
149
entry: wiedza—example: Nie wystarczy dużo wiedzieć, aby być mądrym.
Heraklit7
[entry: knowledge—example: It is not enough to know a lot to be wise.
Heraclitus];
entry: odpoczynek—example: Jak miło spocząć w położystej trawie lub pod
cienistym dębem starym. Horacy8
[entry: rest—example: How nice to sit down on the lush grass or under a
shady old oak. Horace];
entry: brzydota—example: Nawet najbrzydsza kobieta jest zadowolona ze
swego wyglądu. Owidiusz9
[entry: ugliness—example: Even the ugliest woman is happy with her looks.
Ovid];
entry: chciwość—example: Chciwemu zawsze mało. Horacy10
[entry: greed—example: He who is greedy is always in want. Horace].
We can find similar solutions in the dictionary by Iwanowicz and Polański.
A Thematic School Dictionary of Polish. Not Only for School Students is a small
dictionary and contains only words relating to three thematic spheres: time,
space, and human beings. In the dictionary the authors note individual words,
their attributive expressions (usually adjectives), and the usage of the words in
sentences as well as some idioms that include the words.
There are eight words with definitions concerning Classical Antiquity. All
of them are proper names (seven concerning time, one concerning human beings) with brief and simplified explanations, for instance:
Chronos (gr. ‘czas’) [w mitologii greckiej bóg uważany za uosobienie Czasu;
bóg wszystkowiedzący]11
[Chronos (gr. ‘time’) [in Greek mythology a god regarded as the personifica
tion of Time; an omniscient god]];
Ananke (gr. ‘konieczność’)—w mitologii greckiej matka Mojr i Adrastei,
personifikacja przeznaczenia i konieczności12
7
8
9
10
11
12
Ibid., 214.
Ibid., 243.
Ibid., 250.
Ibid., 262.
Małgorzata Iwanowicz and Edward Polański, Szkolny słownik tematyczny języka pol
skiego. Nie tylko dla uczniów [A thematic school dictionary of Polish. Not only for school
students] (Łódź: Wydawnictwo Literatura, 2011), 17 (English translations of the quoted
entries—E.R.).
Ibid., 47.
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Rudnicka
[Ananke (gr. ‘necessity’)—in Greek mythology the mother of the Moirai and
Adrasteia, the personification of destiny and necessity];
Fortuna—w mitologii rzymskiej bogini kierująca ludzkimi losami, odpo
wiednik greckiej bogini Tyche, personifikacja losu; pot. Los13
[Fortune—in Roman mythology the goddess who controlled human fate,
the equivalent of the Greek goddess Tyche, the personification of fate; col
loquially Fate];
Psyche [w mitologii greckiej personifikacja duszy ludzkiej przedstawiana
jako młoda dziewczyna ze skrzydłami motyla]14
[Psyche [in Greek mythology the personification of the human soul por
trayed as a young girl with butterfly wings]].
In these descriptions we can clearly see that Greek mythology is treated with
primary importance; when a Roman character is described, its Greek equivalent is always given, although this rule does not apply in the opposite situation.
In addition, the dictionary contains thirty quotations by various classical
authors (sometimes given in Polish and Latin), several anonymous classical
Latin adages, and one quotation from Marcin Punpur’s15 essay in which he
mentions Thales (of Miletus) and Xenophanes (of Colophon):
Uroda cieszy tylko oczy, dobroć jest wartością trwałą. (Safona) (entry:
uroda)16
[Beauty only delights the eye, goodness is a lasting value. (Sappho) (entry:
beauty)];
Nadmiar snu męczy, zbyt długi odpoczynek staje się cierpieniem. (Homer)
(entry: wypoczynek)17
[An excess of sleep is tiring, excessive rest becomes suffering. (Homer) (entry: rest)];
Łatwo przychodzi wiara w to, czego się pragnie. (Owidiusz) (entry: wiara i
religia)18
[It is easy to believe in what we desire. (Ovid) (entry: belief and faith)];
13
14
15
16
17
18
Ibid.
Ibid., 143.
Marcin Punpur is an economist and philosopher, and one of the hundreds authors who
publish their essays on the portal www.racjonalista.pl (accessed Sept. 2, 2014), which
propagates rational thinking.
Iwanowicz and Polański, Szkolny słownik tematyczny języka polskiego, 115.
Ibid., 133.
Ibid., 148.
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151
Tak przemija chwała (tego) świata (łac. Sic transit gloria mundi) (entry:
przemijanie)19
[Thus passes the glory of (this) world (Lat. Sic transit gloria mundi) (entry:
passing away)];
Surowe prawo, ale prawo. (łac. Dura lex, sed lex) (entry: prawo)20
[The law is harsh, but it is the law. (Lat. Dura lex, sed lex) (entry: law)];
Jeśli Tales był prekursorem nauki, to Ksenofanesa (obok sofistów) możemy
uznać za prekursora racjonalizmu. (M. Punpur) (entry: prekursorzy)21
[If Thales was the precursor of science, then Xenophanes (along with the
sophists) may be treated as the precursor of rationalism. (M. Punpur) (entry: precursors)].
Using aphorisms by ancient authors to illustrate Polish entries is quite unusual
in Polish lexicography today, although a long time ago in Polish dictionaries
(at that time Latin–Polish or Polish–Latin) it was the wise ancients who offered their witty sentences to illustrate the meaning of words! Indeed, Cicero,
Horace, Ovid, or Terence were often mentioned on the pages of dictionaries
by Jan Mączyński22 or Grzegorz Knapius,23 but these dictionaries were bi- or
multilingual, and the ancients were the only authors cited, while today they
resonate with the voices of many others, such as Napoleon Bonaparte, Albert
Camus, Albert Einstein, Benjamin Franklin, Sigmund Freud, Nikolai Gogol,
Leszek Kołakowski, Stanisław Jerzy Lec,24 Abraham Lincoln, Blaise Pascal, Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, Arthur Schopenhauer, George Bernard Shaw, Stendhal,
Jan Sztaudynger,25 Kurt Tucholsky, Ivan Turgenev, Voltaire, and Oscar Wilde.
But that ought to come as no surprise since time passes and people have cleverer and cleverer things to say.
The rest of the dictionaries have structures typical of dictionaries. Nevertheless, two of them are worthy of separate comment.
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Ibid., 44.
Ibid., 171.
Ibid., 30.
See Jan Mączyński, Lexicon LatinoPolonicum ex optimis Latinae linguae scriptoribus con
cinnatum (Regiomonti Borvssiae: excvdebat […] Ioannes Davbmannvs, [post] 1564).
See Grzegorz Knapius, Thesaurus Polonolatinograecus […] (Cracoviae: typis Francisci
Caesarij, 1621).
Stanisław Jerzy Lec (1909–1966) was a Polish poet and one of the most influential aphorists of the twentieth century, known for his lyrical poetry and sceptical philosophicalmoral aphorisms, often with a political subtext.
Jan Sztaudynger (1904–1970) was a Polish poet and satirist. He was best known for his
epigrams and enjoyed enormous popularity in Poland after wwii.
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A Minimum Dictionary of Polish Language. A Textbook for Learning Polish in
Primary Schools and for Foreigners by Kurzowa and Zgółkowa26 differs slightly
from the other dictionaries under examination, because the entries in this dictionary were selected from Polish lexis using the criterion of text frequency
in five basic stylistic variants of Polish which means that only the most common Polish words are found in this dictionary and there is in fact no place
for any allusions to Classical Antiquity. Even if the entry called for any mention of ancient culture, the rarity of using that word with such a meaning or
context caused this meaning (or context) to be omitted. An example of such
a case is the word konsul [consul], which has three meanings in Polish: 1. “an
official appointed by a government to reside in a foreign country to represent
the commercial interests of citizens of the appointing country”; 2. “either of
two annually elected chief magistrates of the Roman republic”; 3. “one of three
chief magistrates of the French Republic from 1799 to 1804.”27 But in Kurzowa
and Zgółkowa’s dictionary we can only find one definition of that word—“an
official appointed by a government to reside in a foreign country.”
Another dictionary, My First Real Dictionary by Krajewska, is intended for
pupils who are starting their school (nomen omen) odyssey, which in Poland
means children aged from six to nine. This is a unique dictionary, because it is
largely based on common thinking and cultural stereotypes, as can occasionally be seen in the definitions. For example:
Alkohol to mocny płyn, który znajduje się w wielu lekarstwach i w niektórych
napojach, np. w wódce (entry: alkohol)28
[Alcohol is a strong liquid that is found in many medications and certain
drinks, such as vodka (entry: alcohol)];
Ludzie wierzą, że anioł to bardzo dobra, niewidzialna istota, która służy
Bogu (entry: anioł)29
26
27
28
29
Zofia Kurzowa and Halina Zgółkowa, Słownik minimum języka polskiego. Podręcznik do
nauki języka polskiego dla szkół podstawowych i obcokrajowców [A minimum dictionary
of Polish. A textbook for learning Polish in primary schools and for foreigners] (Poznań:
Kantor Wydawniczy saww, 1992).
Stanisaw Dubisz, ed., Uniwersalny słownik języka polskiego [The universal dictionary of
Polish] (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe pwn, 2003); Mirosław Bańko, ed., Inny słownik
języka polskiego [The different dictionary of Polish] (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe
pwn, 2000); Bogusław Dunaj, ed., Słownik współczesnego języka polskiego [The dictionary
of contemporary Polish] (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe pwn, 1996); and others.
Krajewska, Mój pierwszy prawdziwy słownik, 16 (English translations of the quoted
entries—E.R.).
Ibid., 17.
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[People believe that an angel is a very good, invisible being who serves God
(entry: angel)];
Asfalt to czarna masa, którą pokrywa się jezdnie (entry: asfalt)30
[Asphalt is a black mass that covers the roads (entry: asphalt)];
Kiedy chłopcy się biją, to uderzają i popychają jeden drugiego (entry: bić się)31
[When boys fight, they hit and push each other (entry: to fight)].
However, the stereotypical thinking used in the dictionary is especially clear
in the sentences that illustrate definitions and show the usage of words. For
example:
Każda mama boi się o swoje dzieci (entry: bać się)32
[Every mum worries about her children (entry: to worry)];
Mama ugotowała dobry obiad (entry: dobry)33
[Mum cooked a good dinner (entry: good)];
Tata wbija gwóźdź w ścianę (entry: gwóźdź)34
[Dad is hammering the nail into the wall (entry: nail)];
Najładniejsze bajki opowiadał mi dziadek (entry: bajka)35
[My grandfather used to tell me the most beautiful fairy tales (entry: fairy
tale)];
Dziewczynki bawią się lalkami, a chłopcy lubią się bawić w wojsko (entry:
bawić się)36
[Girls play with dolls, and boys like to play soldiers (entry: to play)].
Moreover, the dictionary is written with empathy and includes a child’s point
of view. This is apparent in numerous examples like these:
Najbardziej lubię budyń czekoladowy (entry: budyń)37
[I like chocolate pudding most of all (entry: pudding)];
Bałem się wejść do ciemnego pokoju (entry: ciemny)38
[I was afraid to go into the dark room (entry: dark)];
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
Ibid., 19.
Ibid., 27.
Ibid., 21.
Ibid., 66.
Ibid., 118.
Ibid., 21.
Ibid., 24.
Ibid., 37.
Ibid., 50.
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Nie cierpię szpinaku i matematyki (entry: cierpieć)39
[I hate spinach and maths (entry: to hate)].
Thus we find only a few isolated examples references to Classical Antiquity.
Vocabulary referring to the classical world is generally not included in the
dictionary (there are no gladiator [gladiator], heros [demigod], muza [muse],
faun [faun], etc.). We find only some basic names connected with Classical
Antiquity, and they are described in a very simple, schematic way adapted for
the needs of young learners. For example:
amfiteatr to rodzaj teatru z widownią, którą tworzą siedzenia, znajdujące
się jedne nad drugimi wokół sceny (entry: amfiteatr)40
[an amphitheatre is a kind of theatre with an auditorium consisting of
seats around a stage located one above the other (entry: amphitheatre)];
laur 1. Laur to drzewo o błyszczących zielonych liściach, rosnące w ciepłych
krajach. 2. Laur to wieniec z tych liści, w dawnych czasach zakładany na
głowę zwycięzcom olimpiad (entry: laur)41
[laurel 1. A laurel is a tree with glossy green leaves, growing in warm coun
tries. 2. A laurel is a wreath made of those leaves, placed on the heads of the
winners in ancient Olympic games (entry: laurel)].
Instead of the classical world, contemporary school reality is constantly mentioned there:
Pani dzieli klasę na dwie grupy (entry: dzielić)42
[The teacher divides the class into two groups (entry: to divide)];
Co mamy na dzisiaj zadane? (entry: dzisiaj)43
[What’s our homework for today? (entry: today)];
Już po dzwonku, zaczynamy lekcję (entry: dzwonek)44
[The bell’s rung, we are starting the lesson (entry: bell)];
Boję się, że dostanę jedynkę z ostatniej klasówki (entry: jedynka)45
[I am afraid I will fail the last test (entry: fail)].
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
Ibid., 51.
Ibid., 17.
Ibid., 177.
Ibid., 85.
Ibid., 87.
Ibid., 88.
Ibid., 133–134.
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There are no mythological or ancient figures in this book, although there are
many figures from fairy tales and children’s literature (for example Asterix, the
Basilisk, the Wizard of Oz, Little Red Riding Hood, Ferdinand the Bull, Bromba
and Gluś,46 Hansel and Gretel, Karolcia [Charlotte],47 Cinderella, King Matt
the First,48 Winnie the Pooh, the Little Prince, the Moomins, Pinocchio, Plastuś
[Plasticine Man],49 Robin Hood, the Fisherman and the Gold Fish, Snow White,
Sleeping Beauty, Waligóra and Wyrwidąb [Mountain Beater and Oak Tearer],50
Zorro, the Frog Prince, dragons, etc.), and famous Polish people and other
people who are world famous (Hans Christian Andersen, Frédéric Chopin,
46
47
48
49
50
Bromba and Gluś are small creatures who are heroes of the series of children’s books written by Maciej Wojtyszko (b. 1946), which have long been popular in Poland especially in
the 1970s and 1980s. The first book of that series (Maciej Wojtyszko, Bromba i inni [Bromba
and others] [Warszawa: Nasza Księgarnia, 1975]) was included in the Polish official Canon
of Books for Children and Young Adults under the patronage of the National Library of
Poland and the Polish Book Society.
Karolcia is an eight-year-old girl who owns a magic blue bead which makes her dreams
come true. She is the main character of two books for children written by Maria Krüger
(1904–1999), the first of which was Karolcia [Charlotte] (Warszawa: Nasza Księgarnia, 1959).
King Matt the First is a young boy who as a child becomes king after his father’s death and
tries to rule the kingdom in a unique way. He is the main character of two books for children written by Janusz Korczak (1878–1942): Król Maciuś Pierwszy [King Matt the First]
(Warszawa: Towarzystwo Wydawnicze, 1922); and Król Maciuś na bezludnej wyspie [King
Matt the First on a desert island] (Warszawa: Towarzystwo Wydawnicze, 1923).
Plastuś is the main character of books written by Maria Kownacka (1894–1982), the first
of which is the novel Plastusiowy pamiętnik [Plasticine Man’s journal] (Lwów–Warszawa:
Państwowe Wydawnictwo Książek Szkolnych, 1936), and the hero of a popular Polish cartoon series. He is a small red man made out of plasticine, who lives in a pencil box owned
by a small girl named Tosia.
Waligóra and Wyrwidąb [Mountain Beater and Oak Tearer] are legendary twin brothers
who have extraordinary strength and save their kingdom from a dangerous dragon. They
are the heroes of a traditional Polish fairy tale. There are many written versions of this
story, see, e.g., Julian Krzyżanowski, ed., Słownik folkloru polskiego [The dictionary of Polish folklore] (Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1965), 425. The most famous version of the
story was recounted by Kazimierz Władysław Wójcicki (1807–1879), a Polish folklorist and
writer, in his Klechdy. Starożytne podania i powieści ludowe [The legends. The old folk tales
and narratives] (Warszawa: w Drukarni S. Lewentala, 31876; the 1st edition of 1837 was
entitled: Klechdy. Starożytne podania i powieści ludu polskiego i Rusi [The legends. The old
Polish and Ruthenian folk tales and narratives], Warszawa: w Drukarni P. Babryckiego),
99–102; see also Baśnie polskie [Polish fairy tales], selected by Tomasz Jodełka-Burzecki
(Warszawa: Ludowa Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza, 1985), 21–22; as well by others, e.g., Pol
skie baśnie i legendy [Polish fairy tales and legends], selected by Grzegorz Leszczyński
(Warszawa: Nowa Era, 2006), 6–9.
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Pope John Paul ii, Maria Konopnicka,51 Nicolaus Copernicus, Jan Matejko,52
Adam Mickiewicz,53 Maria Skłodowska-Curie, Wit Stwosz [Veit Stoss],54 Julian
Tuwim,55 Leonardo da Vinci, Christopher Columbus, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, and Pablo Picasso). The omission of figures from Classical Antiquity is
justified, however, because Polish children at the beginning of primary school
are not usually taught about mythology or ancient history.56 It is thus worth
paying attention to those few examples concerning the world of the ancient
Greeks and Romans. Usually such references can be found in examples showing the usage of a word in a typical context. For example:
boski to taki, który ma związek z Bogiem lub bogami. Ludzie ufają Boskiej
dobroci. Starożytni Grecy wierzyli w boską moc Zeusa i innych bogów
(entry: boski)57
[divine is something that concerns God or gods. People trust divine goodness. The ancient Greeks believed in the divine power of Zeus and other
gods (entry: divine)];
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
Maria Konopnicka (1842–1910)—one of the most important poets of the Positivism period in Poland, the author of numerous poems and novels for children and youth. She was
also a translator, journalist, and critic, as well as an activist for women’s rights and Polish
independence.
Jan Matejko (1838–1893)—a Polish painter known for paintings of notable historical Polish political and military events and a gallery of Polish kings (Fellowship of the Kings and
Princes of Poland).
Adam Mickiewicz (1798–1855)—Polish national poet and a dramatist, essayist, publicist,
translator, professor of Slavic literature, and political activist. The main representative
of Polish Romanticism, he is often compared to Lord Byron and Johann Wolfgang von
Goethe.
Wit Stwosz (also: Veit Stoss, ca. 1450–1533)—leading German sculptor, mostly in wood,
whose career covered the transition between the late Gothic and the Northern Renaissance. He is best known for the altarpiece in St. Mary’s Basilica in Cracow, Poland.
Julian Tuwim (1894–1953)—one of the most important poets of the interwar period in
Poland, as well as a translator and a writer for and artistic director of many Polish cabarets. In 1919 he co-founded the group of Polish experimental poets named “Skamander.”
He was also admired for his contribution to children’s literature. In 1935 he received the
prestigious Golden Laurel of the Polish Academy of Literature.
Polish children are not taught about all the famous Polish people mentioned nor about
other world-famous people either, but they could have heard of many of these figures
from their parents or by taking part in cultural life; having heard about ancient figures is
less likely.
Krajewska, Mój pierwszy prawdziwy słownik, 31 (English translations of the quoted
entries—E.R.).
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bóg to istota, która żyje wiecznie i ma moc dużo większą od zdolności ludzi.
Starożytni Grecy i Rzymianie mieli wielu bogów (entry: bóg)58
[a god is a being who lives forever and has far greater power than people.
The ancient Greeks and Romans had many gods (entry: god)];
mit to historia, którą w dawnych czasach wymyślono po to, żeby objaśnić
powstanie świata i ludzi. Mit o Demeter i Korze tłumaczy zmiany pór roku
(entry: mit)59
[a myth is a story that was thought up in olden times to explain the origin of
the world and people. The myth of Demeter and Kore explains the change
of seasons (entry: myth)];
mitologia to zbiór mitów. Anka interesuje się mitologią grecką (entry:
mitologia)60
[a mythology is a collection of myths. Anka is interested in Greek mythology (entry: mythology)];
olimpiada 1. Olimpiada to zawody sportowe, w których biorą udział spor
towcy z całego świata, odbywające się co cztery lata w różnych miejscach
świata. W dawnych czasach olimpiady organizowano co cztery lata w
Olimpii (w Grecji) (entry: olimpiada)61
[olympics 1. The Olympics are a sports event, involving athletes from
around the world, held every four years in different places around the world.
In ancient times, the Olympics were held every four years in Olympia (in
Greece) (entry: olympics)];
syrena 1. Syrena to wymyślona postać kobiety, która zamiast nóg ma ogon
ryby. Czytałam o żeglarzach, którzy słyszeli śpiew syren (entry: syrena)62
[a siren 1. A siren is an imaginary figure of a woman who has the tail of
a fish instead of legs. I read about sailors who had heard the song of the
sirens (entry: siren)].
However, the verbal references are not the only references to Classical Antiquity. The dictionary contains some pictures among which we can find some witty
allusions to Graeco-Roman culture. Next to the entry kolumna [column] we
see the picture of a contemporary loudspeaker (which in Polish is also called
kolumna) standing on an Ionic column (see figure 9.1).
58
59
60
61
62
Ibid., 32.
Ibid., 207.
Ibid.
Ibid., 261.
Ibid., 419.
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Figure 9.1 The entry kolumna [column] in Maria Krajewska’s Mój pierwszy prawdziwy
słownik [My first real dictionary]
(Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Szkolne pwn, 2000), 154,
© by Wydawnictwo Szkolne pwn Sp. z o.o.
The motif of a column also accompanies the entry podstawa [base], but in
this case the similarity to the classical order of architecture is less obvious (see
figure 9.2).
Figure 9.2 The entry podstawa [base] in Maria Krajewska’s Mój pierwszy prawdziwy słownik
[My first real dictionary]
(Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Szkolne pwn, 2000), 304,
© by Wydawnictwo Szkolne pwn Sp. z o.o.
The part of a column identified in the dictionary as podstawa should technically be called baza in Polish. The name podstawa is rather colloquial.
Finally, we find a very interesting allusion, not connected with the content
of the entry or colloquial connotations, next to the entry porozumienie [agreement] (see figure 9.3). In this picture ancient legionnaires (their helmets suggest that they are probably centurions) have thrown away their gear and are
hugging each other. Of course children cannot precisely determine who these
strange soldiers are.
The rest of the dictionaries are addressed to students aged 10 and older,
so they contain much more vocabulary concerning the ancient world. The
convention for mentioning Classical Antiquity is different in each of them,
but there are some similarities. All three books: A Polish School Language
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Figure 9.3 The entry porozumienie [agreement] in Maria Krajewska’s Mój pierwszy prawdziwy słownik [My first real dictionary]
(Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Szkolne pwn, 2000), 313–314,
© by Wydawnictwo Szkolne pwn Sp. z o.o.
Dictionary,63 The School Student’s Big Dictionary,64 and Dictionary of Polish
with Proverbs and Idioms,65 include words and meanings referring to the ancient world; all of the dictionaries describe such words as amfiteatr [amphitheatre], amfora [amphora], areopag [Areopagus], barbarzyńca [barbarian],
egida [aegis], gigant [giant], gladiator [gladiator], heros [demigod], and muza
[muse]. Selected entries include:
egida Jeśli coś odbywa się pod egidą jakiejś instytucji, organizacji, rzadziej
osoby, to odbywa się pod jej opieką, zwierzchnictwem, kierownictwem lub
wpływem. […] (W mitologii greckiej egida to tarcza Zeusa wykonana przez
Hefajstosa) (entry: egida)66
[aegis If something is held under the aegis of some institution, organisa
tion, or rarely persons, it is held under its care, control, management or in
fluence. […] (In Greek mythology the aegis is the shield of Zeus made by
Hephaestus) (entry: aegis)];
63
64
65
66
Bogusław Dunaj, ed., Szkolny słownik języka polskiego [A Polish language school dictionary] (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Langenscheidt, 2008).
Mirosław Bańko, ed., Wielki słownik ucznia [The school student’s big dictionary], vols. 1–2
(Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe pwn, 2006).
Ewa Dereń, Tomasz Nowak, and Edward Polański, Słownik języka polskiego z frazeo
logizmami i przysłowiami [Dictionary of Polish with proverbs and idioms] (Warszawa:
Przedsiębiorstwo Wydawniczo-Handlowe „Arti,” 2009).
Bańko, ed., Wielki słownik ucznia, vol. 1, 361 (English translations of the quoted entries—
E.R.).
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gigant ‘w mitologii greckiej: istota o wielkiej sile, olbrzym’ (entry: gigant)67
[giant ‘in Greek mythology: a being of great strength, ogre’ (entry: giant)];
gladiator ‘zapaśnik walczący na arenie cyrkowej w starożytnym Rzymie’
(entry: gladiator)68
[gladiator ‘a wrestler fighting in the circus arena in ancient Rome’ (entry:
gladiator)];
koturn ‘gruba podeszwa damskiego obuwia’: Nosić koturny. Buty na kotur
nach (entry: koturn)69
[wedge ‘a thick sole on women’s footwear’: To wear wedges. Wedgeheeled
shoes (entry: wedge)];70
legion ‘duże skupisko ludzi; ochotniczy oddział wojskowy’ (entry: legion)71
[legion ‘a large cluster of people; volunteer troops’ (entry: legion)];
syrena ‘mitologiczna nimfa morska, demon morza, przedstawiana jako pół
kobieta, pół ryba, wabiąca swym śpiewem żeglarzy i uśmiercająca ich’ (entry: syrena)72
[siren ‘mythical sea nymph, demon of the sea, visualised as halfwoman,
halffish, attracting sailors with her voice and then killing them’ (entry:
siren)];
trójząb ‘włócznia zakończona z jednej strony trzema ostrzami (zębami), z
którą przedstawiany jest w sztuce Posejdon (Neptun)—bóg mórz w mitolo
gii antycznej’ (entry: trójząb)73
[trident ‘a threepronged spear, which in art is an attribute of Poseidon
(Neptune)—the god of sea in ancient mythology’ (entry: trident)].
We find the greatest number of such descriptions in The School Student’s Big
Dictionary edited by Bańko—which should not surprise us considering the
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
Dunaj, ed., Szkolny słownik języka polskiego, 117 (English translations of the quoted
entries—E.R.).
Dereń, Nowak, Polański, Słownik języka polskiego z frazeologizmami i przysłowiami, 114
(English translations of the quoted entries—E.R.).
Ibid., 171.
In Polish koturn in one of its meanings is the equivalent of the Greek kothurnos or Latin
cothurnus (meaning the high, thick-soled boot worn in Athenian tragedy—buskin). But
this entry includes only one, more general and contemporary meaning and omits the
meaning connected with Classical Antiquity.
Dereń, Nowak, Polański, Słownik języka polskiego z frazeologizmami i przysłowiami, 184.
Dunaj, ed., Szkolny słownik języka polskiego, 472.
Ibid., 503.
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size of the book. But all three dictionaries lack consistency in the selection of
entries—some classical terms are included and some are not. Sometimes the
selection can be justified for semantic reasons. For instance, all the dictionaries contain a description of tunika [tunic] and toga [toga, gown], but omit
chiton [chiton]. But we need to remember that in Polish today tunika means
not only the Roman garment but also a long, loose shirt worn with trousers
or a tight skirt; likewise, in Polish toga means not only a loose, flowing outer
garment worn by the citizens of ancient Rome, but also a contemporary loose
cloak worn by lawyers, academics, and the like. In contrast, chiton in Polish
refers only to the ancient Greek item of clothing. The reason for inclusion or
omission of words therefore also concerns particular historical meanings connected with Classical Antiquity.
Dunaj’s dictionary does not include any other references to ancient heritage, because the individual entries consist only of headwords, grammatical
descriptions, and definitions. So all in all there are not many such mentions
and they are just the terms and historical meanings of ambiguous words. It is
especially a pity that there are no comments or even general hints about the
ancient origins of many contemporary terms. For instance, the entries gracja
[grace] and amazonka [Amazon, in reference to a woman who has had a mastectomy] look like this:
gracja ‘wdzięk, urok, wytworność, lekkość’ (entry: gracja)74
[grace ‘charm, allure, elegance, lightness’ (entry: grace)];
amazonka ‘kobieta z usuniętą piersią z powodu nowotworu’ (entry:
amazonka)75
[Amazon ‘a woman who has had a mastectomy’ (entry: [Amazon] woman
after mastectomy)].
The student using this book will thus associate neither the word gracja with
the three Roman Graces, nor the Polish amazonka with the ancient female
warriors.
Two other studies—Bańko’s dictionary and that by Dereń et al.—include
several other types of entries. Both books contain idioms referring to Classical Antiquity, which makes sense as learning new vocabulary in this area is
obligatory in the older classes of primary school. (It is actually strange that the
74
75
Ibid., 124.
Ibid., 6.
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publisher decided not to include idioms in Dunaj’s A Polish School Language
Dictionary.) In Bańko’s dictionary not only are the meanings of these idioms
well explained, but there are also brief comments making their origins clear:
Mówimy, że ktoś przekroczył Rubikon, jeśli podjął ważną i nieodwołalną
decyzję. Wyrażenie książkowe. (Od nazwy oddzielającej Galię od Italii rzeki,
którą Cezar przekroczył na czele swoich legionów, rozpoczynając wojnę
domową) (entry: przekroczyć)76
[We say that someone crossed the Rubicon, if he or she made an important
and irrevocable decision. Formal (bookish) expression. (It derives from the
name of the river separating Gallia from Italia which Caesar crossed at the
head of his legions, thus beginning the civil war) (entry: to cross)].
In the dictionary of Dereń et al. such idioms as miecz Damoklesa [the sword
of Damocles], nić Ariadny [Ariadne’s thread], objęcia Morfeusza [the arms of
Morpheus], pięta Achillesa [Achilles’ heel], puszka Pandory [Pandora’s box],
strzała Amora [Cupid’s arrow], and węzeł gordyjski [Gordian knot] are left
without semantic explanations and generally without etymological hints. Even
if such a reference occurs, it is generally so vague that it is hardly helpful, e.g.,
Amor “postać mitologiczna” [Amor “mythological figure”].77
In both dictionaries we find proper names (such as Achilles, Amor, and Ariadne), explained in a concise, simple way. The descriptions Bańko gives are
extremely informative and useful. They either clarify the reasons for creating
metaphorical meanings of the eponyms or justify the forms and meanings of
the idioms, including the names:
weneryczny Przymiotnik używany w następującym wyrażeniu. Choroby
weneryczne to choroby zakaźne, przenoszone najczęściej przez kontakty
seksualne z osobami chorymi, np. kiła lub rzeżączka. (Od imienia Wenery,
rzymskiej bogini miłości) (entry: weneryczny)78
[venereal Adjective used in the following expression. Venereal diseases
are contagious diseases, usually transmitted through sexual contact with
infected people, e.g., syphilis or gonorrhoea. (From the name of Venus, the
Roman goddess of love) (entry: venereal)].
76
77
78
Bańko, ed., Wielki słownik ucznia, vol. 2, 305.
Dereń, Nowak, and Polański, Słownik języka polskiego z frazeologizmami i przysłowiami,
16.
Bańko, ed., Wielki słownik ucznia, vol. 2, 966.
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In contrast to Bańko’s dictionary explanations, the ones provided by Dereń et
al. are very vague, as mentioned earlier, although there are some good exceptions. For example:
pyrrusowy ‘od imienia władcy Epiru—Pyrrusa, przen. o zwycięstwie
okupionym wielkimi stratami’: Pyrrusowe zwycięstwo (entry: pyrrusowy)79
[Pyrrhic ‘from the name of the ruler of Epirus—Pyrrhus, figuratively about
a victory paid for with heavy losses’: Pyrrhic victory (entry: Pyrrhic)].
Unfortunately, both books lack consistency in providing such information;
sometimes it is given and sometimes not. For example, explanations are missing in such entries as afrodyzjak [aphrodisiac], jupiter [spotlight],80 or pro
metejski [Promethean]:
Afrodyzjak to środek wzmagający przyjemność lub aktywność seksualną
(entry: afrodyzjak)81
[An aphrodisiac is a means of increasing pleasure or sexual activity (entry:
aphrodisiac)];
Jupiter to reflektor dający bardzo intensywne światło, używany np. do
oświetlania sceny teatralnej lub planu filmowego. W sali obrad rozjarzyły
się jupitery (entry: jupiter)82
[A spotlight is a floodlight giving a very intense light, used for example to
illuminate a theatre stage or filmset. The spotlights came on in the conference room (entry: spotlight)];
prometejski ‘uznający poświęcenie się jednostki dla dobra i szczęścia ogółu’:
Postawa prometejska. Prometejskie cierpienie (entry: prometejski)83
[Promethean ‘recognising the sacrifice of an individual for the good and
happiness of humanity as proper conduct’: a Promethean attitude. Pro
methean suffering (entry: Promethean)].
79
80
81
82
83
Dereń, Nowak, and Polański, Słownik języka polskiego z frazeologizmami i przysłowiami,
344.
The Polish term for a spotlight (jupiter) derives from the name of the Roman god of sky
and thunder.
Bańko, ed., Wielki słownik ucznia, vol. 1, 9.
Ibid., vol. 1, 570.
Dereń, Nowak, and Polański, Słownik języka polskiego z frazeologizmami i przysłowiami,
323.
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Finally, the mentions of Classical Antiquity which are given as dictionary exempla (or examples of usage) are the most interesting and important, especially if they occur in entries not connected or even associated with ancient
culture. Occasionally, they appear in the dictionary by Dereń et al., but they
can quite often be found in the well-honed phrases of Bańko’s The School Stu
dent’s Big Dictionary. Compare, for example.:
Badania Jana Parandowskiego nad mitologią (entry: mitologia)84
[Jan Parandowski’s studies on mythology (entry: mythology)];
Kolumny w porządku jońskim, doryckim, kompozytowym (entry:
porządek)85
[The columns in the Ionic, Doric, and composite order (entry: order)];
Wziął sobie za maksymę słowa Arystotelesa o złotym środku (entry:
maksyma)86
[He took as his maxim Aristotle’s words about the golden mean (entry:
maxim)];
Kto w bogów nie wierzy, niech nie czyta Homera—gromił Julian Apostata
duchownych galilejskich (entry: gromić)87
[‘Whoever does not believe in the gods should not read Homer,’ Julian the
Apostate reprimanded Galilean clergymen (entry: reprimand)];
Na Zeusa! Apollo przemawia przez usta tego pacholęcia! (entry:
przemówić)88
[By Zeus! Apollo speaks through the mouth of this lad (entry: speak)];
Atena trochę sobie z Odyseusza dworuje, ale bynajmniej nie potępia go (entry: dworować)89
[Athena gently makes fun of Odysseus, but she does not condemn him at all
(entry: make fun of sb.)];
84
85
86
87
88
89
Ibid., 209. Jan Parandowski (1895–1978)—Polish writer, essayist, and translator, and a professor at the Catholic University of Lublin (1945–1948). He was one of the best-known
Polish authors of Greek and Roman mythology. He is also well-known for other works
relating to Classical Antiquity. He was the president of the Polish pen Club (from 1933)
and vice president of pen International (from 1962).
Dereń, Nowak, and Polański, Słownik języka polskiego z frazeologizmami i przysłowiami,
311.
Ibid., 196.
Bańko, ed., Wielki słownik ucznia, vol. 1, 473.
Ibid., vol. 2, 312.
Ibid., vol. 1, 329.
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The Reception of Classical Antiquity IN POLISH LEXICOGRAPHY
165
Tłumacz robi aluzję do podstępności, cechy Odyseusza (entry: podstępny,
subentry: podstępność)90
[The translator is making an allusion to insidiousness, a characteristic of
Odysseus (entry: insidious, subentry: insidiousness)];
Gra Orfeusza miękczyła serca bogów Hadesu (entry: miękczyć)91
[Orpheus’ playing softened the hearts of the gods of Hades (entry: soften)];
Badacze ci, nawiązując do Arystotelesa, twierdzili, że jedną z konsty
tutywnych właściwości człowieka jest popęd do naśladowania rzeczywistości
(entry: konstytutywny)92
[These scholars, referring to Aristotle, claimed that the desire to imitate re
ality was one of the constitutive properties of man (entry: constitutive)];
Logika uczuć jest różna od logiki Arystotelesa (entry: różny)93
[The logic of feelings is different from Aristotle’s logic (entry: different)];
Wielu filozofów, od Platona począwszy, zamierzało reformować świat w
imię swojej filozofii (entry: począć)94
[Many philosophers, beginning with Plato, intended to reform the world in
the name of their philosophy (entry: begin)];
Augustyn przystosował metafizykę Platona do prawd wyłożonych w Biblii
(entry: przystosować)95
[Augustine adapted the metaphysics of Plato to the truths expounded in the
Bible (entry: adapt)];
Syzyf wtacza na szczyt góry głaz, który zawsze stacza się z powrotem (entry: wtoczyć)96
[Sisyphus rolls to the top of a mountain a rock that always rolls back (entry:
roll)];
Władca bogów, Zeus, rozgarnął płaszcz chmur i ze szczytu Olimpu wejrzał
na ziemię (entry: wejrzeć)97
[The father of the gods, Zeus, parted the mantle of clouds and looked upon
the earth from the top of Mount Olympus (entry: look upon)];
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
Ibid., vol. 2, 131.
Ibid., vol. 1, 847.
Ibid., vol. 1, 659.
Ibid., vol. 2, 507.
Ibid., vol. 2, 103.
Ibid., vol. 2, 374.
Ibid., vol. 2, 1048.
Ibid., vol. 2, 964.
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Rudnicka
Ptaki śpiewem rozgłaszały chwałę i piękność Artemidy (entry: rozgłosić)98
[The birds trumpeted the glory and beauty of Artemis with their trilling (entry: trumpet)];
Oślepionemu Edypowi będzie dana łaska powrotu (entry: łaska)99
[The blind Oedipus will be given the grace of returning home (entry: grace)];
Byłem zauroczony miłością Heleny i Parysa i zasmucony jej końcem (entry:
zauroczyć)100
[I was enchanted by the love of Helen and Paris and saddened by its end
(entry: enchant)];
Odgrzebywano miasteczko, jak Pompeje spod lawy, spod grubych warstw
drobnego piachu (entry: odgrzebać)101
[A town was being unearthed, like Pompeii from under lava and from under
thick layers of fine sand (entry: unearth)];
Triumfalny przemarsz wojsk Cezara wywołał entuzjazm w mieście (entry:
triumfalny)102
[The triumphal march of Caesar’s army evoked enthusiasm in the city (entry: triumphal)];
Helleńskim patronem pasterzy był bóg Hermes (entry: patron)103
[The god Hermes was the Hellenic patron of shepherds (entry: patron)];
Tezeusz udał się na Kretę, aby uśmiercić Minotaura (entry: uśmiercić)104
[Theseus went to Crete to slay the Minotaur (entry: slay)];
Posępny Hades był bogiem potężnym i mądrym (entry: potężny)105
[The gloomy Hades was a powerful and clever god (entry: powerful)];
Uczyłem ich podstawowych praw fizyki, kładłem im do głowy Owidiusza i
Horacego (entry: głowa)106
[I was teaching them the basic laws of physics, and putting Ovid and Horace
into their heads (entry: head)].
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
Ibid., vol. 2, 463.
Ibid., vol. 2, 778.
Ibid., vol. 2, 1266.
Ibid., vol. 1, 1088.
Ibid., vol. 2, 833.
Ibid., vol. 2, 35.
Ibid., vol. 2, 926.
Ibid., vol. 2, 210.
Ibid., vol. 1, 446.
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The Reception of Classical Antiquity IN POLISH LEXICOGRAPHY
167
In The School Student’s Big Dictionary there are a few hundred examples of this
type. This may not seem like a lot when taking into consideration the book’s
volume (fifty thousand entries). However, it is worth remembering that this is
a dictionary of contemporary Polish and it would be more natural to include
examples referring to the present and recent events, such as the following:
Artystom będą towarzyszyć warszawscy filharmonicy pod dyrekcją Jerzego
Katlewicza (entry: dyrekcja)107
[The artists will be accompanied by the Warsaw Philharmonic conducted by
Jerzy Katlewicz (entry: conduct)];
Czerwone ciałka krwi zużywają się w ciągu kilku tygodni, ale odtwarzają się
stale w szpiku kostnym (entry: odtworzyć)108
[Red blood cells wear out within a few weeks, but they are constantly repro
duced in the bone marrow (entry: reproduce)];
Rolę księcia odtworzył pomysłowo Aleksander Zelwerowicz (entry:
odtworzyć)109
[Aleksander Zelwerowicz played the role of the prince ingeniously (entry:
play)].110
The discussion of Classical Antiquity in such dictionaries and the presentation
of it in a neutral or positive context is thus extremely valuable. Those sentences often suggest that ancient heritage is an important subject—no less valuable than physics. The only pity is that The School Student’s Big Dictionary was
not in fact written with students in mind; the book is a version of The Different
Dictionary of Polish111 created for general use and then slightly modified by the
editor.
107
108
109
110
111
Ibid., vol. 1, 336.
Ibid., vol. 1, 1112.
Ibid.
Both Jerzy Katlewicz and Aleksander Zelwerowicz are outstanding figures in Polish cultural life. Jerzy Katlewicz (1927–2015) was a conductor, pianist, and a professor at the
Academy of Music in Cracow since 1990. He is considered an excellent interpreter of
oratorios and oratorian-cantata compositions. Aleksander Zelwerowicz (1877–1955) was
an actor, director, theatre president, and teacher. The Aleksander Zelwerowicz National
Academy of Dramatic Art is named after him. He was one of the Polish “Righteous Among
the Nations.”
Bańko, ed., Inny słownik języka polskiego.
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Conclusions
Describing vocabulary referring to Classical Antiquity in a dictionary prepared
for children or young adults is not an easy task. The problem is to determine
the range of words and the type of information that should be given, especially in relation to linguistic information. In Polish dictionaries for children
and young people we can find different types of references to ancient culture.
But it is deeply disappointing that there are so few words concerning Classical
Antiquity and described in the separate entries, especially if we realise how
many ancient (mythological) motifs we can find in contemporary literature
for young adults. There should definitely be many more such entries in Polish
dictionaries.
The lack of entries and of details in the existing entries can be justified by
the structure of the publication or sometimes by the needs and perceptual
and communicational capacities of its readers. However, in books in which
the lexicographers are able to exercise more freedom, they do so, which often
makes for interesting and satisfying reading. The entries are prepared reasonably and show the logical evolution from literal meaning concerning Antiquity
to metaphorical meaning popular in contemporary language. Unfortunately,
however, lexicographers do not do this in a consistent manner and they evidently do not follow any precise rules.
And there is one thing in these dictionaries that we would not expect—the
utterly unpredictable interspersing of the classical references in different entries that are not connected with Classical Antiquity: giving examples of usage
mentioning different mythological motifs which are set in absolutely neutral
entries. In Polish dictionaries for young adults—dictionaries with the simple
practical purpose of explaining the meaning of words—it is quite uncharacteristic and very engaging. How can we explain this practice? There are several
reasons, but the most important seems to be the generally typical didactic attitude of Polish lexicography, especially in books for young people. It embraces
a schematic picture of the world and a clear axiological system. These dictionaries are not, then, only books that explain words, they also teach and communicate moral values—either directly (as in children’s books) or in a somewhat
disguised fashion. References to Classical Antiquity seem to be particularly
useful in this regard.
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part 2
The Aesop Complex: The Transformations of Fables
in Response to Regional Challenges
⸪
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Aleksandra Bąk, Rara avis (2012)
illustration created at the workshop of Prof. Zygmunt Januszewski,
Academy of Fine Arts in Warsaw, © by Aleksandra Bąk
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chapter 10
Our Fabled Childhood: Reflections
on the Unsuitability of Aesop to Children
Edith Hall
Aesop’s Fables occupy a uniquely important position in the history of modern
children’s literature, both in theory and practice. Aesop has regularly featured
in theoretical discussions of the literature suitable for children, and selections
of his Fables have been published in many more versions than any other ancient text including the Odyssey.1 The English Enlightenment philosopher John
Locke recommended Aesop for children in his treatise Some Thoughts Concern
ing Education (1693),2 but he also published his own Æsop’s Fables, in English
& Latin, Interlineary (1703) for practical use in home education. Locke’s interest in Aesopic fables as pedagogical material guaranteed that other prominent
thinkers would turn their attention to these ancient morality tales, and consider whether they were really suitable for children. In this essay, which is unashamedly polemical, I develop my own response to this question. It is based
less on my professional experience as a classical scholar, who has published on
the consumption and understanding of the Aesopic oeuvre in Antiquity,3 than
on my personal experience as an avid childhood reader and as a stepmother,
mother, and aunt who has read often to several small but very different children. Just how suitable for children are Aesop’s Fables in reality?
Skilled writers for children, ever since William Godwin’s pathbreaking,
imaginative, and hugely influential Aesop, Fables, Ancient and Modern Adapted
for the Use of Children from Three to Eight Years of Age, which first appeared
in 1805 under the pseudonym Edward Baldwin, have scored notable publishing successes with radically rewritten small collections of the ancient fables.
1 On which, see Edith Hall, The Return of Ulysses: A Cultural History of Homer’s Odyssey
(London–Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 26–27.
2 John Locke, Some Thoughts Concerning Education, ed. Charles Eliot, “The Harvard Classics”
37 (New York: Collier, 1910; ed. pr. 1693), 265. See further, Edith Hall, “Aesop the Morphing
Fabulist,” in Helen Lovatt and Owen Hodkinson, eds., Changing the Greeks and Romans:
Metamorphosing Antiquity for Children (forthcoming).
3 Edith Hall, The Theatrical Cast of Athens: Interactions between Ancient Greek Drama and Soci
ety (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), Ch. 11; Edith Hall, “The Aesopic in Aristophanes,”
in Emmanuela Bakola, Lucia Prauscello, and Mario Telo, eds., Greek Comedy and the Dis
course of Genres (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 277–297.
© Edith Hall, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_012
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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Godwin’s combined household with his second wife, Mary Jane Clairmont,
contained no fewer than five children, so it may not in practice have been difficult to find one to put on his knee. Godwin even placed a stone carving of
Aesop on the lintel above the entrance at 41 Skinner Street, where he and his
wife moved their juvenile library in 1807.4 Godwin made the fables far more attractive by shearing them of their stern “morals” and accompanying them with
delightful visual illustrations. His example has been followed by innumerable
authors ever since. But have all their efforts at surgical enhancement of the ancient fabulist really been worthwhile? Should the radical Godwin have heeded
Locke less and paid more attention to the radical responses to Aesop he must
have encountered in Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Tom Paine? For in Émile, ou,
de l’éducation (1762), Rousseau had expressed the adamant opinion that Aesop
can do a child far more harm than good. Children, Rousseau argues, have not
achieved maturity in understanding what they read, and so it does not matter
if a child, even at the age of fifteen, remains illiterate.5 Rousseau identifies the
type of material generally given to children to read, but which simply wastes
their time, as including the Bible and La Fontaine’s versified version of the
ancient fables (1668), which was in Rousseau’s day the most popular text for
teaching literacy in France. In fables, Rousseau claims, there is “nothing intelligible or useful for children,” and anyway “reading is the plague of childhood.”6
There are further problems, he warns, inherent in the fables as mental food for
childhood thought: they give children a false sense of their own intellectual
powers by allowing them to think they can decode the jokes. Worse, children
often identify with the figure they perceive as the “winner” in the fables, such
as the fox who flatters the crow to his self-advantage in The Fox and the Crow.
Fables therefore encourage them to feel superior to other people and to attend
to their own self-interest rather than the interests of the community.7 Tom
Paine went even further than Rousseau in his denunciation of what we would
call the ideological damage that Aesopic fables can do to the young mind. In
The Age of Reason, Part ii (1795), he stated that “with respect to Aesop, though
the moral is in general just, the fable is often cruel; and the cruelty of the fable
4 Peter H. Marshall, William Godwin (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1984), 273–274.
5 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Emile: or, On Education, trans. Allan Bloom (New York: Basic Books,
1979), 117.
6 Ibid., 113, 116.
7 Ibid., 112, 115; see further Dennis M. Welch, “Blake and Rousseau on Children’s Reading, Pleasure, and Imagination,” The Lion and the Unicorn 35.3 (2011): 204–205.
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Our Fabled Childhood
173
does more injury to the heart, especially in a child, than the moral does good
to the judgment.”8
Before deciding whether I fundamentally agree more with Locke and Godwin or with Rousseau and Paine, I must first clarify my own broad-spectrum
theoretical view of children’s literature. My thinking has been fundamentally
affected by a study of children’s books which has almost nothing to say about
ancient Greek or Roman literature—Jacqueline Rose’s seminal The Case of Pe
ter Pan, the first edition of which was published in 1984. Subtitled, provocatively, The Impossibility of Children’s Fiction, Rose uses J.M. Barrie’s immortal story
Peter Pan; or, the Boy Who Wouldn’t Grow Up, a 1904 stage drama first published
as a novel in 1911, to support her argument that the very concept of children’s
fiction is “impossible.” There is, she says, no body of literature which rests so
openly on an acknowledged difference between writer and addressee. The
adult writer addresses a child reader only as an acknowledged superior in age,
education, and experience. This address has little to do with what a child might
want, but a great deal to do with “what the adult desires—desires in the very
act of construing the child as the object of its speech.”9 What is at stake in Peter
Pan, which fixes its hero in a liminal state where he can never grow up, is the
investment of adults in the idea of childhood, of a primitive, innocent, or lost
state, a pre-sexual and natural (rather than cultural) state to which the child
has special access. But this adult investment is a delusion: there is actually “no
child behind the category of “‘children’s fiction,’ other than the one which the
category itself sets in place.”10 When Locke or Godwin imagined children reading Aesop, the category “child” had emerged exclusively from their adult brains.
My second point concerns the convention of zoomorphic humans, or animals with human sensibilities and consciousness, a convention that holds a
privileged position in culture produced for children generally. It is crucial to
note that the animal protagonists in Aesopic fables deemed suitable for children are far more interested in food than in indulging other “animal” appetites.
There is a marked lack of interest in sex, gender roles, and reproduction in
the twenty or thirty Aesopic fables that are most often included in children’s
editions. Jacqueline Rose would probably observe that this, while saying nothing at all about very young humans, says a good deal about what adults think
8
9
10
Thomas Paine, The Age of Reason, in Philip S. Foner, ed., The Complete Writings of Thomas
Paine (New York: The Citadel Press, 1945), vol. 1, 543.
Jacqueline Rose, The Case of Peter Pan, or the Impossibility of Children’s Fiction (London–
Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1984), 2.
Ibid., 10.
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Hall
children ought not to be concerned with. But there is also, of course, the issue
involved in making these animal protagonists talk to each other comprehensibly in human speech. There is no actual child behind the category of fiction
for children, a category to which Aesop’s Fables are commonly understood as
belonging. There is only a fantasy child reader constructed by the adults rewriting the ancient tales. So why do we always assume that children want to hear
fictional animals talking to one another at all? Most specialists in children’s literature never ask themselves this intriguing question directly. In The Child and
the Book: A Psychological and Literary Exploration (1981), for example, Nicholas
Tucker proposes a range of psychological functions that humanised animals
can perform to the psychological benefit of the child reader: most importantly,
he argues, children are protected from the pain of certain psychological scenarios—for example, the death of a parent—provided that the bereavement
is suffered by an animal.11 Famous examples include the elephant calf whose
mother is shot by huntsmen in The Story of Babar the Little Elephant (originally
Histoire de Babar le petit éléphant by Jean de Brunhoff, 1931), the fawn in Bambi
who likewise loses his mother (the 1942 Walt Disney animated film was based
on the novel Bambi. Eine Lebensgeschichte aus dem Walde by the Austrian Felix
Salten, 1923), and Simba the lion cub in Disney’s The Lion King (1994), whose
father Mufasa is killed early in the storyline.
But, pace Nicholas Tucker, in my personal experience, dressing the dying
parent/bereaved child relationship up in animal form offers no protection
whatsoever to emotionally sensitive children. The death of Mufasa in The Lion
King upset one of my children so much, when she was six years old, that we
had to leave the cinema.
So we need to ask why adults invariably assume that very small children
want books about animals—that is, that they want to learn about human relationships through fictions enacted by non-human surrogates. It is not a good
enough defence to assert that children “really do” like animals, however much
documentary evidence can be accumulated of children happily consuming
books or cartoons about animals, since children do not actually get the choice:
from the day of their birth they are bombarded with heavy artillery of soft bunnies, squashy ducklings, blankets adorned with cows and sheep, and tactile
teddy bears. They are taught from long before they can speak that they are
supposed to smile if someone waves a cuddly stuffed animal or a spoon shaped
like a duck in their tiny faces. So what we are talking about is not children’s
“natural” attraction to stories about animals, but adults’ acculturated desire to
11
See Nicholas J. Tucker, The Child and the Book: A Psychological and Literary Exploration
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
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Our Fabled Childhood
175
make their offspring smile at animals and consume stories about talking animals. This apparently obvious point bears closer examination.
Most “Aesopic” fables commonly reproduced for children feature talking animals, although many of the ancient fables available to us via the manuscript
tradition feature exclusively human personnel. Here we have briefly to address
the thorny problem of what constitutes the Aesopic text that finds itself, rather
remotely, reproduced in books for children. Many different manuscript collections of fables have been preserved. As the most erudite classical philologist
must admit, it is impossible conclusively to sort out what is an Aesopic fable
as opposed to one preserved in the Latin collections of Phaedrus, or the fifthcentury Avianus. The great scholarly collections of Émile Chambry (1927—the
text applied by Olivia and Robert Temple in their useful Penguin edition of
1998) and Ben Edwin Perry (1952) each contain over three hundred. For these
reasons, most people adapting the fables for children have not concerned
themselves with the “original ancient text”—however that is to be defined and
located—but with reprocessing previous modern-language versions. The usual number selected for children’s publications is between ten and thirty. The
English-language edition (1999) by Sally Grindley (author of the bestsellers
Wake Up Dad!, 1988, and Shhh!, 1999), illustrated by John Bendall-Brunello, is
not untypical. It contains eighteen fables, including the hard core of favourites
which are rarely omitted: The Hare and the Tortoise, The Fox and the Grapes,
The Hare and the Hound, The Lion and the Mouse, The Fox and the Crow, The
Ant and the Grasshopper, The Jackdaw and the Doves, and The Mice in Council.
The preference for the animal fables in children’s collections of Aesop is, to
introduce my third point, closely related to the issue of power. The poet Eric
Ormsby, acknowledging the huge cultural influence of children’s books, wrote
in his review of Seth Lerer’s Children’s Literature: A Reader’s History from Aesop
to Harry Potter (2008), that “to shape the minds of the young through books is
to exercise power over the future.”12 And the Fables of Aesop, perhaps the most
influential “children’s book” of all time, are transparently all about power. A
large proportion of the most popular and often anthologised fables directly
address the relationship between beings of disparate power, whether physical
or intellectual. A good deal of them play on the theme of force majeure—for
example, The Wolf and the Lamb, The Hare and the Hound, The Eagle and the
12
Eric Ormsby, “Out of Aesop’s Overcoat: Two Histories of Children’s Literature,” The New
York Sun, June 18, 2008, available online at http://www.nysun.com/arts/out-of-aesopsovercoat-two-histories-of-childrens/80183/ (accessed Nov. 20, 2015). See also Seth Lerer,
Children’s Literature: A Reader’s History from Aesop to Harry Potter (Chicago, Ill.–London:
University of Chicago Press, 2008).
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Jackdaw. They demonstrate that it is simply inherent in nature that big powerful animals beat smaller weaker ones. Very closely related to these power fables
is the group that underlines the stupidity or pointlessness of aspiring to things
which are not naturally yours or are too good for you: The Ant and the Grass
hopper, The Fox and the Grapes, and The Cockerel and the Jewel. Not dissimilar is
the type that suggests that gratitude for what you have already secured is more
sensible than trying to increase your possessions: a prime example here is The
Dog and the Shadow. Another whole set, while recognising that some entities
are naturally more powerful than others, suggest that cunning can help to even
up the balance, most famously in The Hare and the Tortoise. A further strategy
for dealing with discrepancy in power is a system of reciprocal favours, as in
The Lion and the Mouse or The Bat and the Weasels. A corollary of these, however, is The Gnat and the Bull, which shows that small entities can think they
are being noticed when they try to curry favour with the great, but they may not
even have been noticed at all. There are also a disturbing number that stress that
different groups are naturally irreconcilable—The Jackdaw and the Doves, for
example—while others suggest that masses are not as effective as individual
leaders: The Mice in Council and The Frogs Who Wanted a King.
So, what is going on here? Telling a very small child a fable entitled, for example, The Lion and the Mouse, is to attempt to impose a complicated piece of
ideology about reciprocal favours between agents of radically disparate physical power. What we are doing is confusing, and this is the core of my argument
in this essay. We are trying to drag children out of the natural world of force ma
jeure, and into the world of human mechanisms for mitigating the imperative
of force majeure. But we do so by demonstrating the nature of these mechanisms through examples from the non-human world where no such mechanisms are in operation. This process reveals our own deep ambivalence about
the nature of the child, conceived as an animal, who needs to be acculturated
as a human, through the twin mechanisms of speech and social contracts.
I think it is inherently mystifying that we use animals, the very creatures from
which we are trying to differentiate our children, to make this point. We do
so by fantasising that they—animals—do indeed have speech and social contracts. That is the fantastic hypothesis we ask our children to accept when we
offer them Aesop’s Fables. And in justifying this peculiar practice, we take comfort in the authority that the Fables’ great antiquity and classical provenance
seem to bestow upon them.
Some introductions to collections of Aesopic fables even try to harness
the idea that the fables were designed for ancient children, and so modern
children who read them are just the latest generation to partake in a tradition of awe-inspiring Antiquity, imbibing through Aesop some “universal” and
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Our Fabled Childhood
177
time-transcending moral truths. But even the evidence that Aesop was a “children’s author” in Antiquity is extremely controversial. Although Aesop’s Fables
are intricately bound up with the history of the teaching of literacy, literacy has
not always been something normally or necessarily considered to be acquired
exclusively in childhood. That the ancient Greeks and Romans saw Aesop as
an author to be read as early as infancy just may, however, be implied by an
important story in Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana (5.15). The story reports that the art of fable was bestowed upon Aesop by Hermes, the god of
words himself, because the Horai had told Hermes a fable about a cow when
he was still in swaddling clothes; as he gave Aesop the gift, Hermes said, “You
keep what was the first thing I learnt myself.”
Some critics make no bones about their view that there was children’s literature even in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, and that it included Aesop’s Fables: the
structure and language used by Seth Lerer whenever he addresses Antiquity in
his influential, aforementioned study, Children’s Literature: A Reader’s History
from Aesop to Harry Potter,13 imply that he recognises no distinction between
one and the other. But, frustratingly, we cannot actually prove that Aesop was
part of the curriculum of children until they were rather older, at a stage when
class, status, leisure, and access to education begin to interfere with the picture
in a society where literacy may have been as low as fifteen or twenty per cent
of the total population. The composition of a fable (muthos) was certainly the
first exercise attempted by students beginning their studies of rhetoric, and
Quintilian (2.4.4) says that grammarians were beginning to encroach on the
rhetors’ territory by teaching fable. Raffaella Cribiore has demonstrated the
importance of Aesop in the Greek-speaking communities of Hellenistic and
Roman ancient Egypt.14 She has also pointed to the significance for later centuries of the Hermeneumata or Colloquia, mediaeval school handbooks in Greek
and Latin that probably derive from third-century Gaul; they are preserved in
eight different manuscripts, were but originally composed by Eastern Greek
teachers rooted in an ancient school tradition.15
In classical Greece, too, it is possible that Aesop was used to teach small
children literacy, for example at Athens where citizens needed to be able to decipher at least basic civic documents. But we lack a clinching piece of evidence
13
14
15
See above, n. 12.
Raffaella Cribiore, Gymnastics of the Mind: Greek Education in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt
(Princeton, N.J.–Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2001), 179–180, with the evidence of
Raffaella Cribiore, Writing, Teachers, and Students in GraecoRoman Egypt (Atlanta, Ga.:
Scholars Press, 1996), nos. 230, 231, 232, 314, 323, 409, and 412.
Cribiore, Gymnastics of the Mind, 15.
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that Athenian boys were taught to read with the help of written collections of
fables. We do not even know whether a physical collection existed as early as
the fifth century bc. The earliest certain recension and collection was made
by Demetrius of Phalerum (perhaps during his regency at Athens of 317–307
bc), at least according to Diogenes Laërtius’s biography of Demetrius (Lives
5.80). This collection, which has not survived, may have been a repertory of
fables designed for consultation by rhetoricians (see Aristotle, Rhetoric 2.20).
The question of whether reading Aesop was primarily associated with the distinction between childhood and adulthood, or with sociocultural status, entirely depends on how we interpret particular passages in Aristophanes’ Birds
(466–475) and Plato’s Phaedo (61b).16
Whether Aesop should be imagined as the literature of childhood after the
invention of the printing press is also academically contested. Lerer, while arguing that Aesop must always have appealed to children, insists at the same
time that “Europe’s first printers used Aesop’s fables not just to sustain a literary heritage or offer guidance to the young, but to affirm their own authority as
makers of the texts of culture.”17 During the 1470s and 1480s, Aesopic volumes
with elaborate illustrations were among the very first books published in European vernaculars—German, French, and Caxton’s influential English edition,
with famous woodcuts, of 1484. One group is easily identifiable as designed for
school work. A Latin school book printed between 1512 and 1514 by Wynkyn
de Worde at Westminster is entitled Aesopus. Fabule Esopi cum Comento [sic!].
The title page woodcut shows a schoolmaster teaching three youths, who are
seated on a school bench and holding books from which they read. These boys,
however, are certainly not very young, and they are learning not English but
Latin. Their Aesop is equivalent to that other mainstay of the mediaeval and
early Renaissance school curriculum, The Distichs of Cato. Both Cato and this
Aesop were enormously helpful in teaching Latin, the mother tongue of nobody by the time of Chaucer, and they were often treated as a pair.
The intended readership of the other early printed Aesops, those in modern
languages, is unfortunately less easy to define. There is no hard and fast rule for
distinguishing between those meant for the very young and those aimed at a
much wider age group, including adults. Aesopic fables, with their suitability
to visual illustration, have been used since even before the invention of the
printing press to learn to read mother tongues as well as Latin or Greek, and
have always been introduced much earlier in any individual’s education. Here
an important point needs to be reiterated. “Much earlier in any individual’s
16
17
Hall, “The Aesopic in Aristophanes,” 287–292.
Lerer, Children’s Literature, 52.
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Our Fabled Childhood
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education” does not automatically signify early childhood. The automatic connection of the act of learning to read with juveniles is itself a dangerous one to
make when speaking of other times and places. Teaching tools for encouraging
basic literacy are definitely not phenomena that can be studied under the exclusive heading of elementary children’s literature. People have always learned
to read at all ages, especially in cultures with high levels of adult illiteracy, and
have always acquired radically different functional levels of reading ability.
The high profile of Aesop’s Fables has also been supported by their relationship with Christianity. These morality tales were widely approved as constituents of the mediaeval and Renaissance syllabus partly because they were felt to
be compatible, like the stoicism of Cato, with Christian ethics. Martin Luther
changed the course of Aesopic history in terms of the attractiveness of the
Fables to Protestants when he translated twenty of them in 1530, expressing
his great admiration for them in the preface, and was urged by his collaborator
Philipp Melanchthon to complete the whole. Gottfried Arnold, the celebrated
Lutheran theologian, and librarian to Frederick i, King of Prussia, mentions
that the great reformer valued the Fables of Aesop second only to the Holy
Scriptures.18 Aesop has ever since been found—to my mind, rather puzzlingly
given his rather brutal, even Nietzschean conception of power relations—
compatible with the education of Christian readers. This is partly because the
morals can be made to sound similar to the Ten Commandments, which makes
Aesop a bit like Moses; a good illustration of this type of parallel is the underlying moral, “Thou shalt not envy,” as expressed in Benjamin Harris’s retelling of
The Hawk and Birds in his The Fables of Young Aesop (1700).19
The extent of the cultural penetration of Aesop’s Fables, related as we have
seen to their perceived suitability as vehicles for the transmission of literacy,
foreign-language skills, and morals compatible with Christianity, remains unparalleled. It in turn has underlain, or at least been a factor, in the character
of countless new classics of children’s literature, and this is my fourth point.
Aesop’s Fables have, since the mediaeval period, appeared alongside or even
merged completely with fables from non-classical traditions: the outstanding example is the fables of Reynard the fox-trickster derived in turn from the
twelfth-century Le Roman de Renart. The cultural presence of Aesopic fables
18
19
Ernst Thiele, ed., Luthers Fabeln nach seiner Handschrift und den Drucken neubearbeitet
(Halle: Niemeyer, 21911; ed. pr. 1888); Arno Schirokauer, “Luthers Arbeit am Äsop,” Mod
ern Language Notes 62 (1947): 73–84; Manfred Schultze and Walter Simon, Martin Luther,
Briefe und AesopFabeln: Codex Ottobonianus Latinus 3029 (Zürich: Belser, 1983).
Benjamin Harris, The Fables of Young Aesop, with Their Morals (London: printed and sold
by Benjamin Harris, 41700; ed. pr. 1698), 36–37.
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has certainly encouraged the collection of indigenous fables in other traditions, such as the Swahili animal fables of Kenya and animal-dominated allegorical wisdom stories of the poor of Haiti, who originally came by and large
from Africa; these stories are held by some to have descended directly from Aesop himself, seen not as a Greek but an African, by etymologising his name as
a corruption of Aithops.20 In Russia, which has had a very distinct and important Aesopic tradition since the first Russian translation appeared in 1700, the
poetic fables of Korney Chukovsky (1882–1969), through which countless Soviet citizens taught their children to be careful of the great Cockroach, Stalin,
as well as to read, are regarded as a national treasure. For the cultural presence
of the Fables has had another, much more subterranean impact on children’s
literature in the form of newly invented stories featuring talking animals and
often strong moral or even political lessons.21 From Beatrix Potter to Walt Disney, whose first three animations featured talking animals (namely the Alice
Comedies with Julius the Cat, 1923–1927; Oswald the Lucky Rabbit, 1927; and of
course Mickey Mouse, 1928), to the spin-offs from Hugh Lofting’s 1920 The Story
of Doctor Dolittle, the central place Aesop took in the education of children for
so many centuries must be held at least partly responsible.
Mentioning a commercial publishing phenomenon as successful as Beatrix Potter, let alone the Walt Disney Empire, brings us to my fifth and final
point: money. One of the most important factors that must be considered is
the commercial importance of the market in books for children. Indeed, it is
the most lucrative sector of the book market in the world. In The Child and
the Book, Nicholas Tucker justifies spending several pages analysing the appropriateness of animal stories for children, with the specific example of the
tales of Beatrix Potter, on the grounds of what he calls their continuing “appeal
to children.” While conceding that sales figures “can only be a crude indicator
of a book’s popularity, since it is adults who make such purchases,” he nevertheless insists that Beatrix Potter’s “high sales over the last fifty years tell their
own story,” since “adults will not go on indefinitely buying books for younger
readers which are meant to give pleasure but no longer do so.”22 Well, I have to
confess to utter scepticism about this line of thinking. Adults buy books that
are directed at them by relentless and cunning marketing campaigns, and a
20
21
22
See James W. Ivy, “The Wisdom of the Haitian Peasant: Or Some Haitian Proverbs Considered,” The Journal of Negro History 26 (1941): 493.
On Aesop’s reception in various regions of the world, see also the other chapters from this
part of the volume.
Tucker, The Child and the Book, 57.
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Our Fabled Childhood
181
boxed set of Beatrix Potter books or a cute and colourful edition of Aesop are
both almost impossible to avoid in any shops or catalogues selling equipment,
of any kind, for children. I do wonder how many of those boxed sets lie as unused as those in my house, displaced whenever a choice was actually offered
to the very young by books on any subject whatsoever with some degree of
interactive opportunity—fluffy panels, pop-up sections, flaps to lift, or buttons
to push that set off music or some other sound effects. I suspect that Aesop’s
Fables these days falls into that depressing category of the text that adults think
that children want, or—worse—think that their adult friends who have had
children will approve of as a gift. Call me a cynic if you like.
The Fables’ status as a market commodity is connected with their attractiveness to some very able and interesting artist/illustrators, notable among
whom have been Walter Crane, whose The Baby’s Own Aesop (1887), like his
The Baby’s Opera (1877), was a marvel of decorative book production—the true
connoisseurs’ art nouveau. My own favourite is probably Milo Winter’s gorgeous images for McNally & Co. in 1919. Enchanting illustrations often help the
packaging, presentation, and marketing of the Fables as a potential heirloom
that somehow offers continuity through a family line just as it offers cultural
continuity with ancient Greece: a typical sentence to find in a preface is this,
in Sally Grindley and John Bendall-Brunello’s Aesop’s Fables for the Very Young
(see above): they hope their book “will be treasured, read and re-read for generations to come.” That type of marketing is cleverly aimed at adults wanting
something very grown-up and abstract and a great deal more than a book for
children—they want a continuous genealogical line, a family tradition, and to
inscribe themselves into the memory of future generations. When all is said
and done, therefore, the phenomenon of “Aesop for children” is much better
understood as the phenomenon of “Aesop for adults who dictate what children
are given to read.” I end up agreeing with Rousseau and Paine rather than with
Locke and Godwin.
Yet rather than with Enlightenment and radical thinkers I conclude, instead,
with the fable of a fascinating twentieth-century woman of whom few today
have ever heard, Edith Farr Ridington of Maryland. After studying Greek and
archaeology at Mount Holyoke in Massachusetts and the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, Ridington taught Classics at McDaniel College in
western Maryland as an adjunct professor for several decades in the middle of
the twentieth century. She was particularly interested in Aristotle. In the journal Classical World for 1963 she reviewed a selection of children’s books that
used classical material, and confided that when faced with no fewer than three
new collections of Aesopic fables that had appeared that year:
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My experience with my own children tells me that any fable has a limited
appeal to the modern youngster, and a whole book of them, I am afraid,
would bore him excessively.23
Ridington’s reviews of classically informed children’s literature appeared annually for a while, and given her scepticism it is no surprise to find her only two
years later, faced with the next tranche of new Aesops for children, declaring
herself “somewhat puzzled by the proliferation of Aesop’s Fables.”24 Ridington,
a mother of four as well as a professor of Classics, who nurtured a passion for
reading in her children as they have detailed to me in e-mails, was experienced
at the parental coalface. And that experience allowed her to see with unprecedented clarity that the proof of the Aesopic pudding, when it comes to maintaining that it is a pudding really suitable for children, can only lie in its eating.
23
24
Edith Farr Ridington, “Review: Some Recent Historical Fiction and Juveniles, vi,” Classical
World 56.9 (1963): 278.
Edith Farr Ridington, “Review: Some Recent Historical Fiction and Juveniles, xi,” Classical
World 59.3 (1965): 77.
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chapter 11
A Gloss on Perspectives for the Study of African
Literature versus Greek and Oriental Traditions
Peter T. Simatei
As in African literature in general, most African children’s literature exhibits
what Richard van Leeuwen calls “a broad network of texts” and “an amalgam
of types of stories.”1 This is of course expected given the usual interaction between written and oral traditions in African literature, the former pointing to
European cultures accompanying imperial projects. Modern African literature
is essentially hybrid to the extent that it incorporates both European and African literary traditions. It is therefore born from a confluence of cultures.
Children’s literature draws in many instances from traditional folklore. In
any case, and until fairly recently, the first stories that children in Africa came
in contact with were orally transmitted fables and fairy tales. Indeed, even to
date, we still have oral and written forms of children’s literature existing side
by side. It is the written forms, though, that exhibit the kind of intertextual
borrowing I have referred to due to their affinity with European literary traditions. In fact, it was the desire of the writers of children’s stories in Africa to
offer alternatives to the European narratives that had dominated classrooms
in colonial Africa that led them to experiment with new forms of writing that
took cognizance of the holistic environment of the African child reader.2
In a sense, we can distinguish three kinds of borrowing/adaptations connected to the early construction of children’s literature in Africa. First, there
is the reproduction of oral tales, where writers merely record and publish versions of popular folklore for children’s consumption. In this category may also
be placed the translation into local languages of well-known universal myths,
fairy tales, and fables. Next, there is the more creative attempt to borrow from
1 Quoted after Thomas Geider, “Alfu Lela Ulela: The Thousand and One Nights in Swahilispeaking East Africa,” in Ulrich Marzolph, ed., Arabian Nights in Transnational Perspective
(Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2007), 183 (a version of Geider’s article was published
earlier in Fabula 45 [2004]: 246–260). For the original quotation see Richard van Leeuwen,
“Traduire Shéhérazade/Translating Shahrazad,” Transeuropéennes 22 (2002): 89–99.
2 On the general picture of African literature for children, see Osayimwense Osa, “The Expanding Universe of African Children’s Literature: The Why, the How, and the What of Publishing
in Africa about African Children’s Literature,” Journal of African Children’s and Youth Litera
ture 19–20 (2010–2012): 1–17 (which also contains more bibliographical hints).
© Peter T. Simatei, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_013
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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African folkloric materials and myths from other cultures in order to create
narratives that address new African realities. Third, there is the usual category
of imaginative fiction.
Let me now use a few examples to further illustrate the second category,
which I find especially relevant to this project because it consciously blends
African myths with mythic traditions of other cultures. I will begin with Chinua Achebe (1930–2013), a writer originated from Nigeria who is widely recognised as “the patriarch of the modern African novel” and whose borrowing
from the traditional resource base has made his writings, both for adult and
child readers, some of the most fascinating texts from Africa.3 Most of us know
Achebe more for his adult fiction than his children’s works. Among the books
he has written for children are such masterpieces as Chike and the River (1966),
How the Leopard Got His Claws (1972), The Flute (1977), and The Drum (1977).
The Drum is adapted from traditional African folklore. The writer reworks
this on two levels, providing on the lower level basic entertainment for the
child reader and on the higher level a discourse on power focusing on the
collapse of a fledgling oligarchy. The main character in this fable is Tortoise,
who is well known in African folktales for wit, trickery, and treachery. Other
stock characters that play these roles in animal stories include Hare, Rabbit,
and Spider, but also include deities in those narratives that exploit mythology
deeply. Adaptations of these characters vary depending on the intentions of
the authors: that is, whether they want to use the fables for overt ideological
purposes or to merely pass on some useful moral lessons. In most cases the stories that leave lasting impressions are those that leave the ideological messages
implicit while giving priority to the structures of the plot.
In any case, children’s books with implicit rather than explicit ideological
messages are in fact the most powerful because implicit “ideological positions
are invested with legitimacy through the implications that things are simply
so.”4 This is, in a sense, where Achebe’s adaptations of African folklore derive
their particular power. Ideology is encoded implicitly. In the case of the story
under discussion, The Drum, the essence of the plot lies in the tragic possibilities of the elements of trickery, wit, and treachery that constitute the character
traits of Tortoise.5
3 See Ruth Franklin, “After Empire: Chinua Achebe and the Great African Novel,” The New York
er, May 26, 2008, online at: http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2008/05/26/after-empire
(accessed June 27, 2016).
4 See John Stephens, Language and Ideology in Children’s Fiction, (London: Longman, 1992),
Ch. 1, “Ideology, Discourse and Narrative Fiction,” 8–46, quotation p. 9.
5 In the subsequent paragraphs on Achebe’s Drum I repeat my analysis published in my earlier
paper: “Ideological Inscription in Children’s Fiction: Strategies of Encodement in Ngugi and
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A Gloss on Perspectives for the Study OF AFRICAN LITERATURE
185
In this story, Tortoise stumbles accidentally into the land of the spirits as
he tries to retrieve a piece of fruit which has fallen into a hole. In the Animal
Country, a devastating famine has forced animals to traverse vast distances in
search of food. Tortoise, searching for food like the rest of the animals, has just
come upon a palm tree with plenty of fruit and has been lavishly feasting when
one fruit slips through his fingers and falls to the ground and into a hole.
In the spirit world Tortoise is given a magic drum to compensate him for his
fruit, which has already been eaten by a spirit boy. The drum is a sort of magic
wand, for all Tortoise needs to do is merely beat the drum gently and a variety
of food will appear. Upon his return to the Animal Country, Tortoise chooses to
exploit the drum as an instrument of power. He constructs a hierarchy of power relationships with himself at the top, a move which he begins by recasting
his incidental crossing to the spirit world as a messianic mission undertaken in
order to redeem the other animals from perpetual suffering. He says:
I said to myself: all the animals in the country will perish unless somebody comes forward to save them. Somebody who is prepared to risk his
own life for the sake of his fellows. And so I decided that person had to
be myself.6
Ideological encodement here is achieved through appropriation of a messianic
idiom in which self-sacrifice is invoked to legitimise ascendancy to absolute
power. Here may be seen a parallel to the self-serving ideologies of the postindependence political leadership. If Tortoise is to project himself as the unquestioned leader of the animals, he must fashion new terminologies to define
this new role and induce acceptance from the other animals. Hence he now
insists on referring to the Animal Country as a “Kingdom”—a strange term that
Tortoise introduces in order to presuppose a King and the hierarchical structures that go with him. Indeed, after several days of feasting, the animals come
to acknowledge Tortoise as their leader and benefactor:
Everyday the animals returned to the Tortoise’s compound and ate and
drank and went home singing his praise. They called him Saviour, Great
Chief, the One Who Speaks for his People. Then one day a very drunken
Achebe,” in Myrna Machet, Sandra Olën, and Thomas van der Walt, eds., Other Worlds—Other
Lives: Children’s Literature Experiences. Proceedings of the International Conference on Chil
dren’s Literature, 4–6 April 1995 (Pretoria: Pretoria Unisa Press–University of South Africa,
1996), vol. 2, 29–31.
6 Chinua Achebe, The Drum (Nairobi: Heinemann Kenya, 1988; ed. pr. 1977), 18.
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singer called him King Tortoise! Thereafter the great chant of the Animals
became:
“We! Want! Our! King!
Our! King Of! Kings!”7
Plans are then made for Tortoise’s coronation. But if the appropriation of the
magic drum ensured Tortoise’s ascendancy to power, its misappropriation
becomes the cause of his downfall. Kingship and the hierarchical order that
goes with it demand that Tortoise cease to play certain roles like the beating of
the drum. Tortoise makes a tragic blunder when he appoints Elephant to play
that role. Elephant’s supposedly gentle tap on the drum breaks it, and this effectively dislodges Tortoise from his position of power. His second journey to
the world of spirits in search of another drum ends in disaster when he picks
one whose beating yields all kinds of malicious masked spirits and swarms of
bees and wasps. He later unleashes them on the other animals, who as a result “scattered in every direction and have not yet stopped running.”8 This kind
of ending notwithstanding, the genre merely conceals a powerful ideological
construction.
What we see in this story by Achebe is an effort to reclaim folktales and
combine their motifs in new stories. We may note that even in the novels he
wrote for adult readers, Achebe often incorporated folktales in new ways.
Let me now turn to a different kind of adaptation and translation in which
popular western mythologies, especially Greek ones, are either reworked to
suit local contexts or are translated into local languages and abridged to suit
children.
Sophocles’ plays are a good example in this regard. King Oedipus and Anti
gone lend themselves especially to different usages in African contexts: they
provide material through which Greek mythology is incorporated into African
self-representation and they provide metaphors for confronting conditions of
domination and repression. Samuel S. Mushi translated Sophocles’ Oedipus
into Kiswahili as Mfalme Edipode in 1971,9 an act that had the effect of locating the Greek legend of Oedipus within the existing myths of East Africa in
an interesting process in which the written was appropriated by the oral. In
this respect Mfalme Edipode took on a life of its own and, like the oriental stories of Abu Nuwas (756–814), it found a firm place in the local folklore told to
children in East Africa. In the same vein, it may be argued that the translation
7 Ibid., 20.
8 Ibid.
9 Sophocles, Mfalme Edipode, trans. Samuel S. Mushi (Nairobi: Oxford University Press, 1971).
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A Gloss on Perspectives for the Study OF AFRICAN LITERATURE
187
or transposition of King Oedipus by Nigerian playwright Ola Rotimi in 1968
not only popularised the legend of Oedipus among African readers10 but also
transplanted Sophocles’ play into a Yoruba context, thus producing a clear hybrid text, which enabled a cultural dialogue with the West even as it addressed
specific events in Nigeria’s history. Rotimi’s adaptation, which he called The
Gods Are Not to Blame,11 “involves a fairly direct re-inscription of the premises,
plot, characters, and miseenscène of the Greek model into a text informed by
predominantly Yoruba and English cultural allegiances.”12
Indeed, the presence of Oriental and Greek literary traditions in Africa owes
a lot to translations or publications of these stories, especially by missionaries who used them for literacy classes and as texts for teaching moral lessons
to converts. Koliswa Moropa reveals how 114 of Aesop’s fables were translated
from English into Xhosa by James Ranisi Jolobe (1902–1976) and published in
1953 with the wider intention of developing the literature of the Xhosa language in general. Moropa writes that “Jolobe’s aim with this translation was
to ensure that these fables be passed on from one generation to the next by
parents reading and telling the stories to children still unable to read.”13
On the other hand, the translation of Oedipus into Kiswahili was part of
a major Tanzanian project of translating Western classics into Kiswahili. This
was pioneered by the then president of Tanzania, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere
(1922–1999), who translated a number of Shakespearean plays into Kiswahili.
Of course, Western canonical texts were already being translated into Kiswahili happening in the early colonial days, through missionaries or early European scholars of Kiswahili who thought they could develop Kiswahili literature
through the translation of European fiction. Henry Rider Haggard’s King Solo
mon’s Mines, Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe, Robert Louis Stevenson’s Trea
sure Island, Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels, and many others were translated
into Kiswahili as part of such a literary project. Similarly, an early adaptation
of Greek myths, Mashujaa: Hadithi za Wayonani [The heroes: the Greek tales],
was produced in 1889 after Charles Kingsley’s highly popular anthology The
Heroes, or Greek Fairy Tales for My Children (1856), and in the following year,
10
11
12
13
Rotimi’s play would later become a popular drama text in high schools and universities
across Africa.
Ola Rotimi, The Gods Are Not to Blame (London: Oxford University Press, 1971).
For an in-depth analysis of Rotimi’s adaptation of Sophocles’ play, see Barbara Goff’s and
Michael Simpson’s Crossroads in the Black Aegean: Oedipus, Antigone, and Dramas of the
African Diaspora (Oxford–New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), quotation p. 81.
Moropa Koliswa, “Retelling the Stories: The Impact of Aesop’s Fables on the Development
of Xhosa Children’s Literature,” South African Journal of African Languages 24.3 (2004):
178–188, quotation p. 178.
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Aesop’s fables were also adapted as Hadithi za Esopo.14 Most of these translations and adaptations available in Kiswahili were abridged versions so that a
younger African generation could access them.
Like Rotimi’s adaptation of Oedipus Rex in The Gods Are Not to Blame, other
more ambitious and more academic adaptations or re-writings of Greek mythology include Wole Soyinka’s The Bacchae of Euripides (1973), Femi Osofisan’s
Tegonni: An African Antigone (1994), and Athol Fugard’s re-working of Antigone
in The Island (1972).
So what has all this got to do with children’s literature in East Africa or Africa
in general? Most of these translations especially in their abridged versions,
were meant for direct consumption by young readers and so from the very
beginning constituted some kind of reading material for children and youth.
However, the most intriguing aspect of this is the way these stories left their
“written” forms to enter into day-to-day storytelling sessions in East Africa and
then returned to written forms.
Take, for example, oriental tales that include A Thousand and One Nights and
the stories of Abu Nuwas. Scholars point out that these tales were already part
and parcel of East African folklore centuries before they were popularly circulated through European book culture. Ida Hadjivayanis writes that the Arabian
Nights “have been an important part of the Kiswahili literary polysystem, initially as folklore and then for decades as canons,”15 so that later translators like
Edwin Brenn and Frederick Johnson were merely rendering into written form
what was already familiar. According to Thomas Geider, the first collection of
East African tales was presented by Edward Steere as Swahili Tales (1870) and
the stories in this collection contained traces of the Nights and Abu Nuwas’s
stories.16 However, the first Kiswahili edition of The Arabian Nights—Alfu Lela
Ulela—was published in 1929 and was meant for a young audience and thus
constitutes children’s literature of a kind. In a sense, this edition merely transformed the oral into the written.
As we can see, the studies on the character and evolution of children’s literature in Africa offer many challenges. In my gloss I have pointed only at some
particularly important examples that make us aware of how complex this field
is and what fascinating perspectives it offers.
14
15
16
Both works published in Zanzibar by the University Mission Press, the latter in 1890. See
Thomas Geider, “Die Ökumene des Swahili-sprachigen Ostafrika,” in Özkan Ezli, Dorothee Kimmich, and Annette Werberger, eds., Wider den Kulturenzwang: Migration, Kultu
ralisierung und Weltliteratur (Bielefeld: transcript Verlag, 2009), 379.
Ida Hadjivayanis, “Norms of Swahili Translations in Tanzania: An Analysis of Selected
Translated Prose,” Ph.D. thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies (London: University of London, 2011), 199.
See Geider, “Alfu Lela Ulela,” 248.
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chapter 12
Aesop’s Fables in Japanese Literature for Children:
Classical Antiquity and Japan
Beata Kubiak HoChi
The reception of Classical Antiquity in children’s literature has aroused my interest not only because it encompasses children’s literature: classical reception
is a relatively rare subject in that area of research, but also because of the need
to reflect on the impact of Classical Antiquity on Japanese culture. For years
my research has focused on Japanese literature and aesthetics, and although it
may sound strange, the question of the impact of Classical Antiquity on Japanese literature has never occurred to me before, due to the fact that, while in
the West great importance was assigned to Graeco-Roman culture, in Japan
this role was played by Chinese culture. From the introduction of Buddhism
(which came to Japan from China through Korea in the sixth century) until
the mid-nineteenth century, the Japanese archipelago remained heavily influenced by China—an influence seen in its writing, religion, philosophy, arts,
science, and system of government. And it was not until relatively recently, less
than a hundred and fifty years ago,1 that Western civilisation became a model
for Japan. And yet, despite the ongoing intensive Westernisation of Japanese
society ever since, and the existence of a rich literature in translation as well
as the strong influence of Western literary currents, Graeco-Roman thought
and literature have never become to Japan what they are to Europe. This is
because Japan has been dominated for many centuries by a melange of native, Buddhist, Confucian, and neo-Confucian ideals and morals. Although
European classics (and especially the Ancient Greek ones), often read in the
original languages, have gained their own place in courses on Western thought
in modern Japan, their impact on Japanese thought and the Japanese spirit
has been relatively insignificant.2 One exception seems to be Aesop’s fables,
which are recognised in Japan as well as in the West. Initially, these fables
were known in Japan under a name sounding quite foreign to the Japanese:
1 From the times of the so-called Meiji Restoration in 1868.
2 For more details on Graeco-Roman classics in Japan, see: Yasunari Takada, “Translatio and
Difference: Western Classics in Modern Japan,” in Susan A. Stephens and Phiroze Vasunia, eds., Classics and National Cultures (Oxford–New York: Oxford University Press, 2010),
285–301.
© Beata Kubiak Ho-Chi, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_014
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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KUBIAK HO-CHI
Esopono Fabulas [Aesop’s fables]. Later, they were called Isopo/Esopo3 Mono
gatari [Aesop’s tales] and now they are often entitled Isoppu Dōwa/Guwa [Aesop’s fairy-tales/fables], Isoppu Monogatari [Aesop’s tales], or simply Isoppu no
Ohanashi [Stories of Aesop].
They are read both by adults and children, and their numerous translations
and adaptations, allowing those fables to be enjoyed today even by three-yearold Japanese children, prove not only the exceptional universality of Aesop’s
fables, but also the recognition by the Japanese of their educational value.
Aesop’s Fables from Amakusa
The history of Aesop’s fables in Japan is unusual. They have been known in
this country since as far back as the sixteenth century, which is astonishing,
given the fact that more detailed knowledge of Western literature (including
children’s literature) dates only from the second half of the nineteenth century. Aesop’s fables initiated the history of translation literature in Japan and,
along with Robinson Crusoe, they are among the first Western literary works
dedicated to Japanese children.4 Published in 1593 under the title of Esopono
Fabulas, and containing seventy fables, they were inextricably linked with the
activity of Christian missionaries in the Japanese islands. Following the arrival
in 1549 of the Jesuit Saint Francis Xavier (1506–1562) at Kagoshima on Kyushu
Island, a large number of missionaries came to Japan. One of them, Alessandro Valignano (1539–1606), established educational institutes named collegio
to educate priests so that they could better preach Christianity to the Japanese.
He transported a printing press from Lisbon (in 1590) in order to print manuals and textbooks for preaching and also for teaching the Japanese language
3 Since roughly the nineteenth-century, characters composing the word “Aesop” were read as
“Isoppu.” I shall therefore use this form later in this chapter.
4 See Shin Torigoe, Hajimete Manabu Nihon Jidō Bungakushi [History of Japanese literature for
children for beginners] (Tōkyō: Mineruba Shobō, 2006), 53–54; also Yuichi Midzunoe, “Aesop’s Arrival in Japan,” text edited and composed for pdf by Francis Britto (2005), in Francis
Britto, ed., All about Francis Xavier. Commemorating the 450th Anniversary of Xavier’s Arrival
in Japan, http://pweb.cc.sophia.ac.jp/britto/xavier/midzunoe/midzuyui.pdf (accessed Sept.
18, 2015), 1–2. Aesop’s fables in Japan, as in Europe, were first intended mostly for adults. But
their simplicity and the presence of animal characters made them appealing to children as
well. Adaptations clearly intended for children began to appear only in the nineteenth century. As for Robinson Crusoe, its first Japanese adaptation dates back to 1848, but the edition
considered easy to read, and hence dedicated also to children, appeared in 1857. See Torigoe,
Hajimete Manabu Nihon Jidō Bungakushi, 65.
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to foreign priests. In this way, priests could establish contact with local people
more easily and acquire a better knowledge of Japanese culture and mentality. They could also fulfil their mission more effectively, which was to convert
Japanese people to the Christian religion.5
Esopono Fabulas are among the twenty-nine books published precisely for
that purpose by the missionaries on the small island of Amakusa on the west
coast of Kyushu, and they are known in Japan as “the books from Amakusa”
(Amakusahon) or “Christian books” (kirishitanban).6 Only one copy of Esopono
Fabulas survives, thanks to an English diplomat who brought it back from Japan
in the nineteenth century. This priceless copy is now in the British Museum.7
The fables were translated into Japanese from Latin and printed not with
Japanese characters, but in romanised Japanese. The translation was made in a
simple and colloquial language, close to the spoken language of that time and
containing expressions derived from the local dialect. This also allowed children coming to church to understand the moral principles contained therein.8
Aesop’s Fables during the Edo Period in Japan
It was the moral purity of Aesop’s fables, taught by these easy to narrate short
stories, which was essential to Christian missionaries. But later, in the beginning of the seventeenth century when Christianity had been forbidden in Japan and books from Amakusa had been censored, Aesop’s fables continued
to enjoy popularity and were still frequently republished, this time in order to
promote Buddhist virtues. During the so-called closed-door policy in the Edo
period (1603–1868), which lasted from 1636 to 1868, when Japan was almost
completely isolated from foreign influences, nine editions of selected Aesop’s
fables were published. The first was issued in Kyoto in 1639 and began a series of editions in which both the text of the fables and the accompanying
5 See Sadao Mutō, “Kaisetsu” [Commentary], in Sadao Mutō, ed., Manji Eirihon. Isopo Monoga
tari [The illustrated book of the Manji Era. Aesop’s tales] (Tōkyō: Iwanami Bunko, 2012; ed. pr.
2000), 329–331.
6 The vast majority of those books related to Christian themes, see, e.g., Santosu no Gosagyō
[The deeds of the saints and apostles, 1591] or Dochirina Krishitan [Christian doctrine, 1592].
However, some of them, such as the great Japanese heroic poem Heike Monogatari [The tale
of the Heike, 1593], language textbooks, grammar books, dictionaries (Latin-PortugueseJapanese), or Esopono Fabulas itself, were secular literature. See Midzunoe, “Aesop’s Arrival
in Japan,” 4.
7 See Mutō, “Kaisetsu,” 329–330.
8 See Torigoe, Hajimete Manabu Nihon Jidō Bungakushi, 53.
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illustrations, often made by known creators of ukiyoe woodcuts, were printed
with the use of wooden matrices. This time the fables were written in a more
demanding, literary language, in which the Japanese phonetic alphabet hira
gana was mixed with Chinese characters,9 and Aesop’s fables thus lost their
character of simple stories which everybody (including children) could understand. No more were their readers intended to be religious or Christian, instead
they were courtiers and warriors living in the capital, and also merchants.
Through these last, who travelled throughout Japan selling their merchandise,
the stories spread to other urban areas. To the popular reader, these so-called
“Aesop’s Fables written in national characters” (“kokujihon Isopo Monogatari”)
appeared as moral narratives in which, as Yuichi Mizunoe stresses, the Buddhist ideas of cause and effect were heavily emphasised.10 However, regardless
of their moralising character, these fables were appreciated also as funny stories and were often read for entertainment. One of the best-known editions of
that time, developed by an expert in Japanese literature, Sadao Mutō, is Manji
Eirihon. Isopo Monogatari [The illustrated book from the Manji Era. Aesop’s
tales], dating to 1659. The names of the editor and woodcut authors illustrating
the fables are not confirmed.11
Aesop’s Fables and Children’s Literature in Modern Japan
The true popularity of Aesop’s fables and their actual inclusion in children’s
literature began only in the nineteenth century, when Japan realised through
the translation of Western literature the existence and the growing need of real
books for children. Before, there existed books containing popular, well-known
Japanese tales and legends, but they were not intended only for children, but
for less educated people in general. Because of the colour of their covers, they
were called akahon (red booklets) and belonged to so-called kusazōshi, books
written in the phonetic alphabet (kana) and printed with the use of woodcut
matrices. These books, usually ten pages long with one big illustration on each
page, were part of a larger whole (gōkan). Although there were some editions
9
10
11
Those books, commonly called kanazōshi (notebooks written in kana), were published in
Japan in the years 1610–1680.
See Midzunoe, “Aesop’s Arrival in Japan,” 5. In the main text I spell the author’s name as
Mizunoe, applying the most common romanisation system of Japanese language in use
today, the Hepburn system.
See Sadao Mutō, ed., Manji Eirihon. Isopo Monogatari (see above, n. 5).
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containing tales written especially for children, most of them consisted of
popular, well-known stories and anecdotes (otogizōshi), such as the famous
tale about a boy born from a peach—Momotarō [Peach boy], about a little
sparrow which had its tongue cut out by an evil old woman—Shitakiri Suzume
[Tongue-cut sparrow], or about a bad racoon dog (tanuki) to whom the hare
taught a lesson—Kachikachiyama [Clack clack mountain].12 Regardless of the
fact that most of these books were written in the phonetic alphabet, this spelling form (called hentaigana) was more difficult than the contemporary kana,
so it required a better knowledge of reading. Therefore, it is believed that these
fables were usually read aloud by one person, while the elderly and children
listened. This type of tale existed from the mid-Edo period (ca. 1673) to the
beginning of the Meiji era (1868), and then was replaced by the modern type
of tales (dōwa).13
The first modern books for children, written by Japanese authors, began
to appear in Japan at the beginning of the 1890s. Koganemaru [The dog Koganemaru] by Sazanami Iwaya and Shōnen no Tama [The treasure of boys] by
Hirotada Miwa are considered the two most important works, together inaugurating the history of modern Japanese literature for children. They are the
first novel-length stories written for young readers, and were both published
in 1891.14 This means that in the field of children’s literature, Japan was delayed by about half a century compared with the West, where modern children’s literature began earlier with fairy tales by the Brothers Grimm and Hans
Christian Andersen.15 The reason for this delay was the over two-hundredyear isolation of Japan, which disrupted the penetration of modern Western
thought. Therefore “the discovery of the child” took place later there. It was
12
13
14
15
See Haruo Shirane, ed., Early Modern Japanese Literature (New York: Columbia University
Press, 2002), 672–673.
See Megumi Iwabuchi, “Kusazōshi—Edo Nihon ni okeru E to Bun no Yūgō—Kusazōshi:
Illustrated Japanese Books in the Edo Period,” Yūgō Bunka Kenkyū [The bulletin of the
International Society for Harmony and Combination of Cultures] 3 (May 2004): 18–25,
http://atlantic.gssc.nihon-u.ac.jp/~ISHCC/bulletin/03/3035.pdf (accessed Oct. 27, 2015).
See Shin Torigoe, Nihon Jidō Bungaku Annai. Sengo Jidō Bungaku Kakushin made [A guide
to Japanese literature for children. From the postwar period to the reform times] (Tōkyō:
Rironsha, 1987; ed. pr. 1963), 10–33.
The first tales for children written by the Brothers Grimm were published in 1812 under
the title Kinder- und Hausmärchen [Children’s and household tales]. Andersen’s fairy tales
were first published in 1835, and from the 1840s numerous translations began to appear,
bringing him true fame throughout the world. The beginnings of children’s literature in
general dates back to 1740, though this issue is still subject to fervid discussions among
scholars.
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only the translation of Western literature, which began to develop intensively
in Japan from the 1870s, that made Japanese authors realise the existence of
such a branch of literature as “books for children.” In time, fairy tales by Andersen and the Brothers Grimm and Frances Hodgson Burnett’s The Little Lord
Fauntleroy (1886) became widely known and popular among Japanese young
readers.16 However, it was Aesop’s fables that became more important in translation literature in this modernising country, and contributed significantly to
the development of Japanese literature for children.17
The most famous edition in modern Japan was that of 1872–1875, entitled
Tsūzoku Isoppu Monogatari [Aesop’s fables for all]. The translation of two hundred and twenty-seven fables included in this six-volume edition18 was done
from English by On Watanabe (1837–1898), a progressive activist and educator
of the Japanese Enlightenment, the teacher of English in a very progressive
school at that time (Numazu Heigakkō). The first five volumes of Aesop’s Fables
for All were based on the English translation of Aesop’s Fables done by Thomas
James and published in 1863 by John Murray in London. That book was brought
to Japan in 1868 by another famous educator and writer, Masakazu Toyama,
who was then in England on a scholarship. The sixth volume was based on
Three Hundred Aesop’s Fables translated by Flyer Townsend in London, as well
as on premodern editions of Isopo Monogatari.19 It was a completely new
translation, compared with the previous ones which had been based on texts
from the Edo period. The epochal significance of this edition, so famous in
Japan, consisted in using simple, everyday language in the translation, just like
the sixteenth-century missionary translations. Watanabe introduced a completely modern style of translation using the spoken language, which was a
phenomenon at a time when literature was still styled on the difficult, Chinese
model of writing (so-called kanbun). Watanabe chose women and children
as the main addressees of the fables; not only from the cities, but also from
the provinces, which had been mentioned in the introduction of his book.20
16
17
18
19
20
See Torigoe, Hajimete Manabu Nihon Jidō Bungakushi, 59–61.
Aesop’s fables are also among the only works from Greek Antiquity that were edited in
Japan specifically for children in the first twenty years after the opening of the country
(1868–1888). A lot of books for children had already appeared in Japan at that time. Torigoe lists about seventy titles among which, apart from Aesop’s fables, there are no other
pieces of Greek literature. See ibid., 3–5.
Each volume contains around forty fables.
See Tsūzoku Isoppu Monogatari [Aesop’s fables for all], Kokubungaku Kenkyū Shiryōkan
[National Institute for Japanese Literature], http://www.nijl.ac.jp/pages/articles/200507/
(accessed Sept. 18, 2015).
See Torigoe, Hajimete Manabu Nihon Jidō Bungakushi, 61.
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In order for the fables to better appeal to Japanese readers, Watanabe coloured
them a little with Japanese style.21 He also took care that a simple phonetic
alphabet be placed above difficult characters in the text. Each volume was also
enriched with illustrations by well-known masters of painting and woodcuts,
such as Kyosai Kawanabe, who painted with the vigorous line of the Kanō
school; Kōson Sakaki, famous for his sketches; and Bainan Fujisawa.22
About twenty translations of Aesop’s fables published in subsequent years
were modelled precisely on that innovative translation done by Watanabe, e.g.,
fables translated by Tsunekichi Ōkubo (1886) or Tatsusaburō Tanaka (1888).
Among them, were two editions clearly intended to be read by children. These
were by Suimu Nishimura—Isoppu no Hanashi [Stories of Aesop, 1893] and
Sazanami Iwaya—Isoppu Otogi [Aesop’s fables, 1911].23 Thus, at the turn of the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Aesop’s fables had become in Japan an
integral part of the developing, modern literature for children.
Aesop’s Fables in Watanabe’s translation have also had an important impact
on Japanese education. From 1872, when a modern school system based on
the Western model began to be introduced throughout the country, the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture introduced some of the fables into primary school textbooks. Since then, many of them have become permanently
included in primary school textbooks and used for Japanese, English, ethics, or
singing lessons. The moral principles contained therein—the praise of good
and reproof of evil—fit well the Enlightenment spirit of modernising Japan.
The Tortoise and the Hare in Japanese Textbooks
One of the most famous of Aesop’s fables in Japan is the story about the tortoise and the hare. The fable is so well-known and appreciated in Japan that
21
22
23
Compare, e.g., The Ant and the Grasshopper translated into English by Thomas James and
into Japanese by On Watanabe, included in Torigoe, Hajimete Manabu Nihon Jidō Bungakushi, 63–64.
See Tsūzoku Isoppu Monogatari [Aesop’s fables for all], Tamagawa Daigaku Kyōiku
Hakubutsukan [Museum of Education of Tamagawa University], http://www.tamagawa.
ac.jp/museum/archive/1991/019.html (accessed Sept. 18, 2015).
See Gen’ichirō Fukawa, “Kyōiku Bunkashi to shite no Kokugo Kyōkasho Kenkyū. Isoppu
Dōwa ‘Usagi to Kame’ no Baai” [History of education through studies of textbooks of Japanese: ‘The fable of the tortoise and the hare’ by Aesop], in Kokugo Kyōkasho Kenkyū no
Hōhō [Studies on Japanese-language textbooks], Zenkoku Daigaku Kokugo Kyōiku Gakkai [The Japanese Teaching Society of Japan], Kōkai Kōza Bukuretto [Extension lecture
booklet] 2 (2012): 22–23, http://www.gakkai.ac (accessed Dec. 18, 2015).
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Figure 12.1 Odekake Times Teruminkofu, The Race of a Hare and a Turtle, Toyosato School,
Shiga Prefecture, http://blog.goo.ne.jp/sztimes
© by Odekake Times Teruminkofu
not only has it been included in Japanese textbooks, and gained a presence
in almost every collection of translations of children’s literature in this country, but its characters have even become a part of the decoration of a primary
school (see figure 12.1).24
The fable concerns a hare who ridicules a slow-moving tortoise. During the
race, the hare soon leaves the tortoise behind and, confident of winning, takes
a nap midway through the course. The tortoise gets tired quickly but he keeps
going. When the hare awakens, however, he finds that his competitor, crawling
slowly but steadily, has arrived before him.
Based on that fable, Gen’ichirō Fukawa examined the different ways of using
Aesop’s fables in Japanese schools, as well as the evolution of their moral message, from the 1880s until the beginning of the twentieth century.25 The fable
of the tortoise and the hare was included in the reading textbook in Japanese
24
25
The race between the tortoise and the hare, illustrated with bronze figures, can be found
on the handrails of wooden stairs in the Toyosato Elementary School, Shiga Prefecture,
built in 1937. See Usagi to Kame no Episōdo [The episode of the hare and the tortoise],
https://archive.is/GMVsO (accessed Aug. 27, 2016).
See Gen’ichirō Fukawa, Usagi to Kame no Kyōiku Bunkashi. Kyōkasho no Naka no Isoppu
Dōwa [History of education through the tortoise and the hare. The fable of the tortoise
and the hare in textbooks], http://www001.upp.so-net.ne.jp/gen-chan/usagitokame.html
[pages not numbered] (accessed Sept. 18, 2015) and Fukawa, “Kyōiku Bunkashi to shite no
Kokugo Kyōkasho Kenkyū,” 19–30.
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197
primary schools published by the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture
in 1886. The story was there presented as an illustration of a highly estimated
virtue in Japan: great effort (doryoku). In other textbooks, from 1887, the same
fable also illustrated the need to avoid negligence and inattention. A common
tendency in all textbooks of this period was to use the original purpose of Aesop’s fables, which was moral teachings, to teach children the principles of
good conduct. This moral, usually located in Aesop’s fables at the end of the
story, was replaced in textbooks by a moral virtue, that was clearly indicated
and presented at the beginning and that the fable then illustrated.
As Fukawa noted, in books published between 1897 and 1902, at the end of
the Meiji period, the moral message of the fables tended to fade. Since 1900,
there has been a significant change in Japanese-language textbooks: sentences
were simplified, the language became more child-friendly, texts became more
interesting, and simple illustrations were added. The fables were narrated with
a small amount of text, easy to understand for children. And the readers knew
by assumption the whole context of the fable, including everything that was
not written. The moralistic character of the fables did not entirely disappear,
but teachings were not given as directly as before, and now had to be inferred
from the story. Sometimes the moral was not given at all, but the teacher very
likely discussed it afterward with the pupils. One can imagine that he or she
tried to inculcate a belief in the value of work and effort (doryoku, mentioned
earlier), whose symbol was the tortoise, and that he or she disapproved the
“overconfidence” (yudan taiteki) which led to the hare’s defeat.26
The fable of the tortoise and the hare was used similarly in textbooks from
1907, both in those for learning to read and those for learning English. In the
latter, alongside the fable there were explanations added by the translator, and
the moral was thoroughly explained using examples from pupils’ daily lives.
At the same time, the importance of being diligent, and not relying solely on
talent, was stressed.27
Aesop’s Fables in Twentieth-Century Children’s Literature
Aesop’s fables, appearing constantly in Japanese pre- and postwar textbooks,
thus entered permanently into the canon of Japanese literature for children.
Their interesting content, in which animals play an important role, as well as
their simplicity and clear logic, ensured that the fables would easily win over
26
27
Ibid.
Ibid.
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the hearts of Japanese children. And this was not just due to the fact that children learnt about them at school, but mainly because Aesop’s fables were interesting and pleasant for them to read. The fact that the moralistic character of
the fables has declined also allows the story itself to gain greater importance.28
Thus, Aesop’s fables were include in almost all the prewar Japanese editions
of collections of world literature dedicated to children (from 1916, 1925, 1927,
1929, 1933, 1937). Postwar editions of Aesop’s fables for children in Japan are
so numerous that it is difficult to count them all. There is virtually no major
edition of foreign literature for children in Japan that does not contain Aesop’s
fables. This is confirmed by the series of books for children published by such
large and well-known publishing houses as Iwanami Shōnen Bunko [Iwanami
Publishing’s Library for Children, 1950] or Kodansha publishing, which edited
in 1961 a representative collection of tales for children, Jidō Bungaku Zenshū
[The complete collection of children’s literature].
There are also editions for younger children, containing adaptations of Aesop’s fables or new tales based on them. In those works, the story is narrated
in an interesting and funny way, and the moral is not clearly expressed. The fables are often much changed: a cruel ending is softened, sometimes the animal
characters make friends (contrary to the original), or some new circumstances
are added leading to a significant event. The text is written in a language appropriate to the age, mimetic and onomatopoeic words are often used, and the
stories are richly illustrated.
Let’s take a closer look at two examples of contemporary Japanese editions
of Aesop’s fables for children. One, intended for children aged about nine to
ten and the other for younger children, aged between three and six.
The first one, included in the aforementioned Iwanami Shōnen Bunko series, first published in 1955, then reprinted twice, is entitled Isoppu no Ohanashi [Aesop’s stories] and was published by Yoichi Kōno, a university teacher,
Romanist, and philosopher.29 On the back cover it states that it is intended for
third–fourth graders and above. It contains three hundred fables organised in
an interesting fashion: first there is a group of the fifteen fables most famous
in Japan,30 and the rest are divided into groups of tales about different animal
28
29
30
See Torigoe, Hajimete Manabu Nihon Jidō Bungakushi, 62.
See Yoichi Kōno, ed., Isoppu no Ohanashi [Aesop’s stories] (Tōkyō: Iwanami Shōnen Bunko, 2011; ed. pr. 1955).
Those are the fables known in English as: The Fox and the Crow, The Ant and the Grasshopper, The Dog and Its Reflection, The Fox and the Grapes, The Town Mouse and the Country
Mouse, The Lion and the Mouse, The North Wind and the Sun, The Ass Carrying Salt, The
Frogs Who Desired a King, The Bundle of Sticks, The Fisherman and His Nets, The Tortoise
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Aesop’s Fables in Japanese Literature for Children
199
species, insects, and humans.31 The fables are dramatised with dialogues,
and the final moral sounds like an explanation of the translator rather than
a faithful translation. Care was taken to include realistic, black-and-white illustrations familiarising children with Greek culture, and as for Aesop himself,
Greece, and the history of the fables, children can read about them in the afterword, written by the editor in a relatively simple language, easy to understand
for ten-year-olds.
The second book, aimed at three- to six-year-old children and their parents
(as indicated on the cover) is entitled Isoppu Dōwa Nijūgobanashi [Twentyfive of Aesop’s fairy tales].32 This charming book features large coloured illustrations on each page. Despite the young age of the intended reader, the
title shows Aesop’s name (Isoppu), but it is written not with ideograms, but in
the simple Japanese phonetic alphabet. The titles of the twenty-five fables are
presented along with their illustrations not only in the table of contents, but
also on the back cover. In the afterword, entitled Isoppu Dōwa no Miryoku [The
charm of Aesop’s fables], the publisher has provided relevant information
about Aesop, the history of the fables, and the time and place they were created. The fables themselves are written in a simple language, with easy-to-read
characters. The text (with no final moral at all) constitutes only a small part of
the whole, while most important are the colour illustrations, made using different techniques and in different styles, by contemporary visual artists (whose
names appear below picture). The illustrations refer not to Ancient Greece,
but rather to universal reality. A very interesting part of this edition, worthy of
in-depth research, is the instructions for parents at the end. These are written
by Yōko Yokoyama—a specialist in the field of children’s literature. She advises
parents on how to explain each story, what should be noted, and what should
be avoided. For the fable of the tortoise and the hare, the emphasis is put on
self-affirmation, on the child’s self-confidence, and on building good relationships with friends. Parents are advised that they should draw their child’s attention to how strongly the tortoise believes in itself and to how it gives the
best of itself in the race, not treating its slowness as a defect. However, parents
are also advised not to focus on highlighting the hare as a bad character.33
A common feature of both these editions is their excellent quality, manifesting itself in the great care taken with their graphic design, attractiveness, and
31
32
33
and the Hare, The Bear and the Two Travellers, The Woodcutter and the Trees, and The Boy
Who Cried Wolf; see Yoichi Kōno, ed., Isoppu no Ohanashi, 13–45.
Ibid., 46–318.
See Isoppu Dōwa Nijūgobanashi [Twenty-five of Aesop’s fairy tales] (Tōkyō: Gakken, 2010).
Ibid., 124.
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KUBIAK HO-CHI
the publishers’ effort to maintain the educational character of the fables. This
also involves an awareness of the curiosity of young Japanese readers, informing them where the fables come from and who their author was. In both editions, Aesop is mentioned not only in the title, but information about him and
about the history of the fables is given in the afterword.
Not only these editions of Aesop’s fables, but also many others recently issued in Japan, seem to confirm their important place in Japanese literature
for children, as well as their timeless, universal educational value. However,
the question should be raised about the actual popularity of Aesop’s fables
among young readers in contemporary Japan. Surveys by the Mainichi Shin
bunsha [The Mainichi newspapers], which have been verifying reading trends
in schools since 1957, as well as surveys conducted among junior high school
students, suggest a negative trend. Thus, Aesop’s fables were read by boys until
around the 1980s, and a little longer by girls (until the 1990s), but in recent
years, especially in the last decade, Japanese children have not been reading
Aesop.34 Could it be that Japanese children, living in a postmodern world, in
a time of developed information technologies, computer games, animated
fantasy movies, etc., and without necessary encouragement from parents and
teachers, have stopped reading Aesop’s fables? It seems probable. However,
from time to time new, animated versions of the fables appear. Likewise, in
the very dynamic Japanese market of books for children, Aesop’s fables are
constantly present in a variety of editions. We can thus assume that the fables
are read to younger children and at least known by older ones, and that Aesop,
whose fables enjoy such a long and extraordinary history, remains a valuable
ambassador of Classical Antiquity in Japan.
34
Fukawa, Usagi to Kame no Kyōiku Bunkashi. Kyōkasho no Naka no Isoppu Dōwa.
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chapter 13
Vitalis the Fox: Remarks on the Early Reading
Experience of a Future Historian of Antiquity
in Poland (1950s–1960s)
Adam Łukaszewicz
Ce que l’on voit dans cet écrit
Est moins un conte en l’air que la vérité même.
Tout est beau dans ce que l’on aime;
Tout ce qu’on aime a de l’esprit.
charles perrault, Riquet à la houppe (Moralité)
∵
The following random selection from my early readings dealing either directly
or indirectly with the ancient world begins with a Romanian novel for young
readers Toate pinzele sus! [All sails up!] (1954) by Radu Tudoran (1910–1992).
It is a modern version of the story of the Argonauts, retold in a nineteenthcentury setting. The friendship between Orestes and Pylades, and a search for
a missing friend, which becomes an original motivation for a sea expedition
(a distant echo of the Great Greek Colonisation?), can both be found in Tudoran’s novel. It also includes an anecdote about the name of Istanbul, allegedly
a distortion of the post-ancient Greek phrase is tin polin, “to the city.” (That
charming etymology is in my opinion incorrect. Istanbul is a Turkish version
of Stanpoli, an abbreviation of Konstantinoupolis.)
The Polish prewar novel Ostatni faraon [The last pharaoh] (1929) by
Jerzy Mariusz Taylor (1887–1941) (the actual family name of a Polish author,
journalist, and novelist, who was perhaps a descendant of seventeenth-century
foreign settlers) contains a degree of knowledge of the ancient world. The idea
of a remnant of ancient Egyptian civilisation surviving somewhere in Africa is
very attractive. The novel’s main character is a Polish archaeologist. Another
protagonist is the last pharaoh. The story was written at a time of increasing
interest in ancient Egypt after the discovery of the tomb of Tutankhamun in
1922. In Poland a second factor that stimulated general interest in the country
on the Nile was Marshal Józef Piłsudski’s sojourn in Egypt in 1932, the year in
which the novel under discussion was reedited.
© Adam Łukaszewicz, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_015
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Łukaszewicz
Władysław Zambrzycki’s (1891–1962) Nasza Pani Radosna, czyli dziwne przy
gody pułkownika Armji Belgijskiej Gastona Bodineau [Our Lady of Joy, or strange
adventures of Gaston Bodineau, a colonel in the Belgian Army] (1931) contains
an explicit description of the ancient world. It is not a book for children, but
I read it when I was no more than twelve years old. The protagonists, two Belgians and two Poles, after some difficult years in Greece and Italy, decide to
escape from the modern world. The use of some alkaloids allows the party to
be transported in time to Vespasian’s Italy. At Pompeii they produce strong
alcoholic drinks under the obvious name of aqua vitae. They also introduce
and fabricate playing cards. One of the Belgians, who was a football coach,
forms two teams—the Pompeian fullones and gladiators. Life in Pompeii is
described as joyful. Zambrzycki’s novel contains, among other inventions of
the author, an apocryphal letter of Saint Luke to Theophilus, with a somewhat
unconventional version of Christian theology. After the volcanic eruption of
79 ad, which casts a shadow over the humorous narrative, the story ends with
the return of the protagonists to modern times, together with a pagan priest and
a statue of Juno, which they set up near the village church in the Ardennes and
which soon becomes a miraculous Notre Dame de Liesse (“Our Lady of Joy”).
The most fascinating book, however, which I read as a child was Bolesław
Leśmian’s (1877–1937) variant of The Arabian Nights in two volumes: Klechdy
sezamowe [Sesame tales] and Przygody Sindbada Żeglarza [The adventures of
Sinbad the sailor] of 1913. The genius of the great Polish poet (a relative of Jan
Brzechwa, see below) transformed these Oriental stories into jewels of Polish
literature. Incidentally, Leśmian’s adaptation contains fewer violent episodes
than the original stories.
An excellent Polish novel for children about Classical Antiquity is Witold
Makowiecki’s (1902–1946) Diossos (ed. 1950). Like Halina Rudnicka’s (1909–
1982) Uczniowie Spartakusa [The disciples of Spartacus] (1951), Makowiecki’s
novel was also influenced to a certain extent by the ideology of the time. The
book concerns, among other topics, the fate of slaves, in accordance with the
then endorsed version of Antiquity. The ancient past was at that time often
interpreted as a world of slaves and their masters. This view was not entirely off
the mark, although it cannot be applied to all countries and periods of ancient
history.
In my childhood I enjoyed translations of Hugh Lofting’s masterpieces on
Doctor Dolittle and the excellent books by Edith Nesbit, in which a reminiscence of Antiquity is also present. Reading the Jungle Book by Rudyard Kipling
was fascinating, especially the first part, since it creates a mysterious and exotic world in which humans and animals are equal. Kipling’s Just So Stories also
belonged to the canon of children’s literature in Poland at that time.
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Vitalis the Fox
203
I will never forget the moment when, at the age of four, I realised that I had
just read my first entire book. The book was entitled Szelmostwa lisa Witalisa
[The tricks of Vitalis the fox] by Jan Brzechwa (1898 or, as he later claimed,
1900–1966). The poem was first published in 1948 as a separate booklet, masterly illustrated by a great artist, Jan Marcin Szancer (1902–1973).1
The story, which Brzechwa tells in verse, is as follows:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
History knows a number of famous foxes (a list follows). The most excellent fox, however, was Vitalis. There follows the description of the
fox, with a particular focus on his splendid tail and unusual intellectual
capacities.
Vitalis’s den was located in a forest, somewhere beyond Łomża, a town in
the northeastern part of Poland. The den contained intricate devices—a
mirror which had the property of signalling plots against Vitalis, a box
with a glass which enabled him to see to a distance, a silver plate which
was always full, and a golden comb to take care of his splendid tail.
A story of the fox and some bears exemplifies Vitalis’s typical behaviour:
Vitalis led five hungry bears to a farm, promising them young piglets as
easy prey. Just as he expected, the bears were attacked by the dogs of the
farm and had to escape. During the confusion Vitalis managed to steal
some poultry for himself.
The fox urged the hungry animals of the wood to bring him lard in addition to a large quantity of snow, from which excellent pancakes would be
baked in his miraculous oven. The raw material was brought, but the result was only water. The fox accused the animals of having brought snow
of bad quality. Naturally, he took the lard for himself.
The animals of the wood elected their president. The presidential campaign of Vitalis was full of promises. His alazoneia (braggadocio) resulted
in a unanimous election.
Vitalis’s authoritarian government levied disastrous taxes and exploited
the animals ruthlessly. Vitalis behaved more and more like an absolute
monarch.
In these unbearable circumstances a conspiracy arose. The wolf plotted a
revolution. Vitalis was captured, his splendid tail was shaven bald, and he
was expelled from the wood amid the laughter of all the animals. Nobody
saw him again.
1 Jan Brzechwa, Szelmostwa lisa Witalisa (Warszawa—Kraków: Wydawnictwo E. Kuthana,
1948), reprinted in his Wiersze wybrane [Selected poems] (Warszawa: piw, 1955), 62–83.
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Łukaszewicz
Stories of animals are an important part of the ancient literary heritage from
Mesopotamia and Egypt through Aesop to Phaedrus and Avianus. Animal tales
are also present in other cultures. Suffice it to mention the animal stories of the
Indian Pañchatantra.
The fox plays a special role in the post-ancient versions of Aesop. This is
particularly evident in the French Le Roman de Renart of the twelfth century,
which under cover of a story about animals refers to mediaeval society. Johann
Wolfgang von Goethe used the German version of the story in his Reinecke
Fuchs of 1793. Among the fanciful stories of the Gesta Romanorum, there is also
a story of Sardanapalus “king of Greece” in which the fox appears as a negative
symbol. In the same collection of tales, there is an example of one Tiberius,
who was transformed into a wicked man, Liberius, by his assumption of imperial power: not exactly a parallel to Vitalis, but certainly a warning to rulers
who become bad after assuming supreme power.2 The fox as a symbol is also
present in the Bible (foxes in a vineyard, an allegory often used in European
literature, e.g., by Lion Feuchtwanger as the title of a novel).3 The later Latin
usage of vulpes includes sayings which confirm the topos of the smart fox, such
as “intravit ut vulpes, regnavit ut leo, mortuus est ut canis,” or the exclamation
“o vulpes astuta!,” well known to the readers of the Polish Nobel Prize–winner
Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846–1916), etc.
The story of Vitalis is a story of hubris. Polycrates of Samos is to a certain
extent a prototype of Vitalis: a fortunate and brilliant dictator, whose end,
however, was horrible, due to his hubris.4
Successful tricks of rulers appear in Herodotus and are also present in the
Chinese Book of Stratagems. The mirror—used by Vitalis as a kind of alarm—
appears as a magical instrument in various old stories, including the genuine
ancient ones. The magical properties of a katoptron were present, for example,
in versions of Alexander Romance, in which Alexander the Great used a special
mirror to detect enemies.
In Brzechwa’s story, the revolution instigated by the wolf contains typical
elements of an ancient political conspiracy, including a speech by the leader
about the necessity of removing the tyrant, such as in Herodotus’s story of a
coup d’état in the Achaemenid Empire.5 In the case of Vitalis the final solution
2 Gesta Romanorum, nos. 204, 205.
3 On the fox as a symbol, cf. Anna Nikliborc, Od baśni do prawdy. Szkice z dziejów literatury
zachodniej dla dzieci i młodzieży [From fable to truth. Sketches from the history of Western
literature for children and young adults] (Warszawa: Nasza Księgarnia, 1981), 12.
4 Hdt. 3.39–45, 121–125.
5 Hdt. 3.69–73.
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Vitalis the Fox
205
was not a repetition of the bloody deed of Harmodius and Aristogeiton or the
assassination of Julius Caesar. Brzechwa’s story of Vitalis may be interpreted as
a moral exemplum: the wrongdoings of Vitalis are punished, while the virtue
and the collective common sense of the naïve and good-hearted animals of the
wood triumph over the double-dealing fox.
There is a philosophy behind this apparently innocent story. The fox was
not punished in a truly severe way. Punishment in stories for children is often
considered in terms of retaliation. However, Brzechwa, in his Akademia Pana
Kleksa [Mr. Blot’s Academy, 1946], a story of a very eccentric school, proposed
a purely symbolic means of punishing. In his story wearing a green and yellow
mottled tie is viewed as sufficient punishment.
Brzechwa’s Baśń o Stalowym Jeżu [Story of the Steel Hedgehog, 1947] is also
very instructive as an example of indirect use of ancient patterns. The narrative has a very unusual, picturesque beginning and a surprising end. The technique of narrating the adventures of the Hedgehog in a nightmarish metallic
world in a rapid-fire series of events is strikingly similar to that used in ancient
Greek novels. A similarity to some ancient Greek tales is enhanced by the fact
that Stymphalid-like metal birds also appear in this story.
Brzechwa’s still earlier Baśń o korsarzu Palemonie [Story of Palemon the corsair, 1945] presents the delightfully named Palemon, which is reminiscent of
the ancient name Palaemon (rather than a distortion of Polemon).
Brzechwa began to write poems very early. He was born in the region of
Podolia. He went to high schools (“gymnasia”) in Kiev, in Warsaw, and in Petrograd (the name of St Petersburg during wwi). Later, he passed an examination
to enter the Technological Institute but finally began his university studies in
medicine at Kazan. He was only able to study there for two years due to the
revolution.
Brzechwa’s verse and style in Vitalis the Fox remind one to a certain extent of
the rhythm and melody of Apuleius’s “Erant in quadam civitate rex et regina.”
However, Brzechwa’s Vitalis derives only in part from ancient prototypes. For it
would certainly be naïve to take the story of Vitalis at face value. At first glance
the story of Vitalis the fox does not seem to be a hidden criticism of the postwar regime. The expulsion of the fox could be understood in general terms as a
triumph of the people over a tyrannous individual. It could even be interpreted
by a superficial reader as an allegory of the flight of an opposition leader to the
West. Another possible official interpretation could refer to the purge inside
the ruling party, initiated in the 1948. Regardless of interpretation, political censors did not oppose publication. However, as early as the 1970s, the story of the
fox was (still unofficially) interpreted as an anti-communist pamphlet. Such
an interpretation was founded chiefly on the observation that the den of the
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Łukaszewicz
“red” fox was situated in the East. This explanation convinced many readers.
However, a fox in Polish is not “red” (czerwony) but “rufous” (rudy).
Whom did Brzechwa actually intend Vitalis the fox to represent? Was he a
Polish counterpart of Samuel Marshak’s Mister Twister? Was the fox an allegory
of a specific communist leader or, perhaps, a general symbol of the Soviet-influenced system? Some help may come from the list of famous foxes at the beginning of the poem. It is a series of characters with fanciful names, which very
probably refer to some contemporaneous leaders. This enumeration clearly
informs the reader that he should look for the identity of Vitalis in the world
of political protagonists. A probable solution of the identity of Vitalis can be
found in the very name of Brzechwa’s hero with a splendid tail. For an anagram
can be made from the name of Vitalis:
VITALIS = STALIIV.
If we join the last two letters, IV, we obtain an N.6 Together with the location of
Vitalis’s den in the East, sapienti sat. Under the circumstances Brzechwa could
not be more explicit. An allegory of the same ruler can be also found in Russian
poetry.7
Brzechwa was not an open enemy of the new order. He even wrote poems
complying with the spirit of official propaganda.8 For example Brzechwa’s earlier poem Opowiedział dzięcioł sowie [What the woodpecker told the owl] was
a positive response to the official call for “progressive” writings. By 1948, however, a secret evolution had evidently taken place in Brzechwa’s attitude to the
system.
Another indication of Brzechwa’s concealed opposition (in spite of his apparent conformism) is hidden in his slightly earlier, aforementioned, Story of
the Steel Hedgehog. In this story a wizard gives the Hedgehog a piece of advice: always keep to the right. During the Hedgehog’s adventurous trip, various tempting images appear on his left, like a fata morgana. However, the
Hedgehog follows the right path which is very difficult and is finally liberated
from the power of evil magic and regains his former human appearance. This
6 I wish to acknowledge Ewa Łukaszewicz’s essential contribution in the discovery of this
anagram, as a result of our discussion of the matter.
7 Bulat Okudzhava wrote a song about a black cat (Pesenka pro chyornogo kota). Okudzhava’s
black cat lives in a dirty and dark doorway and terrorises the inhabitants of the house, who
obediently bring him food and drink. He never talks to people, nor asks for anything. Instead,
everyone spontaneously brings him nourishment and is grateful when he accepts their gifts.
8 See Halina Skrobiszewska, Brzechwa (Warszawa: Agencja Autorska, 1965).
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Vitalis the Fox
207
allegory apparently contains the opposite message of Okudzhava’s Song of the
Moscow Subway, in which the rule for those going ahead is to always keep to
the left.
The story of Vitalis the fox can also be read as an interesting example of the
development of ancient motifs in modern literature for children. The narrative
of the rise and fall of a tyrant, in particular, is a classical pattern. The hidden
criticism of a ruler is also a topos frequently met in ancient literature. Built on
such a background, Brzechwa’s story was addressed to both the old and the
young. Grown-ups would find in the text risky political allusions, children—a
moral about fraudsters getting their just desserts. Far from being an in-depth
theoretical study, this essay may provide a willing reader with food for thought
and an incentive to further analysis.
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chapter 14
Aemulating Aesopus: Slovenian Fables and Fablers
between Tradition and Innovation
David Movrin
Among many invocations of Aesop, few have achieved the popularity of Lenin’s preface in his Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. Writing on the
eve of the October Revolution, Vladimir Ilyich remembered the tsarist censorship, which forced him “[…] to formulate the few necessary observations
on politics with extreme caution, by hints, in an allegorical language—in that
accursed Aesopian language—to which tsarism compelled all revolutionaries
to have recourse […].”1 While scholars have since shown that the tsarist regime
was not unique in fostering such strategies,2 this quote from Lenin (1917) provides an interesting point of departure when dealing with a set of key fable
collections published in Slovenian during the last two centuries. Political undertones loom large in this genre. F.R. Adrados was certainly right in pointing
out the fluctuating structure of ancient fables, a genre “hard to separate from
other genres, one with not very clearly defined limits.”3 Over the last two centuries, the category has grown into one that is significantly more Protean than
its ancient prototypes;4 yet it is remarkable how it is precisely a thinly veiled
political agenda, leaving aside the ubiquitous moralistic associations, which
keeps tinging the discussions of Slovenian animals and springing up among
them as a leitmotif.
Fables constitute by far the most numerous remnant of Graeco-Roman literature within the corpus of Slovenian literature for children, offering enough
material to allow comparison and to decipher trends visible over decades.
Beyond the obvious problem of how much their various authors were actually
indebted to “Aesopus”—some followed the tradition rather closely while
1 Vladimir I. Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (Peking: Foreign Languages
Press, 1970), 1.
2 Lev Loseff, On the Beneficence of Censorship: Aesopian Language in Modern Russian Literature
(Munich: Otto Sagner, 1984).
3 Francisco Rodríguez Adrados, History of the Graeco-Latin Fable, vol. 1: Introduction and from
the Origins to the Hellenistic Age, trans. Leslie A. Ray (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 17.
4 For an overview of research problems, see Niklas Holzberg, Die antike Fabel: Eine Einführung
(Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 22001; ed. pr. 1993).
© David Movrin, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_016
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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Aemulating Aesopus: SLOVENIAN FABLES AND FABLERS
209
others tended to be highly original—they seem to present a kind of litmus test
for the historical circumstances in which the authors were working. Valentin
Vodnik (1758–1819), the archegetes of Slovenian poetry, who in 1806 published
Pesme za pokušino [Poems for sampling], a book which was widely hailed,
sensu stricto, as the first Slovenian book of poems, translated thirty-one fables
from Aesop, but the ones that are intriguing are those he wrote himself.5 One
of them, called A German and Carniolan Horse, consists of a dialogue between
two horses, who apparently realise that their fortunes seem to be connected to
the ethnicity of their owners:
Nemški konj slovenjmu reče:
“Brate, kaj medliš na cest?
Ti li noga, glava neče,
al se teb ne ljubi jest?
Mene v dobri réji imájo,
ovs ponujajo trikrat,
čiste nôge mi igrajo,
nosim po labodje vrat.”
Kranjska para milo pravi:
“Tud bi lahko jaz bil tak,
al tepêjo me po glavi,
lačnemu je stati v mlak’.”
The German horse says to the Slovenian one:
“Brother, why are you so weak?
Is it your leg? Is it your head?
Maybe you do not eat enough?
Myself, I am fed well,
I get three portions of oats,
My legs are properly cleaned,
I carry my neck like a swan.”
The luckless Carniolan answers sadly:
“I could have been like you,
5 For a critical edition, see Valentin Vodnik, Zbrano delo [Collected works] (Ljubljana: Državna
založba Slovenije, 1988).
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Movrin
But they keep hitting me on my head,
I have to stand hungry in a puddle.”6
The sources Vodnik used for the four of his fables not based on Aesop were
varied.7 This particular text was clearly influenced by the German poet Christian Fürchtegott Gellert, whose Fabeln und Erzählungen (1746–1748) remained
popular in the nineteenth century, and whose Das Kutschpferd [Coach horse]
was a recognised inspiration for Vodnik.8 Yet Vodnik gave it a different spin;
while Gellert furnished his two horses with a social agenda, Vodnik provided
them with a national programme. His push was somewhat astonishing, given the fact that the very adjective “Slovenian” as a term was far from settled.9
Vodnik himself put his money where his mouth was and started an ambitious
educational programme once Napoleon’s forces occupied the area in 1809, promoting the use of Slovenian in schools and administration. But the Illyrian
provinces were short-lived and after the return of Austrian rule in 1813, Vodnik
was quickly pensioned off. Interestingly, his two horses were given yet another
spin in his personal copy, which is preserved in the National and University
Library in Ljubljana, with his own corrections dated March 1816. The Austrians
were back in power and German horses were again a difficult subject; so the
last version of his fable reads Czech and Carniolan Horse.10 As Cavafy put it in
one of his poems “In a Township of Asia Minor” describing the mutanda after
the battle of Actium: “It all fits brilliantly.”
Anton Martin Slomšek (1800–1862), an important bishop and educator,
wrote another series of fables in the middle of the nineteenth century, partly
6
7
8
9
10
Trans. D.M.
Boris Merhar, “Od kod Vodniku snov za basen Kos in brezen?” [Where did Vodnik get the
material for his fable about the blackbird and the march?], Slovenski etnograf [Slovenian
ethnographer] 9 (1956): 187–196.
Ivan Grafenauer, Zgodovina novejšega slovenskega slovstva, vol. 1: Od Pohlina do Prešerna
[History of Modern Slovenian literature: from Pohlin to Prešeren] (Ljubljana: Katoliška
Bukvarna, 1909), 26. Gellert was not the only literary model; according to Grafenauer,
Vodnik was perhaps influenced by Johann Wilhelm Ludwig Gleim.
In fact, some scholars, including France Kidrič, believed that his use of the term referred
to genus, “the Slavs,” rather than species, “Slovenians.” This remains problematic; for a
different opinion see Janez Rotar, “Viri Trubarjevega poimenovanja dežel in ljudstev in
njegova dediščina” [The Sources for Trubar’s naming of lands and peoples and its heritage], Zgodovinski časopis [Historical review] 42.3 (1988): 350.
Vodnik, Zbrano delo, 401.
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in verse,11 but mostly in prose.12 While their ancient foundations remain visible, the bishop was quick to add a distinctly Christian message—such as in
the following story, titled Swallow and Ants, from 1851:
“Kaj pa delate?” mlada lastovka pridne mravlje pobara. “Za zimo spravljamo,” ji mravljice odgovorijo. “Tako je prav,” lastovica reče, in brez odloga poberati začne mertve pajeke, suhe muhe, in jih v svoje gnjezdo nosi.
“Pokaj pa ti bode vse to?” stara lastovica mlado pobara. “Za zimo, ljuba
mamica! Le tudi vi nabirajte, kakor skerbne mravlje vidite,” ji mlada odgovori. “Pusti pozemeljskim mravljam pozemeljsko blago naberati,” stara
mladi pravi. “Kar se njim spodobi, nama ne sodi. Naji je Stvarnik za kaj
višega poklical. Bo najno leto minulo, v ptuje kraje poletive. Popotnice
bove pospalo, dokler naji mlada vigred k novemu življenju ne obudi.
K čemu nama bo tamo nabrano blago?” – Potreba je, v mladosti z mravljami za starost spravljati, pa tudi, kakor lastovke, na večnost ne pozabiti!
“What are you doing?” a young swallow asks some diligent ants. “We are
gathering food for the winter,” the ants reply. “Rightly so,” says the swallow, who starts gathering dead spiders and parched flies and carrying
them to her nest. “What are you going to do with them?” the young swallow is asked by the old one. “The winter is coming, dear mother! You too
should be gathering food, just as you see that the careful ants are doing,”
the young one retorts. “Let the earthly ants gather earthly goods,” the old
one replies to the young one. “What befits them is not suitable for us. We
have been called to something loftier by the Creator. Once our summer
is over, we will fly to foreign lands. We will sleep as travellers, until spring
awakes us to new life. Once there, what use can we have of the goods
11
12
Collected and published in Anton Martin Slomšek, Pesmi [Poems], ed. Mihael Lendovšek,
vol. 1 of Antona Martina Slomšeka zbrani spisi [Anton Martin Slomšek’s collected works]
(Celovec: Družba sv. Mohora, 1876). Of 190 fables, thirteen are written in verse. Among
their sources are Phaedrus and Aesop (e.g., Vulpis et corvus, Perae duae, Quercus et arun
do), but more frequently La Fontaine and even Krylov. For a detailed list, see Sonja Hafner,
Prispevki k zgodovini odmevov antične basni na Slovenskem [Contributions toward the history of the reception of ancient fable in Slovenia] (Ljubljana: Diplomsko delo, Univerza v
Ljubljani, 1990), 57–60.
Published mostly in Drobtinice [Breadcrumbs], a journal started by Slomšek in 1846,
and later published as Anton Martin Slomšek, Basni, prilike in povesti [Fables, parables,
and tales], ed. Mihael Lendovšek, vol. 2 of Antona Martina Slomšeka zbrani spisi [Anton
Martin Slomšek’s collected works] (Celovec: Družba sv. Mohora, 1878).
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gathered?” – In one’s youth, one should gather for old age; but like the two
swallows, one should not forget about eternity!13
This tone pervades the entire collection, which is frequently amusing, occasionally nauseating. There are moments when the author feels the need to state
his opinion of contemporary politics; for instance, comparing the cat which
fell into ink to the revolutionaries (“prekucuhi”) of 1848. “Evildoers will turn
their coats with the wind, but keep their evil in their hearts.” His didactic writings were well received and Slomšek became—in 1999—the first Slovenian to
be beatified.
Josip Stritar (1836–1923), a highly prolific writer and critic, published a series of fifty fables in 1902. Stritar was himself an accomplished classicist who
studied with Hermann Bonitz in Vienna, and his poetic compositions are
consciously modelled after Aesop (“freely after Aesop,” as he defined them).
Six of them can be found in Phaedrus, while the rest are taken from Karl Halm’s
Fabulae Aesopicae collectae—no fewer than forty of them from Aesop, the rest
from Babrius, Aristotle, and Plutarch.14 Poles apart from Slomšek, Stritar’s texts
are polished metrically, they are in rhyme, short, and to the point, and deliberately based on ancient sources, to the extent that they can be considered their
poetic translations.
Quite dissimilar from these are the fables of Matej Bor (1913–1993), a wellknown partisan poet and later the president of the Writers’ Association of
Yugoslavia. Bor, whose real name was Vladimir Pavšič, acquired a taste for
fables while translating The Telegraph Fables by Croatian poet Gustav Krklec
(1899–1977).15 Bor wrote his series of forty-six fables, entitled Sračje sodišče
[Magpie court],16 in the winter of 1954, during his stay on the Croatian coast,
13
14
15
16
Trans. D.M.
Fabulae Aesopicae collectae, ed. Karl Halm (Leipzig: Teubner, 1860); cf. Hafner, Prispevki
k zgodovini, 39, as well as Fedora Ferluga-Petronio, “Antični motivi v poeziji in dramatiki
Josipa Stritarja” [Ancient motifs in the poetry and drama of Josip Stritar] in Erika MihevcGabrovec, Kajetan Gantar, and Martin Benedik, eds., Antični temelji naše sodobnosti: referati slovenskih udeležencev na 4. znanstvenem zborovanju Zveze društev za antične študije
Jugoslavije v Pulju od 12. do 17. oktobra 1986 [Ancient foundations of our contemporaneity:
the contributions of Slovenian participants to the fourth scholarly symposium of the
Federation of Classical Societies of Yugoslavia, Pula, October 12–17, 1986] (Ljubljana:
Društvo za antične in humanistične študije Slovenije, 1987), 54–67.
Gustav Krklec, Telegrafske basni [Telegraphic fables], trans. Matej Bor (Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1952).
Matej Bor, Sračje sodišče ali je, kar je [Magpie court, or let bygones be bygones] (Ljubljana:
Mladinska knjiga, 1961).
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213
but had to wait for the somewhat more liberal 1960s to be able to actually
publish them; he attributed this fact to their content, as well as to the two
hostile reviewers, whom he later immortalised, in a final, forty-seventh fable,
as “middle-aged goats,” once the book was finally published.17 Interestingly
enough, the offending content that was problematic to the eye of the party
censors in the mid-1950s seems downright innocuous by today’s standards, and
the issue that troubled the members of the nomenklatura looks slightly surreal. In Bor’s fables, there is hardly any mention of neuralgic political issues;
social criticism, if present, is vague and general, as may be seen in the following
fable about A Certain, Not Very Big, Mouse:
Neka miška, pa ne prav velika,
je tožila mačka, koleke plačala,
vendar pravda je slabo izpala,
ker je bil pač maček za sodnika.
A certain mouse, not very big,
Sued a cat; it paid for the stamp duty
Yet she was not successful in her case,
Since it was the cat who was the judge.18
Bor, who famously described himself as “the court poet of her majesty the
Revolution” in his ecstatic verses written during the war,19 was in no way
harmed by the publication; in fact, he went on to become a member of the
Slovenian Academy in 1965.
The most recent—and perhaps the most creative—Slovenian redefinition of a fable was developed by Tomaž Lavrič (b. 1964), a comic-strip author,
whose poignant Bosnian Fables, showered with international prizes, further
developed the genre in order to address the tragedy into which the Balkans exploded during the early 1990s.20 Fittingly, the book is dedicated to the author’s
friend Ivo Štandeker, a Slovenian journalist who died reporting the Sarajevo
17
18
19
20
The identity of the “goats,” Milan Klopčič and Filip Kumbatovič Kalan, was revealed two
decades later, in an angry note in Bor’s book of epigrams: Sto manj en epigram [Hundred
epigrams minus one] (Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije, 1985), 111.
Trans. D.M.
Matej Bor, Previharimo viharje [Outstorming the storms] (Glavno poveljstvo slovenskih
partizanskih čet [Published by the High Command of Slovenian Partisan Forces], 1942).
Tomaž Lavrič, Bosanske basni (Ljubljana: published by the author, 1997); later followed
by a French edition, Fables de Bosnie (Grenoble: Glénat, 1999), as well as a Croatian one,
Bosanske basne (Zagreb: Fibra, 2006).
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siege in 1992. Bosnian Fables are different from the representatives of the genre
described above. Each of the stories bears the name of an animal—Fish, Snake,
Fly, Bird, Dog, Pig, Cat, and Mule—yet its animals, where they appear at all, are
not anthropomorphic. Instead, the protagonists are humans, trying to survive
the surreal and often deadly circumstances of the Bosnian War. The framework of the book is a routine flight of an American plane; its two pilots hover
far above the ground and eventually report that no hostile activity has been
spotted—while death and destruction reign supreme on the ground. Critics
have noticed that the pilots’ vantage point creates “a sense of detachment” that
visually underscores the pilots’ indifference:
The point of view of the pilots, however, seems implicitly to allude to the
uninterested gaze of the West, which preferred observing the Yugoslav
wars from a safe distance. By alternating points of view, Lavrič constantly
reminds the reader not only of the huge difference between looking at
war and being physically involved in it but also of the problem of representing war: a biased perspective may prevent us from seeing anything at
all, let alone exposing at least a part of the truth about war.21
This complexity of perspectives is further mirrored by a linguistic complexity;
Bosnian Fables contain a Babel of languages that could be heard in the region
during the 1990s—various dialects of Serbian, Croatian, and Slovenian, as
well as French and English spoken by the members of un and Nato units. This
approach provides an impression of authenticity, without cheapening its
subject. To quote the author:
I wish to be an objective observer, without being insensitive. I wish to
create an atmosphere of terror as authentically as possible, but without
explicit scenes of killing which could turn the comics into a cheap aesthetics of death.22
A remarkable example of this approach is the story “Mačka” [Cat] which starts
out in the Sarajevo zoo. The keeper decides to free the animals rather than
watch them starve to death: “At least you will die free.” After that, the story
focuses on Nermin, a boy whose childhood involves recognising armour by its
sound, avoiding the gaze of a sniper, wondering whether his father, missing in
21
22
Stijn Vervaet, “A Different Kind of War Story: Aleksandar Zograf’s Regards from Serbia and
Tomaž Lavrič’s Bosnian Fables,” Slavic and East European Journal 55.2 (2011): 175.
Ibid., 181.
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action, will ever return, and reading Kipling’s Jungle Book. (“Then Shere Khan
roared: ‘The man-cub has lived too long. Free People, he was my meat from the
first. Give him to me.’”) During the night, Nermin sees a tiger—freed from the
zoo—pass his window, but is unable to convince his mother and his friends
that this was not a dream. Distracted, he starts looking for tracks and forgets
about the sniper. The telling switch of perspective painfully reminds the reader
of what is about to happen (see figure 14.1).
What could be seen as an inventive take on the traditional fabula docet is
then accomplished with yet another change of perspective. As the child loses
his life, the tiger leaves Sarajevo and disappears into the Bosnian woods, accompanied by the words of William Blake:
Tyger Tyger, burning bright,
In the forests of the night;
What immortal hand or eye,
Could frame thy fearful symmetry?
The immortal eye belongs to the American pilot, who sees the animal from
the plane above. Unlike the Serbian sniper earlier on, who attributed the
exotic animal in his crosshairs to his drinking of rakija, the American now
exclaims to his colleague: “Are there any tigers in these hills?” His co-pilot replies:
“God knows! It’s a jungle down there…” Whatever the fable is telling us, its
message seems to be far from straightforward; in fact, one of the reviewers
in France complained that the fables are “too disparate and not didactic enough” (“trop disparates, pas assez didactiques”).23 While this was
apparently meant to be a damning quality, readers have actually found it quite
refreshing.24
Building on centuries of literary heritage, the heterogenous fables described
above tend to reveal most of their hermeneutical framework when describing
unequal power relations. As Annabel Patterson pointed out, since the times
of “Aesopus” the slave, fable speaks “to the need for those without power […]
to encode their commentary”25 on society, using wit as a means of subversion
and emancipation. Contra potentes nemo est munitus satis. As can be seen from
23
24
25
Vincent Montagnana, “Tomaz Lavric—Fables de Bosnie,” Chronicart.com (2000), available at http://www.chronicart.com/bandes-dessinees/tomaz-lavric-fables-de-bosnie/
(accessed Dec. 27, 2015); cf. Vervaet, “A Different Kind of War Story,” 178.
A new edition was published in 2014.
Annabel Patterson, Fables of Power: Aesopian Writing and Political History (Durham, n.c.:
Duke University Press, 1991), 55.
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Figure 14.1 Fragments of “Mačka” [Cat] from Bosanske basni [Bosnian fables] by Tomaž Lavrič
(Ljubljana: published by the author, 1997; here from the French
edition: Fables de Bosnie, Grenoble: Glénat, 1999), 81–82, courtesy
of the author.
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the examples presented above,26 the vestigial structures of this Aesopian language, as opposed to what Lenin had in mind, were used to a different extent
by different authors and are quite impossible to crack without a careful contextual analysis. Perhaps this is one of the reasons why they count among the
most remarkable remnants of Graeco-Roman tradition in children’s literature.
26
For a different selection of Slovenian fables, see Igor Saksida and Mojca Honzak, eds.,
Kdo pojasni krasne basni? Izbor slovenskih in tujih basni [Who will explain the charming
fables? A selection of Slovenian and foreign fables] (Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 2014).
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part 3
Daring the Darkness: Classical Antiquity as a Filter
for Critical Experiences
⸪
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Ewa Smyk, Between Scylla and Charybdis (2012)
illustration created at the workshop of Prof. Zygmunt
Januszewski, Academy of Fine Arts in Warsaw, © by Ewa Smyk
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chapter 15
Armies of Children: War and Peace, Ancient History
and Myth in Children’s Books after World War One
Sheila Murnaghan and Deborah H. Roberts
Since the second half of the nineteenth century, children have encountered
the world of Graeco-Roman Antiquity not only in their language lessons and
schoolbooks but also in versions of myth and historical fiction written for
young readers. Such recreations of ancient stories and of the ancient world reflect the construction in the writer’s day both of childhood and of the classical
past. But recreations that emerge from the same historical period will be variously inflected by genre and literary level, intended audience, and the experiences and ideological commitments of the author. We here explore responses
to the First World War in texts for children that engage in different ways with
the ancient world and present us with oppositions between history and myth,
between a more popular and a more rarefied audience, and between the celebration of war and the hope for peace.
In the decades following the carnage of World War One, Europe confronted
the loss of a generation of young men. The impact of the war on the young was
brutal: not only were many children left fatherless, many of the soldiers who
fought in the war had enlisted under age and were themselves hardly more
than children.1 But as critics have noted, it is an over-simplification to imagine
that there was an immediate or general falling-off in the literary celebration
of wartime heroism. In England, the postwar years saw what Samuel Hynes
describes as a “division of judgment” between “two cultures, separate and
mistrustful of each other, a conservative culture that clung to and asserted
1 Richard Van Emden, Boy Soldiers of the Great War (London: Headline, 2005); see also Kimberley Reynolds, “Words about War for Boys: Representations of Soldiers and Conflict in Writing for Children before World War i,” Children’s Literature Association Quarterly 34 (2009):
255–271. On the demands made on children’s patriotism and general engagement in the war
effort in French schools during World War i, see Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau, “Children and
the Primary Schools of France, 1914–1918,” in John Horne, ed., State, Society and Mobilization
in Europe during the First World War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 39–52.
Cf. on Canadian children Susan R. Fisher, Boys and Girls in No Man’s Land: EnglishCanadian
Children in the First World War (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), and on the German experience Andrew Donson, Youth in the Fatherless Land: War Pedagogy, Nationalism,
and Authority in Germany, 1914–1918 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010).
© Sheila Murnaghan and Deborah H. Roberts, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_017
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4.0 license.
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traditional values, and a counter-culture, rooted in rejection of the war and its
principles.”2 If a series of what Hynes calls “classic war books” in the late 1920s
and early 1930s established a story of futility, disillusionment, and alienation,
popular culture continued to celebrate and to justify the war.3 And as Charles
Ferrall and Anna Jackson have pointed out, popular fiction for the young in
particular continued to feature tales of wartime adventure, including stories
of “the Great War,” even if—as George Orwell noted in his 1939 essay “Boys’
Weeklies”—these tended, tellingly, to involve the “Air Force or Secret Service,
not the infantry.”4
America’s experience of the First World War was much briefer and less traumatic, so it is not surprising that we should find in postwar American fiction
for children a continued embrace of the adventure of war—further enabled, in
the case of historical fiction, by the safe distance of the past—as well as a turn
toward pacifism.5 In this essay, we discuss three works for children by American writers of the 1920s and 1930s in which contrasting responses to the First
World War inform and are mediated by an evocation of the classical past: an
historical novel that considers the goals of Caesar’s Gallic wars in light of the
conflict immediately past and treats young Roman legionaries like “our boys in
France”; an introduction to a collection of myths that asks children to understand mythical heroism by analogy with the heroism of ordinary soldiers; and a
book (ostensibly for children, but clearly addressed in part to adults) that calls
on the hidden meanings of myth in summoning children to heal the trauma of
2 Samuel Hynes, A War Imagined: The First World War and English Culture (New York: Atheneum, 1991). On the complexity and variety of British war poetry in its engagement with the
classical past, see Elizabeth Vandiver, Stand in the Trench, Achilles: Classical Receptions in the
British Poetry of the Great War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).
3 Hynes, A War Imagined, 424 and Ch. 21; Michael Paris, Warrior Nation: Images of War in
British Popular Culture, 1850–2000 (London: Reaktion, 2000), Ch. 5. Cf. also Rosa Maria Bracco,
Merchants of Hope: British Middlebrow Writers and the First World War, 1919–1939 (Providence–
Oxford: Berg, 1993).
4 Charles Ferrall and Anna Jackson, Juvenile Literature and British Society, 1850–1950 (London–
New York: Routledge, 2010), Ch. 5; George Orwell, “Boys’ Weeklies,” in eiusdem, The Collected
Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell, vol. 1, edited by Sonia Orwell and Ian Angus
(New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1968), 475. Cf. also Dorothea Flothow, “British Children’s Novels and the Memory of the Great War, 1919–1938,” in Vanessa Joosen and Katrien
Vloeberghs, eds., Changing Concepts of Childhood and Children’s Literature (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2006); Flothow comments (124–127) on the absence of stories of trench
warfare in postwar children’s books and the prominence of the pilot as duelling hero.
5 See for example Kate Seredy’s depiction of the impact of the First World War in The Singing
Tree (New York: Viking, 1939).
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the war and transcend national difference in a world at peace. Where history
is reread to reinforce a particular national perspective, myth is reinterpreted to
enable a universalising vision of human possibility.
Our first text is R.F. Wells’s With Caesar’s Legions: The Adventures of Two Ro
man Youths in the Conquest of Gaul (1923). Wells, a 1901 graduate of Amherst
College, was a schoolteacher for a number of years and the co-author of a history of his Massachusetts hometown.6 With Caesar’s Legions is one of four historical novels for children, written in the United States in the 1920s and 1930s,
that feature essentially the same story type,7 one that is in its broad outlines
reminiscent of the formulaic boys’ adventure novels familiar from the works
of G.A. Henty and others.8 In each of these books, a young man (sometimes
accompanied by a friend or relative) joins Caesar’s army, demonstrates his
prowess in single combat, makes new friends, shows his bravery and cleverness, comes to the attention of Caesar, saves the day on at least one occasion,
and advances through the ranks. All four novels focus on the campaigns of
Caesar in Gaul or Britain and portray Caesar with an unqualified admiration
almost amounting to adoration. In some cases the writers not only acknowledge a debt to Caesar’s commentaries but also explicitly offer their narrative as
ancillary to students’ study of Caesar’s work in Latin, thus suggesting that the
work is not merely entertaining but propaideutic.9
War and military life are pervasive themes in children’s books set in the
world of ancient Rome from Henty and Rudyard Kipling to Rosemary Sutcliff,
and beyond; their varied representations of the experience of war are inevitably formed by and sometimes clearly evocative of the historical context of
6 Daniel White Wells and Reuben Field Wells, A History of Hatfield, Massachusetts, in Three
Parts (Springfield, Mass.: Gibbon, 1910), 360.
7 R.F. Wells, With Caesar’s Legions: The Adventures of Two Roman Youths in the Conquest of Gaul
(New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1951; ed. pr. 1923); R.F. Wells, On Land and Sea with Caesar,
or Following the Eagles (Boston: Lothrop, Lee & Shepard, 1926); Paul L. Anderson, With the
Eagles (New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1957; ed. pr. 1929); Paul L. Anderson, Swords in the North
(New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1960; ed. pr. 1935). For an earlier example of the same story
type, see A.C. Whitehead, The Standard Bearer: A Story of Army Life in the Time of Caesar
(New York: American Book Company, 1914).
8 Although adventure novels of various kinds were often described as “boys’ stories,” they were
widely read by girls; see Kate Flint, The Woman Reader, 1837–1914 (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1993), 202–203; Sally Mitchell, The New Girl: Girls’ Culture in England: 1880–1915 (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1995), 111–115, 126–127.
9 Wells, With Caesar’s Legions, 8; Wells, On Land and Sea with Caesar, 5; Anderson, Swords in the
North, 270, and Whitehead, The Standard Bearer, 5.
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the writer.10 To take an often-cited example, Kipling’s stories (in Puck of Pook’s
Hill) about a young soldier who comes of age fighting the enemies of Rome on
Hadrian’s Wall recall in many ways the lives (recounted elsewhere in his fiction) of young officers on the frontiers of the British Empire.11
In some instances, however, a writer may explicitly compare recent or current events with a specific moment in the past. In With Caesar’s Legions, which
focuses on the campaigns against the Helvetians and the Germans, Wells
draws a parallel between Rome’s actions and aims and America’s role in the
First World War, a parallel further supported by the resemblance of the central characters to small-town American boys eager to enlist. This resemblance,
however, even as it reinforces Wells’s historical analogy, also suggests that boyhood has certain universal qualities, not specific to any period, and is part of a
familiar strategy by which writers of historical fiction seek to construct stories,
especially coming-of-age stories, that will resonate with the present-day lives
of the intended child readers.12
After stating in his preface the importance for European history of the Roman conquest of Gaul, Wells describes his purpose as follows:
To present in one connected tale the story of one season’s campaign by
Caesar and his troops, as seen through the eyes of two of his young followers, has been the author’s task. That some readers shall gain a better
idea of how the legionaries fought and lived in stirring times has been
one purpose of this work. A second is to vitalize an event in history which
deserves more attention than it has received.
wells, 5–6
Now America enters the picture:
Another struggle ended only a few years ago on the same fields on which
Caesar and his legionaries fought, a struggle that has some striking points
10
11
12
On changing depictions of the Roman occupation of Britain in books for children, see
Catherine Butler and Hallie O’Donovan, Reading History in Children’s Books (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), Ch. 2.
See Deborah H. Roberts, “Reconstructed Pasts: Rome and Britain, Child and Adult in
Kipling’s Puck of Pook’s Hill and Sutcliff’s Novels of Roman Britain,” in Christopher Stray,
ed., Remaking the Classics: Literature, Genre and Media in Britain 1800–2000 (London:
Duckworth, 2007), 113–114 and works cited there.
On forms of universalism and historicism in historical fiction for children, see especially
Butler and O’Donovan, Reading History in Children’s Books and John Stephens, Language
and Ideology in Children’s Fiction (London: Longman, 1992), Ch. 6.
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of similarity to the former one. In the first century before the birth of
Christ, as in the years from 1914 on, a great democracy fought with its
allies to defend the latter’s homeland and people from aggression. In
both cases an invasion was threatened which, if not checked, would have
brought destruction of property, the imposition of tribute, and the virtual
enslavement of the people. In the World War more than one democracy
was involved, and the fighting was on a far larger scale. In that, as in the
campaigns with which this tale is concerned, the struggle ended with a
host of threatening invaders driven back across the Rhine.
wells, 6
Wells describes Rome and the Gallic tribes that fought on Caesar’s side in language that identifies them as closely as possible with America and the European Allies during World War One, and that depicts Rome, like America, primarily as a defender of freedoms rather than an imperial power.13 He goes on to
draw a direct comparison between Roman and modern warfare, with a curious
disregard for the realities of infantry warfare in the First World War:
Military leaders have not yet ceased to study [Caesar’s] campaigns for
information which will guide them in the strategy of war. It is remarkable
how very little difference there is between the tactics and some of the
formations employed in ancient warfare and those in use today. For that
reason, military formations are described at some length in this story. The
cohort of Caesar’s time corresponded very closely to the modern company. The legion […] was like a modern regiment.
wells, 9
As the story begins, a legion recruiting on its way north enters a village in Cisalpine Gaul, and we meet two boys: Titus, whose father is a farmer, and his
cousin Julius, whose father is a local merchant. Their grandfather, a veteran of
the Marian campaigns, has raised them on stories of his own experiences, telling them about “the might of the Roman legionaries, the citizen-soldiers, who
had repulsed all attacks from foreign foes and were now conquering in all parts
of the world and building up a mighty empire” (Wells, 21). When in due time
the boys arrive at the legion’s encampment to enlist, and mention Marius, the
legionary to whom they speak remarks:
13
On the diverse uses of Rome as parallel and symbol in the poetry of the First World War,
see Vandiver, Stand in the Trench, Achilles, 21–28.
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A new Marius has come in our new leader, Caesar, I think, and the rights
of the people will be restored. That is why I have rejoined the army.
wells, 32
The expressions “citizen-soldiers” and “rights of the people” evoke at once the
Roman Republic, the foundational values of the United States (themselves in
part derived from an idealised vision of Rome), and the American War of Independence, recalled during World War One in such moments as General Pershing’s visit, on July 4, 1917, to the tomb of Lafayette.14
The boys’ own response suggests an unreflective enthusiasm uncritically described by the author as a universal characteristic of boyhood: “What boy does
not feel the thrill of tales of war and does not at some time long to be a soldier?”
(Wells, 22). But this is not their only motive; when the legionary says, “You want
to join the army and fight, eh?” Julius replies, “Yes, and to travel… To go somewhere and see something. We can never amount to much in this cramped little
town” (Wells, 33). He sounds very much like one of the young Americans to
whom World War i recruiting posters sought to appeal (see figure 15.1).15
Wells reiterates the historical comparison he made in his preface, and reinforces it by drawing another parallel, this time with the Napoleonic wars;
note that the American reader, conditioned by recent alliances, is expected to
identify with “the people of all Europe” rather than recall America’s own war
against Napoleon’s most persistent opponent:
As the people of all Europe at the beginning of the nineteenth century
felt, when Napoleon and his troops were sweeping over all the countries
of Europe, threatening to carry everything before them; and as the people of nearly all the world felt in 1914, when the German troops began to
pour through Belgium and Northern France; so, in the first century before
the birth of Christ the people of Italy felt, when the news came that the
northern barbarians were again on a forward movement.
wells, 39–40
14
15
Byron Farwell, Over There: The United States in the Great War, 1917–1918 (New York–London:
Norton, 1999), 93–94; Jennifer Keene, Doughboys, the Great War, and the Remaking of
America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 107–108. Note that Keene
regularly refers to the (largely conscripted) armed forces of World War One as citizensoldiers and that Farwell’s last chapter is entitled “Return of the Legions.”
Cf. the popular 1918 song, “How Ya Gonna Keep ’em Down on the Farm, After They’ve Seen
Paree?” (words by Joe Young and Sam M. Lewis, music by Walter Donaldson). Motives
for under-age enlistment in Britain during World War i included “boredom with work,”
“a longing for adventure” (Van Emden, Boy Soldiers, 3), and “an opportunity to travel”
(Reynolds, “Words about War for Boys,” 256).
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Armies of Children
Figure 15.1 World War i recruiting poster by James Montgomery Flagg
(1877–1960)
Travel? Adventure? Answer—Join the
Marines!: Enlist To-day for 2–3 or 4 Years, World
War i Poster Collection, rbm 2274, Rare Books
and Manuscripts, Special Collections Library,
University Libraries, Pennsylvania State
University, https://collection1.libraries.psu.
edu/cdm/ref/collection/warposters/id/48.
But the reader’s experience of this momentous struggle (where the Helvetians
and Germans stand in for the German troops of 1914) continues to be mediated
through the day-to-day military life of two boys who seem little different from
American small-town or farm boys:16
16
There were evidently more farmers among American soldiers in World War One than
members of any other occupational group (Farwell, Over There, 62), although these were
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“Money,” exclaimed Julius, his face falling. “Where can we get that?
I haven’t any.”
“Never mind,” replied Titus. “I have some of my own with me, enough for
us both. My father let me have all the pelts I got from the traps last winter,
and I sold them for a good price the other day in town.”
wells, 43
The two of them talk like enthusiastic schoolboys or like the heroes of any
number of boys’ adventure stories; they compete with each other (“I’ll bet you
anything I can carry the pack as long as you can,” Wells, 47) and exclaim over
the “fun” of training:
“My, what fun it is to drill like that!” said Julius, when the men returned to
camp, and had been dismissed from the ranks.
“Yes,” agreed Titus, “I hope our chance will come to go into a battle soon
and show what we have learned.”
wells, 72
After the two undergo various vicissitudes (including “desperate” battles and
non-fatal wounds), Julius Caesar not only recognises and rewards their bravery
and concern for others but takes a kindly interest in their plan to return home
for a visit and surprise their parents. The novel (to be followed by a sequel)
concludes as the “bronzed youths” embrace and greet their mothers.17
Wells’s novel, then, depicts the First World War and the campaigns of Caesar as similar noble causes, both fought in part by boys for whom military life
was largely a happy adventure, a game, and a broadening of otherwise narrow
horizons. This comparison relies on the assumption that boys are the same in
all times but is nonetheless tied to history, as Wells isolates and identifies two
special eras, “stirring times” of great achievement, when boys could be inspired
and shaped by heroic adults with lofty goals. Of these, the Great War of the
recent past is so immediately compelling that it has no need to be glorified
by a classical antecedent; it is the classical antecedent that is elevated by the
comparison. Wells hopes that his young readers will be drawn to an exceptional period in classical history that, in his view, anticipates their own American
17
mostly conscripts, unlike Wells’s enthusiastic enlistees (Keene, Doughboys, the Great War,
18–19).
Ferrall and Jackson note the absence of this kind of concluding reunion in British adventure stories between the wars, as opposed to earlier exemplars (Ferrall and Jackson,
Juvenile Literature and British Society, 1850–1950, 144).
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moment with its triumphant democratic values. The writers to whom we now
turn also assert a connection between young people and the classical past, but
in the realm of mythology rather than history, and with the aim of transcending, rather than celebrating, the experiences of the war and the patriotic claims
of its victors. For them, the role of children as appreciative readers and auditors of classical mythology is the key (implicitly in one case, more explicitly
in the other) to a new era of peace, in which the militaristic and nationalistic
sentiments of the war can be left behind.
This connection between children as heralds of a brighter future and a legacy from the past reflects a conception of myth and its relation to childhood
that had developed during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Myth
was understood as deriving from the earliest phase of human culture, an undifferentiated, prehistoric time before the particular civilisations and events
of the historical record. This time was the common past of all people and the
source of universal ideas and stories, which could be found in anonymous folk
traditions as well as in the high artistic achievements of the classical Greeks
and Romans. Children, in their unformed state, were easily identified with
this primal era and its heritage of shared myths, as well as with the unrealised
future.
The idea that children have a natural connection to myth because myth
comes from a primordial time underlies the recasting of classical myth as
children’s literature in two pioneering collections by the American author Nathaniel Hawthorne, A WonderBook for Girls and Boys (1851) and Tanglewood
Tales (1853). Hawthorne presented myths as coming from a prehistoric golden
age, “the pure childhood of the world.”18 In A WonderBook, myths are characterised by Hawthorne’s internal narrator—a college student named Eustace
Bright who tells the myths to some younger cousins and their friends—as “the
nursery-tales that were made for the amusement of our great old grandmother,
the Earth, when she was a child in frock and pinafore.”19 Because this moment
precedes all historical periods and national divisions, myth is a universal heritage, “the immemorial birthright of mankind,” “the common property of the
18
19
Nathaniel Hawthorne, A WonderBook for Girls and Boys and Tanglewood Tales, vol. 13 in
“The Complete Writings of Nathaniel Hawthorne” (Boston–New York: Houghton, Mifflin,
1900), 241. Daniel Hoffman, “Myth, Romance, and the Childhood of Man,” in Roy Harvey
Pearce, ed., Hawthorne Centenary Essays (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1964),
199, comments on the identification of myth with the childhood of humanity as “a commonplace made attractive both by Romantic idealization of the child and by progressive
theories of cultural evolution.”
Hawthorne, A WonderBook, 6.
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world, and of all time,” to which “an old Greek had no more exclusive right than
a modern Yankee has.”20 The myths Hawthorne tells are Greek ones, but they
predate the classical Greeks who, in his eyes, distorted them by making them
too cold and grim. In Tanglewood Tales, Bright claims that retelling the myths
for children means restoring their original purity: “[…] children are now the
only representatives of the men and women of that happy era, and therefore it
is that we must raise the intellect and fancy to the level of childhood, in order
to recreate the original myth.”21 Connecting children and myths here becomes
a way of escaping the flawed modern world.
During the second half of the nineteenth century, the conception of myth
as a universal heritage was furthered by the rise of anthropology, which found
a stimulus and a subject of controversy in the widespread occurrence of similar myths, a phenomenon most influentially described in James Frazer’s The
Golden Bough, first published in 1890. Myth provided an eloquent sign of the
inherent similarity of all people despite their cultural and historical differences and their varying degrees of connection to the classical tradition. In that
spirit, myth had a natural role to play in expressions of internationalism in the
years following World War One, by which time myth had also become firmly
established as a fitting subject for children.
Postwar hopes for a more peaceful world were inevitably invested in children, envisioned—in an idealising conception like that of Hawthorne—as uncontaminated by the nationalistic antagonisms that drive adults to fight. In this
context, children’s literature was invoked as a means of reinforcing children’s
instincts for harmony and international understanding, most prominently in
a book published in 1932 by a French historian, Paul Hazard, Les livres, les en
fants et les hommes (translated into English at the end of the Second World
War as Books, Children and Men, 1944).22 Hazard’s study is in part an account
20
21
22
Ibid., 152–153.
Ibid., 241. On shifts in Hawthorne’s perspective on myth and childhood between
A WonderBook and Tanglewood Tales, see Nina Baym, “Hawthorne’s Myths for Children:
The Author vs. His Audience,” Studies in Short Fiction 10 (1973): 35–46; Laura Laffrado,
Hawthorne’s Literature for Children (Athens, Ga.–London: The University of Georgia Press,
1992), Chs. 3 and 4.
Paul Hazard, Les livres, les enfants et les hommes (Paris: Flammarion, 1932), in English as
Books, Children and Men, trans. Marguerite MacKellar Mitchell (Boston: The Horn Book
Inc., 1944). For Hazard’s contribution in the larger context of internationalist views of
children’s literature, and for a contemporary critique of those views, see Emer O’Sullivan,
“Internationalism, the Universal Child and the World of Children’s Literature,” in Peter Hunt, ed., International Companion Encyclopedia of Children’s Literature (London:
Routledge, 2004), vol. 1, 13–25. For a somewhat earlier expression of similar views by an
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of children’s literature as forging national identities within distinct European
traditions, but he lays even more stress on the ability of children’s books to
cross borders:
Yes, children’s books keep alive a sense of nationality; but they also keep
alive a sense of humanity. They describe their native lands lovingly, but
they also describe faraway lands where unknown brothers live. They understand the essential quality of their own race; but each of them is a
messenger that goes beyond mountains and rivers, beyond the seas, to
the very ends of the world in search of new friendships. Every country
gives and every country receives—innumerable are the exchanges—and
so it comes about that in our first impressionable years the universal
republic of childhood is born.23
Hazard’s book-centred vision requires an emphasis on translation as an indispensable factor in international exchange, and he makes a great point of the
many languages into which such children’s classics as Robinson Crusoe, The
Swiss Family Robinson, and The Wonderful Adventures of Nils have been translated.24 Myths and fairy tales, however, can be seen as escaping the need for
translation, since they in effect translate themselves, appearing in varied but
recognisable forms in every national tradition, serving in their unchanging
outlines as a kind of universal language. Their primordial point of origin predates linguistic difference along with other distinctions that corrupt the parallel realms of modernity and adulthood.25
Hawthorne’s idea of myth as a universal birthright is given a more pointedly
internationalist flavour in the introduction to a myth collection for children
(“retold and pictured by Margaret Evans Price”) published in the United States
in 1924:
23
24
25
American children’s librarian, see Clara Whitehill Hunt, International Friendship Thru
Children’s Books (New York: League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 1924).
Hazard, Books, Children and Men, 146.
C.W. Hunt, International Friendship, 6, calls for a “philanthropist of international outlook” to fund the translation into many languages of the books that she particularly
recommends.
For Hazard, fairy tales “draw us […] back, to the awakening of an undefined soul, unable
to distinguish the ego from the non-ego, to separate reality from dream.” (Hazard, Books,
Children and Men, 161.) On the place of “a primary state of language” in idealising conceptions of the child as “a pure point of origin,” see Jacqueline Rose, The Case of Peter Pan, or
the Impossibility of Children’s Fiction (Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press,
21992; ed. pr. 1984), 8–9.
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All the world loves a story. Millions of children, in all countries, in all
ages, have lifted eager little faces, white, black, tawny, yellow, brown, to
the grandmother telling of a runner swifter than the wind, like Atalanta,
or a young hero slaying the dragon that would have devoured a lovely
maiden, as Perseus rescued Andromeda, or of a tiny people no bigger
than clothes-pins, like the Pygmies, who fought the cranes.26
The author of these words was Katharine Lee Bates (1859–1929), a professor
of English at Wellesley College and a prolific author, now remembered exclusively for the lyrics to the popular patriotic song, “America the Beautiful.” After
World War One, Bates’s patriotism was combined with ardent advocacy of the
League of Nations: in 1924, she refused to support the Republican nominee for
president, Calvin Coolidge, despite her lifelong allegiance to the party, because
of his opposition to the League.27
Bates resembles Hawthorne in giving priority to Greek myth while also asserting that myth is timeless and tying myth to prehistory through the universal figure of the grandmother, who embodies the link between a generic
present and its deeper past. In both cases, the universality of myth justifies
a collection of Greek myths retold for modern children, but Bates stresses, as
Hawthorne does not, the similarity of myths from many traditions, for which
the Greek versions serve as paradigms rather than sources, highlighting the
childhood experience of hearing myths as a human constant that crosses racial and cultural boundaries. For her, the connections formed by myths are
notably egalitarian (a sentiment echoed in Hazard’s image of an international
children’s “republic”); an example designed to illustrate continuity over time
also subtly corrects an ethnic prejudice of early twentieth-century America:
“[…] the tale of Romulus and Remus was first told in Latin to black-eyed little
Italians not so very, very, very long ago” (Bates, 7).
Like both Hawthorne and Hazard, Bates sees the stories that are told to children as expressions of what is best in human nature, and in this spirit she invokes the recent victory of America and its allies in World War One. To counter
26
27
Margaret Evans Price, A Child’s Book of Myths, with an “Introduction” by Katharine Lee
Bates (New York–Chicago: Rand McNally, 1924), 7.
“Republican Women Declare for Davis,” New York Times, Oct. 20, 1924. For Bates’s life, see
Dorothy Burgess, Dream and Deed: The Life of Katharine Lee Bates (Norman: The University of Oklahoma Press, 1952), esp. 200–203, for her responses to World War One, which
included admiration of Woodrow Wilson, refusal to boycott German scholarship, and rejection of pacifism coupled with the conviction that “the only program before the world
today for ending war is to end this war by disarming Prussia.”
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the objection that myths involving self-sacrifice, such as those of Alcestis and
Orpheus, “are too beautiful to be true,” she insists that “[t]hey are too beautiful
not to be true,” and points to newspaper accounts of parents who try to save
their children from burning houses and boys who drown trying to rescue their
playmates, then adds:
Sometime we shall forget the angers of the terrible war that has just
shaken the world almost to its overthrow, but God remembers forever
the soldiers who fell for their buddies, for their flags, for mercy and righteousness, for their faith in a blessed peace to come at last out of all their
strife and suffering.
bates, 8
Bates shares Wells’s view of the war as a noble cause in which the victors are
aligned with justice, but she dwells on its costs and defines its goal as the securing of peace rather than the achievement of specific military and political
aims. If Wells depicts war as the ideal arena for cementing lifelong friendships
among boys, Bates presents such friendships as the occasion of sacrifice and
loss, most poignantly with the homely word “buddies” that breaks through her
generally high-flown prose. For Wells, identification with the soldiers of World
War One will help his boy readers to appreciate a proto-American historical
era, from which they can learn more about the particular arts of war; for Bates,
the same soldiers can inspire her readers, both girls and boys, to appreciate archetypal myths, from which they will absorb a virtue that is universal and independent of warfare: her final example of self-sacrifice is Dante’s willingness to
follow Beatrice “into the depths and heights of the realm invisible” (Bates, 8).
We find a more extended, and a more overtly pacifist, account of children’s
connection to myth as the key to a better future in The Hedgehog, a novella by
the American-born expatriate poet, novelist, and memoirist h.d. (Hilda Doolittle, 1886–1961), a writer whose many works are pervaded by classical mythology, which she saw as a universal key to human experience.28 The Hedgehog,
28
h.d., The Hedgehog, with an “Introduction” by Perdita Schaffner (New York: New Directions, 1988). For h.d.’s biography, see Janice S. Robinson, h.d.: The Life and Work of an
American Poet (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1982); Barbara Guest, Herself Defined: The Poet
h.d. and Her World (Garden City, n.y.: Doubleday, 1984). On her extensive use of classical
mythology, see Thomas Burnett Swann, The Classical World of h.d. (Lincoln: University
of Nebraska Press, 1962); Eileen Gregory, h.d. and Hellenism: Classic Lines (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1997); Sheila Murnaghan, “h.d., Daughter of Helen: Mythology as Actuality,” in Gregory A. Staley, ed., American Women and Classical Myths (Waco,
Tex.: Baylor University Press, 2008), 63–84.
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first published in a limited edition in 1936, was written during the late 1920s
and early 1930s while h.d. was living in Switzerland with her daughter Perdita.
h.d. had moved to Switzerland from London with her partner Bryher (Annie
Winifred Ellerman, 1894–1983) after the war, during which she had been living
in London and which she had experienced in a far more direct and traumatic
way than many of her American compatriots—certainly not as the straightforward triumph and exciting foreign adventure summoned up by Wells. Shared
hardships and losses were amplified for her by personal troubles, including
the death of her brother in action and estrangement from her shell-shocked
English husband. Perdita was the product of a short-lived relationship, and was
born soon after the war under difficult circumstances, from which h.d. was
effectively rescued by Bryher.
In a preface to a new edition of The Hedgehog issued in 1988, Perdita recalls
hearing about the book from her mother when she was about fourteen:
She revealed—casually, over the teacups—that she had a manuscript,
a story, well not exactly a story, too long, not exactly a novel, too short.
A little book for children set in Switzerland, no not really for children, but
about a child, about me, well sort of.
H.D., viii–ix
This description well captures the book’s unclassifiable character. It is partly,
but not wholly, autobiographical, and it hovers between being a book for children and a book for adults. It offers child readers the story of a child protagonist, but it is also a vehicle for the adult author’s meditation on childhood: the
“hidden adult” who is present in even the most decidedly child-directed books
is here in plain view.29 Never intended for a wide audience, The Hedgehog does
not aspire to the popular appeal of Wells’s novel or of the myth collection introduced by Bates (which has been frequently reissued throughout the nearcentury since its first appearance).
The Hedgehog tells the story of a little girl named Madge, who is being raised
in Switzerland by her American mother Bett. Madge’s English father is out of
the picture, as Perdita’s was, but in this case because he died in the war. His
rich relatives urge Madge and Bett to return to England but Bett, who is a thinly
disguised version of h.d. herself, has chosen to remain in Switzerland out of a
romantic pacifism: “‘Other people made wicked wars, but here people waited
29
On the inescapable presence of adult agendas in children’s literature, see Rose, The Case
of Peter Pan; Perry Nodelman, The Hidden Adult: Defining Children’s Literature (Baltimore,
Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008).
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in their hills’” (h.d., 20). The story begins with a minor falling-out between
Madge and Bett, which results in Madge setting off down the mountainside to
obtain a hedgehog from a Dr. Blum, who lives below on the shore of a lake. After getting caught on a dangerously steep path, Madge panics, regrets her quarrel with her mother, and finds comfort in the beliefs her mother has instilled
in her. She is then rescued by her friend André, the son of a woodcutter. They
make their way down the hillside to the doctor’s house, where Madge has tea
and returns toward evening with the hedgehog in a box. Madge’s quest leads
not to greater independence or new knowledge, but to the recollection and
renewed acceptance of Bett’s general outlook and of Bett’s particular vision
of Madge’s identity and role in history: the story of Madge’s trials serves as a
vehicle for some of h.d.’s most cherished ideas.
Bett has conveyed to Madge an understanding of the world as shaped by
patterns of meaning encapsulated in mythology. She tells Madge myths, such
as the story of Narcissus and Echo, and teaches her to see them as symbolic, using the metaphor of a lamp, infused with light as a mythic narrative is infused
with a deeper, symbolic meaning:
Bett made Madge understand that the stories weren’t just stories, but that
there was something in them like the light in the lamp that isn’t the lamp.
Bett would say to Madge, when she was a very little girl, “Now what is the
lamp side of the story and what is the light side of the story?” so Madge
could see very easily (when she was a very little girl) that the very beautiful stories Bett told her, that were real stories, had double meanings.
H.D., 20
While Bett gives priority to Greek myths, her vision is notably syncretic; she,
like many of h.d.’s contemporaries, including Bates, sees classical myths as
belonging to a wider realm of world mythology. She stresses the fundamental identity of myths from multiple traditions, highlighting common elements
that transcend differences of language and religion. When Madge is trapped
on the mountainside, she hears something that sounds like thunder and, in her
fear, she summons up her mother’s teaching:
[…] Madge tried to hold on to something that would bring her comfort.
Bett said, in those lamp-and-light stories, that the thunder was the voice
of Zeus, and Zeus in those lamp-and-light Greek stories was the father of
everyone, so Bett said he was like the other God our Father which art in
Heaven, only the Greek light-in-lamps people called him by another name.
H.D., 24
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Here Bett equates Zeus with the god of Christianity, evoked through the opening words of the Lord’s Prayer (in the version current among English speakers
of her day): “Our Father, which art in Heaven…”
At other times, drawing on the versatility of mythical paradigms, Bett has
appealed to the “father in heaven” in a different way, to explain Madge’s own
circumstances to her, and to enlist Madge in her own pacifist, internationalist
vision: the father in heaven becomes a figure for the human father who has
died, and specifically the father who has died in the recent war. Because Madge
has a father in heaven in this sense, she stands in a momentous relation to
other such war orphans:
There were so many, many children, Bett said, who had that kind of “Father who art in Heaven” for a father, and such children, Bett said, were
(must be) just a tiny, tiny bit different from other children. Now there was
a great army of children all over the world—French children and German
children and Serbian children and Turkish children and American children and Armenian children and Russian children. And all, all of these
children, though they might never know one another, were all sort of
odd little brothers and sisters (Bett said) and they must never, never hate
each other, and they must never hate each other’s countries, because every one of them had a sort of “Father which art in Heaven” for a father,
and they must feel differently about wars and about soldiers killing each
other than other children.
H.D., 27–28
Here h.d. draws on the universality of a mythical archetype—the father in
heaven, equatable with both the Greek Zeus and the Christian God—to
assert a much more pointed and historically grounded commonality among
the former adversaries of the recent war. She goes one step further than Bates,
who sees the American lives lost in the war as redeemed by the peace (on allied terms) that followed it and as widely applicable exempla of self-sacrifice.
For h.d., the lives lost on both sides are a shared privation, conceptualised
within the universal structure of the human family, that could inspire a new
and expressly pacifist spirit of international understanding. While her hopes
are conditioned by her particular historical moment, they are also tied to a utopian view of children as uncontaminated by history, which recalls Hawthorne’s
characterisation of children as “now the only representatives” of a primordial
golden age and Hazard’s ever-renewed “universal republic of childhood.” The
future she envisions depends on Madge and other children like her, who have
not yet formed the hostile allegiances that have shaped recent history, and
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whose shared relationship to this mythic archetype might keep them from doing so.
In portraying Madge as absorbing her mother’s teaching, and reconfirming
it during a moment of crisis, h.d. dramatises the successful transmission of
those lessons she and other adults hope will be learned when children hear
myths or read books that are translated from foreign languages or that depict
the lives of foreign children. Madge is endowed with qualities that support such
hopes, among them a heightened attunement to myths as universal archetypes
and the lack of an exclusive national identity. Despite her American and British parentage, Madge is comfortably at home in Switzerland and conversant in
the various forms of French spoken in her village. In this she is contrasted to
the monoglot and jingoistic English tourists who visit the region, especially her
own counterparts, Girl Guides, who say “quite solemnly, that England should,
and must, fight its enemies,” while Madge says “England has no enemies but its
own hearts” (h.d., 28).
Unlike the Girl Guides, Madge has been taught by her mother to stand apart
from the conflicts and partisan stances of history: “Bett had said to Madge, ‘You
must be no year at all […] but part of everything’” (h.d., 21). This teaching conditions Madge’s relationship to the alpine landscape in which her adventure
plays out. As she finds herself “clinging, part of sky, part of lake, part of rocks
and very much part of everything, to the side of a cliff,” she thinks:
All the small stones had slipped down long since, ages and ages since,
before even Hannibal crossed the Alps (these Alps), before even Napoleon marched right straight through their valley (this valley) on his way
to Italy. Long and long and long ago, as long ago, Madge thought, as the
beginning of the first narcissus on their hills, the little stones had slipped
down; Madge saw now that she was the tiniest little part of everything…
H.D., 23–24
Madge associates the terrain in which she is trapped with two historical episodes that belong to Wells’s roster of privileged moments when brave defenders warded off a sinister threat: the invasion of Italy by Hannibal (which Wells
does not mention, but which forms an obvious parallel to the invasion of Roman territory by Germanic tribes that occasions his plot) and the imperialist
campaigns of Napoleon (which Wells explicitly cites as a parallel to the imperialist threat that was overcome in World War One). But she declines to privilege
those episodes in the same way, viewing them simply as random signposts in
the long unbroken span of geological time, which stretches back to a mythic
“long ago,” when the narcissus first grew. This point of origin is literally mythic,
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Murnaghan and Roberts
since Madge has been thinking about the story of Echo and Narcissus, which
Bett has told her in order to illustrate the principle of the light in the lamp.
Madge’s auspicious sensibility is also displayed in her response to being rescued by the woodcutter’s son André. As she clings to the mountainside, she
prays to a trio of interchangeable powers, variously invoked in German, Greek,
and English: among them is the Weltgeist, a spirit that her mother has told her
is a lovely idea of the Germans for which there is no translation, but which can
be compared to the Greek god Pan:
Weltgeist was a sort of Pan, a god of terror and of woods, who belonged to
everybody, and that Greek word stays the same too, since the Greeks have
such lovely thoughts and such different thoughts that no words were ever
found to translate them afterwards. Pan in Greek means everything, or
everywhere, and God who was god of everyone, of all, all the wild things,
was called Pan. Weltgeist and Pan were very much alike, and shivering
and trembling, clutching at the berry bushes, Madge cried, “O Weltgeist,
O Pan, O our-Father-which-art, please somebody come to help me.”
H.D., 31
When André then appears, Madge sees him as Pan answering her prayer, for to
her André is “a smallish Pan person, someone who knew everything, who was
everywhere at all times” (h.d., 38).
Madge connects André to Pan especially through his dialect, which she
identifies as “the sort of French the Greek god Pan would speak if he spoke
French and not Greek” (h.d., 35). By making André’s demotic speech the key
to his mythic identity, h.d. stresses the link between myth and the culture of
ordinary people, much as Bates does when she summons up the millions of
children who listen to storytelling grandmothers and identifies Orpheus with
American boys who try to rescue their drowning friends. Not only does Madge
befriend André across divisions of both language and class (in a place where
“everyone knows […] that everyone is as good as everyone else,” h.d., 37), but
she identifies him with a mythic archetype that is itself a symbol of universality. She redefines his particular version of French as the idiom of a figure who
transcends language, who is named in the untranslatable proto-language of
Greek myth and embodies a transcendent idea that is variously expressed in
multiple languages, notably those of the recent war’s antagonists, German and
English. As she interprets her world through the lens of myth, Madge demonstrates the brotherly and sisterly spirit needed for a new, more peaceful world.
Later in her quest, Madge’s enlightened cast of mind is acknowledged in an
exchange with Dr. Blum, the Teiresias-like figure who gives her the hedgehog.
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When Madge says something that strikes him as quaint, he characterises her
through yet another version of the mythic father in heaven: “[…] I often wonder who really was your father. You come out with things like one of the fortunate half-children of Olympus.” Madge wonders what he means, “You mean
God and men, or God and women having children—like—like…,” but then
it seems “quite clear.” “You mean like all of us who have only a Father-whichart-in-Heaven for a father?” (h.d., 69). h.d. appeals to the classical paradigm
of the heroic child with one divine parent, which can be used to articulate an
individual child’s sense of special election, as in the currently popular Percy
Jackson series, where the modern American boy hero discovers that he is the
son of Poseidon and a mortal woman.30 But in pursuit of her particular pacifist
and internationalist goals, h.d. also assimilates this paradigm to her own vision of the orphans of World War One, that privileged “great army of children”
with their mission to bring about a better world.
h.d.’s vision receives visual expression in one of the woodcuts by George
Plank with which The Hedgehog is illustrated (see figure 15.2). Plank makes concrete the idea implicit in h.d.’s relegation of “army” to a metaphor, including
Figure 15.2
30
A woodcut by George Plank from an edition of The Hedgehog by H.D.
© 1988 by Perdita Schaffner, reprinted by permission of New
Directions Publishing Corp.
See Rick Riordan, The Lightening Thief (New York: Hyperion, 2005), and the four subsequent novels in the “Percy Jackson and the Olympians” series.
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girls as well as boys and clothing them, not in the uniforms of a real army, but in
varied dress that signals their diverse national identities. Through their traditional, pre-modern clothing, these children are identified with the protagonists
of the many books about children in foreign lands designed to promote international understanding in young readers.31 Their capacity to overcome national differences is symbolised by the globe around which they hold hands, joining in a circular dance that suggests simple, inclusive, and universal forms of
play. This is child’s play of a different kind from the “fun” of battle drill through
which Wells’s boy protagonists prepare for their destiny as soldiers in a military
culture that prefigures twentieth-century America; this game is designed instead to make all children who respond to the lessons of Antiquity “feel differently about wars and about soldiers killing each other.”
31
A bibliography of such books is included in C.W. Hunt, International Friendship.
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chapter 16
Classical Antiquity in Children’s Literature
in the Soviet Union1
Elena Ermolaeva
In this article I outline the use of Classical Antiquity in Soviet children’s
literature,2 and then I focus on one subject—books for children written by
classical scholars, in particular by professor Salomo Luria (in Russian: Solomon
Yakovlevich Lurie).
According to Isaiah Berlin, “[t]he October Revolution made a violent impact” on Russian culture “but did not dam the swelling tide.”3 Rigid censorship
of authors and ideas was enforced not only for books written for adults but
also for those written for children. Children’s literature served as an important
tool for creating Homo sovieticus. Nevertheless, a considerable number of talented writers continued to write for children. The fate of many of them was
tragic: Nikolay Oleynikov, Grigory Belykh, and others were executed; Daniil
Kharms, Alexander Vvedensky, Mikhail Zoshchenko, Leonid Panteleyev, Vitaly
Bianki, and others were subjected to repression. Some, like Lidia Charskaya,
were ostracised, could not find work, and perished of illness and hunger; others, like Andrey Platonov, continued writing without any possibility of being
published; others still, like Arkady Gaidar, were killed on the battlefields of the
Second World War. Those who were officially recognised by the authorities,
1 My thanks go to Natalie Tchernetska and Leonid Zhmud for their corrections of this article.
A note on transliteration: in transliterating the Cyrillic alphabet we chose the bgn/pcgn romanisation system, developed by the U.S. Board on Geographic Names and by the Permanent
Committee on Geographical Names for British Official Use. For purposes of simplification,
we have converted ë to yo, iy and -yy endings to y, and omitted apostrophes for ъ and ь.
2 Soviet children’s literature is a large subject. The following two books, both in Russian, provide a helpful overview: Evgenia [Yevgeniya] Oskarovna Putilova, Detskoye chteniye—dlya
serdtsa i razuma [Children’s reading: For heart and mind] (St Petersburg: Publishing House
of Herzen University, 2005); Marina Romanovna Balina, Valery Yuryevich Vyugin, eds., “Ubit
Charskuyu…”: Paradoksy sovetskoy literatury dlya detey (1920-e–1930-e) [“To kill Charskaya…”:
Paradoxes of Soviet literature for children (1920–1930)] (St Petersburg: Aleteya, 2013).
3 Isaiah Berlin, “The Arts in Russia under Stalin,” The New York Review of Books, Oct. 19, 2000,
54–62, esp. 52.
© Elena Ermolaeva, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_018
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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Ermolaeva
like Samuil Marshak and Korney Chukovsky, nevertheless lived and wrote in
constant fear.4
Even so, there were sharply critical works by Mikhail Bulgakov, Zoshchenko,
and Platonov, as well as an anti-Stalin play—a tale for children and adults, Dra
kon [The dragon]—written by Yevgeny Shvarts (Eugene Schwartz) in 1944. As
Mark Lipovetsky wrote:
[…] It was supposedly a satire on German Nazism, and even the most
rigid and suspicious censor would not dare to claim that it was about
the Soviet totalitarian regime. The Soviet regime pretended not to recognise itself in Shvarts’s parable […]. Soviet censors were no fools. Their
tolerance of such works most likely involved some kind of unannounced
etiquette: as long as the writer did not violate the conventional rules of
the fairy-tale plot and placed his characters and events outside of the concrete world of Soviet life, he remained under the protection of fantasy.5
As for the theme of Antiquity in children’s literature, it shared a similar fate
with classical scholarship and education more broadly. For the classical tradition managed to survive during the Soviet period despite harsh repression,
including the execution of scholars, the abolition of university chairs, “zombifying” ideology, “the dead hand of official bureaucracy,”6 and censorship. As
Alexander Garvilov observes: “[t]his survival became possible due to the inconsistent double-faced image of a Bolshevik-Communist who aimed to
destroy or, in the other case, to preserve the traditional cultural values.”7
4 Chukovsky and Marshak were well-known to every child in Russia as authors of amusing
poems. Chukovsky, nonetheless, also left the gloomiest diaries. Marshak, as noted by contemporaries, worried that some anti-Soviet hints might be detected in his works; see Nadezhda
Abramson, Zhivoye slovo [The living word], manuscript (1985).
5 Mark Lipovetsky, “Introduction” to part 3: “Fairy Tales in Critique of Soviet Culture,” in Marina
Balina, Helena Goscilo, and Mark Lipovetsky, eds., Politicizing Magic: An Anthology of Rus
sian and Soviet Fairy Tales (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 2005), 233–250 and
240–241. I am grateful to Marion Rutz (University of Trier) for information about this book.
6 An expression of Isaiah Berlin, “The Arts in Russia under Stalin,” 55.
7 Alexander Konstantinovich Gavrilov, “Klassicheskaya filologiya v sssr (1992),” in Olga Budaragina, Alexander Verlinsky, and Denis Keyer, eds., O filologakh i filologii [On philologists and
philology] (St Petersburg: Publishing House of Saint Petersburg State University, 2010), 290
(trans. E.E.). The Russian article was based on the English version by Gavrilov, “Russian Classical Scholarship in the XXth Century,” in Victor Bers and Gregory Nagy, eds., The Classics in
East Europe: Essays on the Survival of a Humanistic Tradition (Worcester, Mass.: American
Philological Association, 1995), 61–81.
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243
Classical education in the traditional form of the classical grammar school
existed in Russia until 1917. In the ussr, the unified Soviet secondary school
system excluded any teaching of classical languages. The secondary school curriculum included only a one-year course in Ancient History, both Eastern and
Western.
Soviet children knew Ancient Greek myths mostly from Legendy i mify
drevney Gretsii [Legends and myths of Ancient Greece] by Nicholas Kuhn
(1877–1940), a Moscow professor, first published in Moscow in 1922. This compilation had its origins in a course Kuhn created in 1914 for grammar school
pupils. In the Soviet Union this book was translated into different national
languages and was reprinted many times in large runs, albeit with passages
removed by Soviet censors, and with quotations from Engels, Marx, and Lenin
added to the preface. The book is still popular today, edited with rich illustrations and without any ideological prefaces.
Heroism was the main pathos of Soviet children’s literature. From this perspective Classical Antiquity was a source of rich ideological material. This is
why the myths of Prometheus, Hercules, and the Argonauts; heroic historical
narratives and novels about Alexander the Great; and translations, such as that
of Spartacus by Raffaello Giovagnoli (1838–1915) were in high demand.8 Prik
lyucheniya Odisseya [Odysseus’s adventures], a prose rendering of the Odyssey
for children, written by Yelena Tudorovskaya (1904–1986), was first published
in 1952 by the publishing house Detskaya Literatura [Children’s Literature],
whose adviser was Ivan Ivanovich Tolstoy (1880–1954), a member of the Academy of Sciences. In 1964 Tudorovskaya wrote Troyanskaya voyna i yeyo geroi
[The Trojan War and its heroes], a narrative retelling of the stories of the Iliad
and the Aeneid. Heroic historical narratives and novels for children were also
quite popular, such as Purpur i yad [Purple and poison] about Mithridates.
This was written by Alexander Nemirovsky (1919–2007), a scholar and a poet,
as well as the translator of Rainer Maria Rilke and Hermann Hesse. The narratives by children’s writer Lyubov Voronkova (1906–1976) were devoted to Ancient Greek history (Messenskiye voyny [Messenian wars], 1969); to Alexander
the Great (Syn Zevsa [A son of Zeus], 1971 and V glubine vekov [In the depth of
centuries], 1973); and to Themistocles (Geroy Salamina [The hero of Salamis],
8 One of the most popular books for youth in the ussr was Spartacus (1874) by Raffaello
Giovagnoli. It was first published in Russia before the 1905 Revolution in an abridged version
(1880–1881), as a historical adventure for young readers. After 1905 it was reissued by “leftist”
publishers as an example of revolutionary literature. A complete edition came out only after
1917. A Soviet sports association founded in 1936 was called “Spartak.” Aram Khachaturian
(1903–1978) composed a ballet with the same title which was awarded the Lenin Prize in 1954.
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1975). Also very popular were novels by Ivan Yefremov (1908–1972), such as his
Tais Afinskaya [Tais of Athens] published in 1973. He was a paleontologist and
philosopher following Nicholas Roerich and Vladimir Vernadsky. There were
also translations of foreign historical novels and scholarly books on subjects
related to ancient culture, such as the aforementioned Spartacus by Raffaello
Giovagnoli; two Polish books: Gdy słońce było bogiem [When the sun was god]
by Zenon Kosidowski (1898–1978) and Perykles i Aspazja [Pericles and Aspasia] by Aleksander Krawczuk (b. 1922); The Ides of March by Thornton Wilder;
I, Claudius by Robert Graves; Civilisation grecque by André Bonnard; and others.
The outstanding classicist, professor Salomo Luria (1891–1964) also wrote
for children (see figure 16.1). His first children’s book, entitled Pismo grecheskogo malchika [A letter from a Greek boy], appeared in 1930.9
Luria graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology of St Petersburg
University in 1913, where he was taught by Sergey Zhebelev, Mikhail Rostovtsev
(Michael Rostovtzeff), Tadeusz Zieliński, and Jan Baudouin de Courtenay. We
know his correspondence with Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Michael
Ventris, and others.10 His wide scholarly interests were reflected in almost
twenty books and more than two hundred articles.11 However, the main work
9
10
11
See Solomon Yakovlevich Lurie, Pismo grecheskogo malchika [A letter from a Greek boy]
(Moskva–Leningrad: giz [State Publishing House], 1930). The print run was big—10,000;
the price was very cheap—35 kopeks.
See Alexander Konstantinovich Gavrilov, “S. Luria i U. Wilamowits” [S. Luria and U.
Wilamowitz], in Budaragina, Verlinsky, and Keyer, eds., O filologakh i filologii, 122–143.
Luria’s main works are: Antisemitizm v drevnem mire [Anti-Semitism in the ancient world]
(Petrograd: Byloye, 1922, repr. 1923 by Izdatelstvo Grzhebina Publisher); Antifont [Antiphon] (Moskva: Golos Truda [The voice of labour], 1925); Istoriya antichnoy obshchestvennoy mysli [The history of ancient social thought] (Moskva—Leningrad: Gosizdat [The
State Publishing House], 1929); Teoriya beskonechno malykh u drevnikh atomistov [The
infinitesimal theory of the ancient Atomists] (Moskva—Leningrad: Izdatelstvo an sssr
[Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences ussr], 1935); Istoriya Gretsii [The history
of Greece] (vol. 1, Leningrad: Izdatelstvo lgu [Publishing House of Leningrad State University], 1940; vol. 2 published only in 1993, St Petersburg: Izdatelstvo SPbGU [Publishing
House of St Petersburg University]); Ocherki po istorii antichnoy nauki [The outlines of
Ancient Greek history of science] (Moskva—Leningrad: Izdatelstvo an sssr [Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences ussr], 1947); Arkhimed [Archimedes] (Vienna:
Phoenix-Bücherei, 1948); Yazyk i kultura mikenskoy Gretsii [The language and culture of
Mycenaean Greece] (Moskva—Leningrad: Izdatelstvo an sssr [Publishing House of the
Academy of Sciences ussr], 1957). Throughout his life he was interested in the history
of science and mathematics—from Babylonian times up to Bonaventura Cavalieri and
Leonhard Euler, whom he translated into Russian.
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Figure 16.1
Professor Salomo Luria (1891–1964) with his
son Yakov Luria in the 1920s
private archive, © by Lev Luria.
of his life—Democritea, the annotated fragments of Democritus—was published only after his death.12
In 1949 Luria was accused of cosmopolitanism for “unprincipled grovelling
before West European science, the stubborn pushing through of ideas of the
so-called ‘world’-science, etc.”13 He was expelled from the Academy of Sciences
and the Department of Classical Philology of Leningrad University, where he
had been working as a professor of Ancient Greek. The Soviet Labour Code did
not have an article for dismissal for ideological transgressions, which is why
Luria was released for unprofessionalism, an obviously ridiculous reason.14 In
1953 Luria became professor at Lviv University in Ukraine—at that time a part
of the Soviet Union.
12
13
14
See Salomo Luria, Democritea (Leningrad: Nauka, 1970).
Yakov Luria, Istoriya odnoy zhizni [The story of one life] (St Petersburg: European University at St Petersburg, 2004), 184.
See Y. Luria, Istoriya odnoy zhizni, 187. Many people were arrested then. In 1950 Luria left
for Odessa. In 1953 “The Doctor’s Plot” campaign started blaming doctors of Jewish origin
for causing intentional harm to patients.
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During the last years of his life Luria kept in touch with his Polish colleagues:
Kazimierz Kumaniecki, Stefan Srebrny, Lidia Winniczuk, and others. Beniamin Nagel wrote an obituary for Luria in the Polish classical journal Meander
in 1965.
So why did Professor Luria start writing for children? There is an amusing
story about this in his biography, Istoriya odnoy zhizni [The story of one life],
which was written by his son Yakov Luria, also a professor and a prominent
scholar in the field of mediaeval Russian history and literature. As this biography could not be published in the Soviet Union, it was published in Paris in
1987 under the name of Bogdana Koprjiva-Luria—Salomo Luria’s sister, who
had emigrated from the ussr. By that time she had already passed away. In
Russia the book was not published until 2004.15 Yakov Luria wrote:
The magazine Yezh [The hedgehog] was published by the children’s
branch of Gosizdat [The State Publishing House] led by Samuil Marshak.
It started in Leningrad in 1928. Salomo Luria together with his son, who
had already learnt to read, became enthusiastic about the magazine. So
Salomo Luria decided to write an article for this magazine about an unusual papyrus of Oxyrhynchus—a letter of a Greek boy to his father who
had not taken him with him on a journey. Surely the young readers of The
Hedgehog would be very interested in what happened later—whether
the boy’s father received the letter and what followed afterward.16
Marshak was excited by the idea and suggested that Luria write the book.17
Through his role as editor, Marshak had already asked some of Russia’s finest
writers, as well as experts in different scientific fields, to try their hand at writing for children. Luria studied epigraphy and papyrology and was even on the
editorial council of Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum in the 1920s. Having
read a letter from the boy Theon to his father in a papyrus of the third century
ad, he decided to write a book about it. He liked Theon for his daring character.
As he said:
15
16
17
See Bogdana Yakovlevna Koprjiva-Luria, Istoriya odnoy zhizni [The story of one life]
(Paris: Atheneum, 1987). See also above, n. 13.
Y. Luria, Istoriya odnoy zhizni, 113.
Samuil Marshak (1887–1964) was one of the founders of Russian (Soviet) literature for
children, a children’s poet, and the translator of Robert Burns, William Blake, Lord Byron, John Keats, T.S. Eliot, Robert Louis Stevenson, Edward Lear, Lewis Carroll, Rudyard
Kipling, A.A. Milne, and many others. From 1924 on he was the head of the children’s
department of the State Publishing House, a position he held for over a decade.
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From this letter we see that even in those times children’s life was not
so bad, and of course there were children who could keep their parents
in awe.18
The text of the papyrus which inspired Luria was published by Bernard Pyne
Grenfell and Arthur Surridge Hunt in 1898:19
Θέων Θέωνι τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν.
καλῶς ἐποίησες οὐκ ἀπένηχές με μετὲ
σοῦ εἰς πόλιν. ἠ οὐ θέλις ἀπενέκκειν μετὲ σοῦ εἰς Ἀλεξανδρίαν, οὐ μὴ γράψω σε ἐπιστολήν οὔτε λαλῶ σε οὔτε υἱγένω σε,
εἶτα ἂν δὲ ἔλθῃς εἰς Ἀλεξανδρίαν οὐ
μὴ λάβω χεῖραν παρὰ [σ]οῦ οὔτε πάλι χαίρω
σε λυπόν. ἂμ μὴ θέλῃς ἀπενέκαι μ[ε]
ταῦτα γε[ί]νετε. καὶ ἡ μήτηρ μου εἶπε Ἀρ̣χελάῳ ὅτι ἀναστατοῖ μὲ ἄρρον αὐτόν.
καλῶς δὲ ἐποίησες δῶρά μοι ἔπεμψε[ς]
μεγάλα ἀράκια πεπλανηκανημ̣ ω̣σεκε[.
τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ιβ’ ὅτι ἔπλευσες. λύρον πέμψον εἴ[ς]
με παρακαλῶ σε. ἂμ μὴ πέμψῃς οὐ μὴ φάγω, οὐ μὴ πείνω· ταῦτα. ἐρῶσθέ σε εὔχ(ομαι). Τῦβι ιη’.
On the verso ἀπόδος Θέωνι [ἀ]π̣ ὸ Θεωνᾶτος υἱῶ.
Theon to his father Theon, greeting. It was a fine thing of you not to take
me with you to the city! If you won’t take me with you to Alexandria
I won’t write you a letter or speak to you or say goodbye to you; and if
you go to Alexandria, I won’t take your hand nor ever greet you again.
That is what will happen, if you won’t take me. Mother said to Archelaus,
“It quite upsets him to be left behind [?].” It was good of you to send me
presents… on the twelfth, the day you sailed. Send me a lyre, I implore
you. If you don’t, I won’t eat, I won’t drink; there now!20
18
19
20
Y. Luria, Istoriya odnoy zhizni, 113.
See Bernard Pyne Grenfell and Arthur Surridge Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. 1 (London:
Egypt Exploration Fund, 1898), 185–186 (POxy, document 119r, date: third century ad).
Luria could have used the edition: Selections from the Greek Papyri, ed. with translations
and notes by George Milligan (Cambrige: Cambridge University Press, 1927), 102–103.
Trans. Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, 185–186.
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In the beginning Luria introduces the captivating story of the letter: a certain
professor Knight, an expert in archaeology from the University of Michigan in
Ann Arbor, once came to the Soviet Union to “make an acquaintance with the
new-Soviet lifestyle,”21 and for three days Luria showed him the best places in
Leningrad. Before his departure the American colleague gave him a small envelope with an unexpected present. It was not the professor’s photo, as Luria
had thought, but a sheet of papyrus which he had found in Oxyrhynchus. He
wanted Luria to read it, and asked him if he would later write a small report on
it. This detail—a friendship with a mythical colleague (i.e., one invented by Luria) from America, even if at that time still possible, could hardly be imagined
only a few years later.
Luria then tells his young readers about papyrus making, about ancient
trash being such a treasure for archaeologists, and about the Greek alphabet,
which he compares to Russian and demonstrates their similarity. Then he
shows the original text of the letter line by line with a Russian transcription
and translation, and his comments.
As the story develops we follow the Greek boy in his daily life. For example,
we find ourselves with him in a grammar lesson at school (see figure 16.2). His
teacher, Lampriskos, is forcing the pupils to write proper names according to
the letters of the alphabet: Achilleus, Bion, Gaios, Dion, etc. One boy cannot
manage to find a name beginning with Kappa, and writes Krokodeilos instead.
Our lively Theon is bored, he looks at the wall and suddenly sees a recent inscription in a corner: ἀναγίγνωσκε ἀνωτάτω πρὸς δεξιά (“read up to the right”).
He looks with curiosity and reads: ὁ ἀναγιγνώσκωv πίθηκος (“the one who reads
is a monkey”). Then Lampriskos makes the boys write a long dictation, in
which after each sentence they add the phrase: φιλοπόνει, ὦ παῖ, μὴ δαρῇς (“be
diligent, boy, so you won’t be whipped”).
The book was a big success and a second extended edition was published six
years later with a print run of 20,000 copies. Some of Luria’s ideas found a place
in this book—for example, the professor created a new character, a Jewish
cosmopolitan Apollonius-Jophan, who is Theon’s paidagogos.22 ApolloniusJophan starts an uprising against the Romans in Alexandria. The uprising fails
and Apollonius perishes. So our boy witnesses a slave revolt. Later Luria rejected this version as artistically poor.
In the Soviet Union slavery was the key theme covered in ancient history
at each educational level—from school to the academy—so that the slave
21
22
Solomon Yakovlevich Lurie, Pismo grecheskogo malchika [A letter from a Greek boy]
(St Petersburg: eidos, 1994, republished with some changes from the 1930 edition, see
n. 9), 7.
We should remember that Luria’s book Antisemitizm v drevnem mire [Anti-Semitism in
Antiquity] was published in 1922.
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Classical Antiquity In Children’s Literature In The Soviet Union
Figure 16.2
249
Pages 20–21 from Salomo Luria’s Pismo grecheskogo malchika [A letter from a
Greek boy]
(Moskva–Leningrad: giz [State Publishing House], 1930, reedited
Moskva: mk Periodika, 2002), © by Lev Luria.
uprising was an almost obligatory element of Antiquity featuring in children’s
books. For example, a Scythian revolt under the leadership of a certain slave
called Saumakos took place in the Bosphorus (which later became a Russian
territory) around 107 bc according to the hypothesis of the academician Sergey Zhebelev, which was based on his reconstruction of The Edict of Diophan
tus. This reconstruction gave birth to a great number of works supporting the
theory that this event had been “the first revolutionary uprising within Soviet
territory.”23
23
Alexander Konstantinovich Gavrilov, “Skify Savmaka—vosstaniye ili vtorzheniye? (ipe
I2 352–Syll.3 709)” [Saumakos’s Scythians: Revolt or invasion? (ipe I2 352–Syll.3 709)], in
Alexander Konstantinovich Gavrilov, ed., Etyudy po antichnoy istorii i kulture severnogo
Prichernomorya [Studies in the ancient history and culture of the northern Black Sea
littoral] (St Petersburg: Glagol, 1992), 53–73 (the book was dedicated to the memory of
S. Luria). This article was republished in Budaragina, Verlinsky, and Keyer, eds., O
filologakh i filologii, 293–306. For the quotation, see p. 295 in this edition. After the October Revolution: “[…] the proletarian Byronism having won in Russia, the government joyfully started to search for uprising movements in human history […]. The October Revolution 1917 in Russia was then considered as their telos—the final aim and the highest point.
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Here a word of explanation is needed: after Stalin’s speech at the Udarnik
(Shock-producing) Collective-Farmers’ Congress in 1933, historians were given
the task of searching for traces of slave revolutions in Antiquity. Zhebelev’s
reconstruction appeared at the same time. He was an old school academician
suffering ideological pressure. There is an anecdote that he responded to the
Communist Party’s demand with the words: “If you want a revolution—you
will get it.”24 It was during this period that the second version of A Letter from
a Greek Boy was written, including the episode of the slave rebellion in Alexandria. Significantly, Luria later played an important role in the critical discussion of The Edict of Diophantus. He pointed out clearly that Saumakos was not
a slave. Indeed, Luria openly said that Zhebelev’s theory was “an emperor with
no clothes.” Luria’s article, not conforming to the official point of view, was not
published in the ussr, even after Stalin’s death—it appeared only in 1959 in
the Polish journal Meander.25
A Letter from a Greek Boy was extremely popular and it was the only Luria’s
book reprinted in his lifetime, with a total of eleven editions. It seems to me
that Luria’s artistic method—namely, to “choose an ancient boy” and to look
at the world through his eyes and in this way enable modern boys and girls to
discover the ancient world for themselves—became very fruitful and popular
in Soviet children’s literature concerning Classical Antiquity. I have found several epigones.
Natalia Bromley’s and Nadezhda Ostromentskaya’s book Priklyucheniya
malchika s sobakoy [The adventures of a boy with a dog] (Moscow, 1959), for
example, tells readers about an ancient boy Cleonus, who was kidnapped by
pirates, later sold into slavery, and finally liberated by the rebellious gladiators
of Spartacus. This was also an imitation of an ancient novel, paying great attention to the Spartacus story.26
24
25
26
The lower-class uprisings that all had failed in the past, legitimised the Proletarian revolution and even its cruelties. […] Let us not discuss how the ideologically censored Soviet
literature on slavery and various lower class rebellions, etc., developed, because the main
result of their efforts was quite accidental—they gave rise to thorough studies of these
historic events in the West, where Marxism was treated even more seriously than in the
Soviet Union” (285).
Ibid., 296.
See Salomo Luria, “Jeszcze o dekrecie ku czci Diofantosa” [The edict of Diophantus again],
Meander 14 (1959): 67–78.
Joanna Kłos from the Faculty of “Artes Liberales” at the University of Warsaw drew my
attention to the similarity of plot of this book to Halina Rudnicka’s Uczniowie Spar
takusa [The disciples of Spartacus] (Warszawa: Nasza Księgarnia, 1951). For Rudnicka,
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251
Kseniya Kolobova, one of the beloved disciples of the famous poet and
translator Vyacheslav Ivanov and later a professor of Ancient Greek and Roman History at Leningrad University, wrote Kak zhili drevniye greki [How the
Ancient Greeks lived] (Leningrad, 1959) with Yelena Ozeretskaya. There are
chapters called “Afinsky malchik” [An Athenian boy], “Raby v Afinakh” [The
slaves in Athens], and so on.
Ozeretskaya also wrote a didactic book Olimpiyskiye igry [The Olympic
games] (Leningrad, 1972). The main characters are Linus, an Athenian boy who
goes to Olympia as a spectator, and Hephaestus, his Scythian paidagogos-slave
who follows him. The parallel story of a slave is depicted especially well. After
the slave has saved his life the sensitive boy suddenly realises that his paidagogos is not just a “speaking instrument.” The boy insists on freeing Hephaestus.
Finally the clever and educated former slave goes back home to Scythia. The
theme of his love for the Motherland sounds like a refrain and is expressed as
a standard Soviet ideological cliché with its typical pathos.
A number of the books probably inspired by Luria’s model were written by
professors of Egyptology who received their education before the Soviet era
at the higher education courses for women and later worked at the Hermitage Museum. One of these was Miliza Mathieu, who wrote Den yegipetskogo
malchika [A day in the life of an Egyptian boy] (Moscow, 1954). Another was
Revekka Rubinshteyn (Rebecca Rubinstein). Her book Glinyany konvert [A clay
envelope] (Moscow, 1962) tells of two boys living in Babylon in the time of King
Hammurabi. In yet another book by Natalia Landa and Samuell Fingaret, Iz
lotosa rozhdayetsya solntse [The sun is born from a lotus] (Leningrad, 1963), the
hero is also an Egyptian boy, and there is again a rebellion of the lower classes.
Luria’s colleague Maria Sergeyenko (1891–1987), a scholar and translator, and
pupil of professor Zieliński and professor Rostovtsev, also wrote for children.
Her book was Padeniye Ikara [The fall of Icarus] (Moskva, 1963).
It is worth noting that this so-called “boy method” has deeper roots. Let us
remember Voyage du jeune Anacharsis en Grèce dans le milieu du IVe siècle published in 1788 by Jean-Jacques Barthélemy, a French writer and member of the
see Katarzyna Marciniak, Elżbieta Olechowska, Joanna Kłos, and Michał Kucharski, eds.,
Polish Literature for Children & Young Adults Inspired by Classical Antiquity. A Catalogue
(Warsaw: Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” 2013), 314–315 (entry by Joanna Grzeszczuk, Michał
Kucharski, and Helena Płotek). Ostromentskaya also wrote a novel Veteran Tsezarya [Caesar’s veteran] (Moskva: Izdatelstvo Detskaya Literatura [Children’s Literature Publishing],
1969) about a young Gavius who took part in Spartacus’s rebellion.
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Ermolaeva
French Academy. The Russian emperor Alexander i paid a Moscow professor,
Petr Strakhov, 6,000 rubles to publish a Russian translation of this work.27
Back to Luria. In the last years of his life (1960–1964) he returned to children’s literature and wrote books about Archilochus and the deciphering of
Mycenaean script. He promised himself that when he finished with serious
scholarly research, he would write a children’s book based on the material he
had explored, in order to demonstrate in an accessible manner what he had
learnt. With Mark Botvinnik (1917–1994), his former student, he also wrote a
book for children: Puteshestviye Demokrita [Democritus’s journey] (Moscow,
1964).
Botvinnik was the author and co-author of a huge number of scholarly and
popular books on the history and culture of ancient Greece and Rome, as well
as a brilliant interpreter and lecturer.28 In 1938 he was arrested based on an
unjust accusation. He later said:
The case for which I was arrested was called “The Case of an Antiquity
Circle.” The interrogator accused us of a strong interest in Antiquity, thus
proving our refusal to accept the happy Soviet modernity.29
So was there any influence of Soviet ideology in Luria’s books? He seems to
have remained outwardly loyal to Soviet power, but, in secret, was inclined to
risky dissent. For example, an old writing book with yellowed pages and without a cover was discovered in his archive (see figure 16.3).30 Its text was partly
27
28
29
30
Puteshestviye mladshego Anakharsisa po Gretsii, v polovine chetvyortogo veka do Rozhdest
va Khristova [Voyage of young Anacharsis to Greece in the middle of the fourth century
bc], vols. 1–9 (Moskva: Tipografiya Avgusta Semyona [Avgust Semen Publishing], 1803–
1819; re-edited Revel: Gymnasia, 1890).
Later Botvinnik contributed to a book of amusing collected stories, Drevnyaya Gretsiya
[Ancient Greece] (Moskva: Prosveshcheniye [Enlightenment Publishing], 1974), written
by a group of philologists and historians and intended for reading in secondary school.
Mark Naumovich Botvinnik, “Kamera nomer 25” [Cell number 25], in Irina Suzdalskaya
and Natalia Botvinnik, eds., Pamyati Marka Naumovicha Botvinnika [In memory of Mark
Naumovich Botvinnik] (St Petersburg: Obshchestvennaya pravozashchitnaya organizatsiya “Grazhdansky Kontrol” [Human Rights ngo “Citizens Watch”], 1997), 114. Botvinnik
was sentenced to five years in prison. When Yezhov was replaced by Beria in 1938 some
of the cases were reviewed and resolved. “The Antiquity Circle” was among them, and
Botvinnik was released.
See Yakov Lurie and Lev Polak, “Sudba istorika v kontekste istorii (S.Y. Lurie: zhizn
i tvorchestvo)” [The fate of the historian in the context of history (S.J. Lurie: Life and
work)], Voprosy istorii yestestvoznaniya i tekhniki [Journal for the history of science] 2
(1994): 3–17, esp. 14.
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Figure 16.3
253
A page from Salomo Luria’s diary, the socalled “Cypriot Writing Book,”
published in Yakov Lurie and Lev Polak, “Sudba istorika v
kontekste istorii (S.J. Lurie: zhizn’ i tvorchestvo)” [The fate of
historian in the context of history (S.J. Lurie: life and work)],
voprosy istorii yestestvoznaniya i tekhniki [ Journal for the
history of science] 2 (1994): 15, © by Lev Luria.
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Ermolaeva
written in the Latin alphabet, and partly in strange characters resembling hieroglyphics. This turned out to be his diary, encoded in the Ancient Cypriot
“syllabarium.” In this, from 1947 onward, he gave a true estimation of the Soviet
regime as slavery. In doing so he committed a heavy political crime according
to Soviet laws and if discovered would have faced the Gulag, but he still preserved that “Cypriot writing book,” which was a real Historia arcana.
Luria and Botvinnik’s account of the impressions of Democritus in Democri
tus’s Journey follows Herodotus’s stories about Egypt, Babylon, and Greece. It
seems to me that thoughts about a slavery-based regime and personal freedom
appear in this children’s book about the “Laughing Philosopher,” albeit in code:
[Democritus:] “So don’t you really feel regret for all that has happened to
you? The civil war is a disaster for both sides. You must sincerely love your
country as you have dared to openly dispute the violators and now have
to live in exile far away from your home?”
[A young man:] “No, I don’t regret it! Here, at least, I can speak loudly
everything that I think, tell people the truth about what happened, and
prepare for new battles together with my friends. The day will come and
we shall return to Megara!”
“So maybe you are right,” replied Democritus, as if reflecting. “Poverty in
a democratic state is better than this ‘happy life’ for fools in a state conquered by invaders. It is clear as well that freedom is better than slavery.”31
[…] An Egyptian who is a defender of Cheops argues against Democritus:
“The Egyptians died of heavy labour but Pharaoh was a divinity for them
and loyalty to him was the highest law. People understood that happiness
was not in wealth or tasty food but in feeling their duty done. The present generation cannot imagine even what happiness it was to definitely
believe in Pharaoh. Human consciousness becomes free from so much
suffering and doubt due to the belief that the state is ruled by the living
god. In Cheops’s time such a belief was compulsory.”32
31
32
Solomon Lurie and Mark Botvinnik, Puteshestviye Demokrita [Democritus’s Journey]
(Moskva: MK-Periodika, 2002; ed. pr. 1964), 75 (trans. E.E.).
Ibid., 82. Compare this with some lines from the “Cypriot writing book” of Luria, in
Y. Lurie and Polak, “Sudba istorika v kontekste istorii (S.Y. Lurie: Zhizn i tvorchestvo),” 14:
“The typical features of the Soviet system are its special ‘two realities.’ The citizens of the
Soviet Union not only suffer a hard and dull life but also must play their roles through all
of it—as the actors in a joyful, spectacular show of an earthly paradise not corresponding
with everyday reality […]. From the point of view of the Marxist methodology of history
the Soviet regime is a slave-owning system” (trans. E.E.).
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It is worth noting that the book was published about two years after Aleksandr
Solzhenitsyn published his Odin den Ivana Denisovicha [One day in the life of
Ivan Denisovich]. That was a symbolic event of “Khrushchev’s Thaw,” the period after the death of Stalin in March 1953.
In conclusion, why did Luria, Botvinnik, and other scholars write books
for children?33 One of my colleagues cynically answered: “For money.” This is
hard to deny, but there must have been other reasons as well—I am convinced
that they were simply open-minded people who loved Classical Antiquity and
wanted to share their love and knowledge of it.34
33
34
The books written for children by Luria, Botvinnik, Rubinshteyn, Mathieu, and other
scholars were reedited in 2002 (Moskva: MK-Periodika) in the series “Uchyonye Rossii
detyam” [Scholars of Russia for children], see: https://www.livelib.ru/pubseries/10050
(accessed June 1, 2016).
For the newest analytical discussion on this topic in Russia, see Balina and Valery
Yuryevich Vyugin, eds., “Ubit Charskuyu…”; especially the sections “Obshchiye problemy”
[General problems], 7–19, and “Nedetskiye pisateli dlya detskoy literatury” [Non-children
writers for children’s literature], 262–287.
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chapter 17
Katabasis “Down Under” in the Novels
of Margaret Mahy and Maurice Gee
Elizabeth Hale
Two writers of fiction for young adults have dominated the New Zealand literary scene in the past few decades. Margaret Mahy and Maurice Gee are wellknown, both at home and abroad, for their intelligent, sensitive, and dramatic
fantasy, historical, and science fiction novels, which bring exciting action to
the shores of this small country in the Southern Pacific Ocean.
New Zealand consists of three islands, and is located in the very far South.
Along with Australia it is affectionately known as the Antipodes, or “Down Under.” The first human inhabitants, Polynesians, are thought to have migrated
to the islands in the thirteenth century, forming the seeds of what became the
Maori culture. They called the islands Aotearoa, or Land of the Long White
Cloud. The first Western sighting of Aotearoa was in 1642 by the Dutch explorer
Abel Tasman; the Dutch called the place Nova Zeelandia. The name became
Anglicised after James Cook visited the islands in 1769–1770. European migration began in the nineteenth century, first by missionaries and then by settlers, in an organised scheme of land purchase and farming. The country was
claimed as part of the British Empire, following the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840;
it has remained in the Commonwealth, and the bulk of its population is of British origin. The population is currently around four million people. It has strong
political ties to Australia, the uk, and the United States, and is a leader in the
Pacific region, with links to Asia as well. New Zealand literature reflects those
ties and those influences, and is particularly concerned with engaging with
them by incorporating them, reforming them, confronting them, in various
literary shapes and forms. And classical material is part of that engagement,
providing a tie to the myths, language, and narrative structures that underlie
much European culture.
New Zealand is seismically active. It is part of a submerged continent that
lies over the borders of the Pacific and Australian tectonic plates, which are
colliding at a rate of 40 mm a year; It is prone to earthquakes, and significant
parts of the land were formed by volcanoes—the cities of Dunedin and Christchurch are located on or near extinct volcanoes. Auckland, the largest city,
is built on or around seven volcanic peaks, including the dormant volcanic
island, Rangitoto. Because of the seismically active nature of the land, New
© Elizabeth Hale, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_019
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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Katabasis “Down under”
257
Zealand is often known as the “shaky isles”. There have been two catastrophic
earthquakes in the past century, one in 1931 in Napier in the North Island, and a
series of earthquakes in Canterbury and Christchurch in the South Island from
2010 onward. New Zealanders are brought up to be aware of the fragility of the
land—its cracks and fissures, and the instability and danger that lurk beneath
the surface.
New Zealand’s geographical location “down under” and its geological formation, whereby seismic activity brings the “Underworld” closer to the surface, provide storytellers with many opportunities. One set of opportunities
comes from its resonance with the classical narrative motif of “katabasis,” or
the journey to the Underworld. The term comes from the Greek, meaning a
trip downward—usually from the interior of a country to the coast, but in epic
convention it refers to the journey to and return from (as anabasis) the Underworld. The katabasis is often part of the hero’s quest: heroes such as Achilles,
Aeneas, Jesus Christ, Dante, or Gandalf make a journey into the Underworld,
either to consult the ghosts of the dead and wisdom of the past, or to confront
and overcome demons and death. In myth, Orpheus descends to Hades to attempt the rescue of Eurydice; Ceres is more successful in rescuing her daughter
Persephone from the clutches of Hades. The term has application to literal descents, as in a hero’s quest. It is also used, literally or metaphorically, to express
a number of related concerns to do with family, society, and the individual.
In terms of the individual, katabasis also has psychological applications—the
protagonist’s confrontation with the demons of her/his past, or of her/his own
fears or weaknesses of character. As a narrative shape in the hero’s journey or
stage in the protagonist’s development as an individual, katabasis has resonance in adolescent fiction, much of which is devoted to novels of coming of
age and growth.
The katabases that can be seen in operation in the young adult novels of
Margaret Mahy and Maurice Gee combine the geographical and the emotional: an awareness of the fissures in the New Zealand landscape, from which
evil can emerge, or into which protagonists must journey, connects with the
individual descents into darkness (emotional, familial, societal) of the young
protagonists.
Margaret Mahy (1934–2012) was New Zealand’s most successful writer of
children’s and young adult literature. From the 1960s on, she produced an enormous number of titles, including stories, poems, readers, learning media, nonfiction, and television scripts. In the 1970s, her work reached an international
audience. For some time, Mahy wrote material that was deliberately unspecific
in setting and theme, judging that if she was to succeed as a full-time writer
of children’s literature, she needed to reach as wide an audience as possible.
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Hale
This was easier to achieve in the shorter format material. However, in the 1980s,
she began writing more complex work—novels for young adult readers. These
novels can loosely be characterised as a blend of domestic fiction, magic realism, and fantasy. They engage with issues of adolescent identity in a family setting, and in the New Zealand landscape—particularly the landscape of
Christchurch and the nearby Banks Peninsula, where Mahy lived.
Many of Mahy’s novels engage with katabasis. I will focus on two: The Trick
sters (1986) and Dangerous Spaces (1991).1 Both of these novels consider the
relation of an adolescent girl to her family, using motifs of magic, katabasis,
and classical myth in order to depict different kinds of coming of age—of the
protagonist and her family.
The Tricksters is set in a family holiday house on a peninsula formed by an
extinct volcano. The house, called Carnival’s Hide, has a sad past. It was built
by Edward Carnival, an eccentric widower, who lived there with his son Teddy and his daughter Minerva. On Teddy’s death (by drowning, the story goes,
though it later emerges that Edward had struck him on the head with a trowel,
killing him), Edward and Minerva leave New Zealand for England. In the novel,
the family of the protagonist, Harry, owns the house, and visits it every Christmas. The novel takes place from the summer solstice until just after New Year.
At the heart of The Tricksters is Harry’s development toward self-acceptance
and the resolution of tensions in a large and fragmented family. Harry’s real
name is Ariadne. She is seventeen, and on the brink of womanhood. She is jealous of her beautiful and melodramatic older sister, Christobel, and sensitive to
the tensions between her parents, because her father Jack has been unfaithful,
with Emma, a friend of Christobel, who has had a baby. Not everyone in the
family knows about this, and the secret is not fully revealed until a climactic
scene toward the end of the novel—its revelation, however painful, enables a
resolution of the tensions in the family and healing of a kind.
Harry is the quiet one in the family. She has secretly been writing a fantasy
novel, into which she pours her desires for recognition, power, and sexuality.
Early in The Tricksters, Harry goes down to the bay with her brother and sister.
She finds a mollusc shell, eroded into the shape of a ring. Jokingly declaring her
desire for power, she puts it on her finger, and says: “I’m Mrs Oceanus. Everything comes out of me” (18). She goes for a swim, and, feeling around in a small
cave, formed by a volcanic worm of lava, finds a crack in the back. When she
puts her hand in it, another, ghostly hand, clutches her own.
1 Margaret Mahy, The Tricksters (New York: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1986); and Dangerous Spaces
(London: Hamish Hamilton, 1991). All quotations are from these editions.
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259
Harry has awoken the shade of Teddy Carnival and enabled it to come
through from the Underworld. When she leaves the bay, she sees a dripping
man, kneeling on a rock nearby. Shortly afterward, three unexpected visitors,
the Tricksters of the title, appear at Carnival’s Hide. They claim that their names
are Ovid, Hadfield, and Felix, and that they are descendants of the Carnivals.
They have taken these names from the spines of three books in the house, including Ovid’s Metamorphoses. All three are the ghost of Teddy Carnival—they
bear on their foreheads the same scar from the accident with the trowel—but
of a particular kind. Ovid represents the Superego, Hadfield the Id, and Felix
the Ego. Together, controlled by Ovid, they manipulate and tease Harry, and
through her, her family. Harry falls in love with Felix. Hadfield tries to rape her.
And Ovid reveals Harry’s secret novel to Christobel, the older and domineering sister, who scornfully reads it out loud to the others. The novel is a fantasy
romance, and Harry is humiliated at having her writing, and her adolescent
feelings, made fun of. In a rage, she reveals the secret, that Jack has fathered a
baby with Christobel’s friend Emma. Following a shattering scene, the brothers
are finally vanquished by another visitor—Anthony from England, who turns
out to be a descendant of Minerva Carnival—and the truth of how Teddy died
is revealed.
At the beach, Harry burns her fantasy novel, recognising that its uncontrolled expressions of passion have partly called forth the disruptive spirits of
the Carnival brothers. She finds another mollusc ring and draws on the powers
of Mrs Oceanus once more—this time finding for a moment that all things do
flow through her. In an orgasmic scene, she becomes one with the waters of the
bay, and finds a peaceful and powerful clarity of vision. At the end of the novel,
as she leaves the ocean to walk back to the house, she glances back, expecting
to see that her footprints are made of light.
Instead of taking Harry or her family on a literal underground journey, The
Tricksters shows them being drawn into a frenzy of recriminations by the
Carnival brothers. Felix, Ovid, and Hadfield function as Dionysian figures of
chaos and destruction, setting out to blow up the tenuous serenity of Harry’s
family, calling forth the malign spirit of their own unresolved family struggle.
The family proceeds downward together, getting tenser and angrier and more
unsettled, until a cataclysmic scene of revelation (the secret of Jack’s baby).
Though Harry is ashamed of being tricked into making that revelation, her action enables openness, healing, and clarity—as indeed do the Eleusinian Mysteries. (Interestingly, after Harry speaks the secret, she thinks of herself as both
Pandora and the box of secrets—making the connection, of course, to the last
of the secrets that is let out, which is that of Hope.)
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Harry’s name, Ariadne, of course, evokes another underworld traveller of a
sort. It is Ariadne who gives the thread to Theseus to enable him to traverse the
labyrinth of the Minotaur. But instead of a literal labyrinth, Minotaur, or classical hero, the labyrinth in this novel is the minefield of family relations and secrets; the Minotaur is the secret lurking at its heart, and the secret resentments
of the family. It is also the labyrinth of the female writer’s identity, as Christine
Wilkie-Stibbs and Claudia Marquis have argued:2 Harry’s novel has called forth
the tricksters, who resemble in part her fantasy hero and reveal that he is more
than she can handle.
I will come back to the novel’s setting shortly. But before I do, I would like
to discuss Dangerous Spaces, in which Mahy returns to the idea of katabasis
and family tensions. As in The Tricksters, Dangerous Spaces is set on the Banks
Peninsula in an old house filled with family secrets. The novel is less ambitious
in scale and scope, focusing on two eleven-year-old cousins, Flora and Anthea,
who are forced into cohabitation after Anthea’s parents die. Anthea is suicidally depressed, and Flora is resentful at having to share her family with her. They
find a portal to another world in a photograph taken by Flora’s grandfather,
who had built the house in which they live, which Flora’s father is unsuccessfully trying to renovate. In a clear allegory of suicidal depression, Anthea goes
in her dreams to visit an underworld space called Viridian, where she encounters a boy, Griff, who lures her to stay there by promising that she can rejoin her
parents. Griff is lonely because he misses his brother, Lionel, who, it emerges,
is the girls’ grandfather, who built the house and whose ghost still haunts it. Ultimately, Flora persuades Lionel to go with Griff. Having done so, she is able to
bring Anthea back to life and integrate her into the family. The family is further
healed by the exorcism of Lionel from the house—enabling them to renovate
it and live in it on their own terms.
Viridian (named after a shade of green) is explicitly classical: its entrance
is a subterranean amphitheatre decked with classical statues. Griff and Lionel depart for the Underworld in a small boat across the sea to an island—
recalling the boat of Charon, the ferryman of Hades. Griff’s attempt to possess Anthea recalls Hades’ abduction of Persephone; so too, Flora’s rescue of
her recalls Ceres’ rescue of Persephone. And of course, their names—Anthea
and Flora—remind us of Persephone’s role as the deity of the spring and renewal. Indeed, Flora’s actions in rescuing Anthea enable renewal of the family
2 See Christine Wilkie-Stibbs, The Feminine Subject in Children’s Literature (New York: Routledge, 2002); and Claudia Marquis, “Ariadne Down Under: Margaret Mahy’s The Tricksters,”
in Elizabeth Hale and Sarah Fiona Winters, eds., Marvellous Codes: The Fiction of Margaret
Mahy (Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2005), 62–83.
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in several ways, not merely saving her from suicide, but saving herself from
destructive jealousy of her cousin, and her fear that Anthea will usurp her role
in the family.
In these two novels the archetypal descent into and return from a literal
or metaphorical or allegorical Underworld is connected with the complicatedness of family relations. These katabases enable problems to be faced and
worked out, and light to be shone on healed families—families that have defeated the monsters of the past. It is striking that in each of these novels, pain
is inflicted through the generations. This is made clear in the setting for the action, houses built by previous generations, which need to be exorcised of their
influence, one of a particularly oppressive form of conservatism, in contrast
to the accepting and tolerant diversity of family advocated in the novels. Holly Blackford points to the Ceres and Persephone story as enabling reflection
on adolescent girls’ individuation in the context of their relations with their
mothers, and I think she is correct, especially as this connects to Mahy’s work.3
But as well as being set in old houses, The Tricksters and Dangerous Spaces
are set on the Banks Peninsula, where Mahy lived. The peninsula is a collapsed
and extinct volcano near the city of Christchurch, and has many beautiful inlets and harbours. The memory of the ancient volcano runs through the novels,
as does a consciousness of the earth’s powers. Significantly, in The Tricksters, an
earthquake rocks the house in the night before Harry’s disastrous revelations.
A pathetic fallacy perhaps, but connected with the underwater volcanic cave
in which Harry reaches through a fissure to touch the power of the Underworld
when her hand is grasped by the ghostly hand. Geological moments and forces
connect with the psyche, as strongly as the classical models: Harry’s mother,
Naomi, reflecting on the pain Jack’s infidelity has caused the family, uses this
metaphor explicitly:
“I got quite frantic,” Naomi said. “I tried to take everything over. […] first
I wanted to adopt Tibby, and then I tried to have another baby myself. We
all got so terribly unhappy that all feelings changed under pressure, like
metamorphic rock—remember your geology?: rock altered after forma
tion by heat and pressure,” she quoted in a school-teacherish voice, looking around her at the old volcano.
“Metamorphoses by Ovid,” Harry couldn’t help saying. (253)
3 Holly Virginia Blackford, The Myth of Persephone in Girls’ Fantasy Literature (New York—
Abingdon: Routledge, 2012).
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Harry is referring to the most powerful Carnival brother, Ovid, who has taken his name from the spine of a book in the house—the book, of course, is
Ovid’s Metamorphoses. And the term “metamorphosis”—be it mythological or
geological—has especial power in the novel: formation by heat and pressure is
responsible for the exploded volcano in which the action takes place. The risk
for the Hamiltons is that, like the Carnivals before them, the heat and pressure of family emotions will cause a similar cataclysm. The risk for Flora and
Anthea is that mutual distrust and unhappiness will leave Anthea marooned
in the dangerous space of Viridian. A key aspect of Mahy’s work, however, is
the emphasis on regeneration and healing. Metamorphosis can be for the better as well as for the worse, and though she sends her characters into perilous
realms, she brings them out again, made stronger by facing danger.
The other novelist I discuss, Maurice Gee (b. 1931), has an altogether bleaker
vision of humanity, at least in terms of the scale of evil afoot in the world.
Mahy’s novels are concentrated on the family. She is less concerned with
the overthrow of evil or villainy, and more interested in the potential for human passions to spill over, harming others. Gee is more concerned with a
broad, sociopolitical type of evil, particularly that which comes from imperialism, corporate greed, and the corrupting aspects of power. Gee is one
of New Zealand’s foremost novelists, with an oeuvre of some thirty novels
for adults and fifteen for children. Unlike Mahy, Gee has never consciously
written for an international audience: New Zealand society is his subject.
His novels are deeply embedded in place. Of his novels for young readers,
half are realist and historical, providing a novelistic history for New Zealand
children. The other half are fantasy novels of differing kinds—some set in contemporary New Zealand, some involving portal travel from New Zealand to
another world, some set in a post-apocalyptic degraded New Zealand. In all of
them, children or young adults do battle against villains of various kinds, villains whose conquering requires travel to metaphorical or literal underworlds.
Gee’s first novel for young readers, Under the Mountain (1979), is set in Auckland.4 It concerns the efforts of a pair of psychic redheaded twins, Rachel and
Theo, to defeat “the People of the Mud Who Conquer and Multiply.” These are
worm-like mud-dwelling aliens who came to earth centuries ago, and secreted
themselves beneath Auckland in lairs formed from the volcanic caves that lie
under the city. They have been gathering their strength to take over the Earth:
to do so, they plan to link up the volcanoes of the city, causing a cataclysmic
explosion that will destroy human life and enable them to reduce the planet to
4 Maurice Gee, Under the Mountain (Wellington: Oxford University Press, 1979).
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Katabasis “Down under”
the sea of mud that is their preferred habitat. It is a clear allegory of imperial
expansion or corporate greed: they have invaded planet after planet, exhausting their resources, and will now do the same to Earth.
The twins develop their psychic powers under the tutelage of Mr. Jones, a
Gandalf-like figure who is the last of a benign race of aliens (the People Who
Understand) who have devoted their civilisation to eradicating the People of
the Mud Who Conquer and Multiply. After various encounters with the worms,
which involves being chased through the slimy tunnels they have carved under
the city, Theo and Rachel hurl psychically charged magic stones into the craters of two of Auckland’s most spectacular volcanoes: Mt Eden and Rangitoto.
Rachel’s does its job, but Theo’s stone explodes early, causing a disastrous eruption. (As a skeptic, Theo has struggled more to control his psychic abilities than
has Rachel the humanist, who pities the worms as much as she fears them.)
Though the worms are defeated, much of the city burns. The novel ends with
the twins walking slowly through the landscape to find their family.
Under the Mountain had a significant impact on New Zealand readers—
mainly because of the way that Gee brought galactic action to a local setting.
And like Mahy, Gee uses recognisable archetypes, such as the hero’s journey,
the wise mentor, the underworld journey, and connects them to parts of the
seismic landscape. Where Mahy’s seismic landscape, however, offers a symbolic connection to the cataclysmic powers existing within the family, Gee’s
landscape in Under the Mountain draws on a more basic fear of the threat of
volcanic eruptions.
Beneath the peaceful city, then, dangers lurk—in more than one guise. On
the one hand, there are the volcanic caverns and mountains, loci of terrifying
and deadly power; on the other hand, these are benign until exploited by the
aliens who dwell in them. Another possibility exists: that the aliens themselves
are victims of their own natures—as amoral as the landscape. That is partly
why Rachel pities them.
The idea of the pitiable monster lurking in a labyrinth beneath the city is
something Gee returns to. In Salt (2007), the first of a trilogy of novels set in a
post-apocalyptic New Zealand, two adolescents, Hari and Pearl, help overthrow
Odo Cling, the evil overlord of a decaying city.5 Cling maintains his powers
by harnessing the energy of an abject monster, the Gool, which lives underneath the city. Hari and Pearl penetrate a labyrinth of tunnels to confront and
overcome the Gool, but when they reach it, though they are revolted by its
abject monstrosity, they (especially Pearl) feel pity for it:
5 Maurice Gee, Salt (Auckland: Puffin, 2007). All quotations are from this edition.
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The Gool had been born from an oily crack in the mountainside. It bulged
from darkness into the morning light, undulating beneath its skin. The
main part of its body lay on the slope down from the crack, spreading,
flattening, busy at its edges with a thousand tiny mouths eating whatever
they found. Except for that ant-like busyness, and the organs turning under its skin, it was like a dead jellyfish on a beach, but a thousand times
larger than any jellyfish ever seen. (73)
Though the Gool is abject and frightening, Pearl, like Rachel before her in Un
der the Mountain, conquers it by pitying it. In confronting an Underworld demon, then, she is able to find redemption, to resist a traditional slaying. In this
novel Gee investigates the nature of heroism—true heroism requires the ability to turn away from violence, to turn the other cheek, perhaps (to harrow hell
through pity?). He shows the need for both physical strength and confidence,
but also for intuition and empathy when encountering demons. Such emotional strength enables the protagonists to return to the surface, having conquered their own base emotions as much as any monster they may encounter.
Gee is continually concerned with understanding and depicting the nature
of evil. He refers to his work as “mining,” and in his children’s literature, he says,
he gets away from the “explorations of guilt and delving into psyches I’d been
doing in my writing for adults”:
I wanted, for a time, to write horizontally rather than vertically—do
open-cast mining, if I can put it another way, rather than deep-shaft mining. For that reason I decided to write what I call fantasy/adventure—put
the emphasis on movement, develop narrative pace, tell a story as story
pure and simple.6
Gee claims that his children’s literature is “surface” work. Yet in his repeated
use of imagery of the Underworld, of passages to and from it, of the need to dig,
or travel, beneath the surface, Gee cannot escape from katabasis as an allegorical or metaphorical alternative to the intense psychic exploration of his adult
novels. The Fat Man (1995), his most striking realist novel for young readers, is
a case in point.7 This novel, set on the North Island during the Depression Era,
is about a man who returns to the village where he grew up in order to exact
revenge on his childhood bullies. It is told through the eyes of Colin, the son
6 Maurice Gee, “Creeks and Kitchens: Margaret Mahy Lecture—Maurice Gee, 23 March 2002,”
Inside Story: Yearbook (2002): 18.
7 Maurice Gee, The Fat Man (Auckland: Viking Press, 1995).
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of one of the bullies. The Fat Man, Herbert Muskie, has made money as a gunrunner in the United States, and is wanted by the law. Because he has money
he has power over his former tormentors, suffering in the Depression, which
struck New Zealand hard. It is a frightening story of sadism and abuse. Colin
is a reluctant ally of Muskie, who has caught him trespassing in his mother’s
creek. Muskie rises, dripping, from the creek, like an Underworld avenger coming out of the Styx, and captures Colin, and Colin is in horrified thrall to him
thereafter.
Muskie’s rise to the surface might be an anabasis—the opposite of katabasis, where the journey is made in reverse—a journey up from the coast to the
hinterland, or up from Hades to Earth. However, Muskie plunges the village
into various kinds of moral darkness, not only by his desire for revenge, but
by his unredeemable bad nature. No one is able to conquer him; he is only defeated when the law discovers his whereabouts, and he is forced to run.
Even then, ultimately, Muskie conquers himself. When he goes on the run,
he kidnaps Colin as security. But when they reach the edge of a crevasse, and
the only way across is through a flying fox, a small cage winched across on a
cable, he climbs into the contraption, and begs Colin to operate the machine.
Both of them know that the cable will not bear his weight. And here, once again,
a protagonist learns to feel empathy for a monster. Colin, pitying Herbert—in
both his monstrosity and his pain—agrees to assist him in committing suicide.
And so Herbert returns, or is returned, to the depths from whence he came.
Order is restored in The Fat Man, though Colin’s comprehension of his parents’ frailty never leaves him. Indeed, this is a key aspect of Gee’s novels. To
have compassion for the frailties of others, even of evil others, requires his
protagonists to confront and understand them, to go into the depths where
they lurk, or to accompany them when they come to the surface. Katabasis (or
anabasis) in Gee’s work, connected to the labyrinth or the underworld and its
relation to the upper world, again connects to the hero’s journey—not necessarily to restoring order, or defeating evil, but to achieving understanding and
knowledge.
As any Ancient Roman could tell us, volcanoes and earthquakes are not a
new invention. They are certainly not a postcolonial construction designed to
overturn and challenge classical literature. But they are a distinctive feature
of the New Zealand landscape, and offer interesting possibilities for writers
who wish to set their novels in that landscape. Mahy and Gee, by exploiting
those possibilities, find useful thematic resonances with the journeys they take
their protagonists on. And in doing so, they connect the new with the ancient,
placing their narratives about very young people in a young country in the
continuum of long-used powerful motifs. In using katabasis Down Under, then,
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both Gee and Mahy employ archetypal structures that are useful for exploring
adolescent identity, in terms of individuation within the family and in terms
of the broader society—the networks of feeling and common effort that join a
society together, whether for good or for ill. And they do it by connecting to the
seismic nature of the landscape, its ready porousness, which provides, through
crevasses, creeks, bays, caves, fissures, earthquakes, and volcanoes, ready access to, and from, the world that lies beneath.
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chapter 18
‘His Greek Materials’: Philip Pullman’s
Use of Classical Mythology
Owen Hodkinson
Introduction
Philip Pullman’s popular and critically acclaimed trilogy His Dark Materials,1
a reworking of Milton’s Paradise Lost,2 is naturally pervaded with allusions to
Judaeo-Christian mythology and to some of the most influential texts within
that tradition, from the Christian Bible to Dante and William Blake.3 Scholarship on the trilogy to date has focused primarily on its engagement with this
tradition;4 but there is a strong undercurrent of Greek mythology and allusion
1 Consisting of Northern Lights (us title The Golden Compass), first published 1995; The Sub
tle Knife, 1997; and The Amber Spyglass, 2000. Nota bene, for reasons of space, this chapter will focus only on the original trilogy, not the various spin-offs: Philip Pullman, Lyra’s
Oxford (Oxford—New York: David Fickling Books, 2003); Once Upon a Time in the North
(Oxford—New York: David Fickling Books, 2008); and a third, The Book of Dust, long awaited.
See Susan R. Bobby, “Persephone Ascending: Goddess Archetypes and Lyra’s Journey to
Wholeness,” in Catherine Butler and Tommy Halsdorf, eds., Philip Pullman (New Casebooks)
(Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2014), 146–163, with further references for some suggestions on Greek
mythical parallels with these supplementary stories of Lyra’s universe. I shall refer henceforth to the trilogy as hdm, and to the individual books as nl, sk, and as. Page numbers in
the trilogy are those in the uk editions in the Point imprint of Scholastic Books: see Philip
Pullman, Northern Lights (London: Scholastic Children’s Books, 1998); The Subtle Knife
(London: Scholastic Children’s Books, 1998); and The Amber Spyglass (London: Scholastic
Children’s Books, 2001).
2 See below, text to n. 10.
3 In the acknowledgements to as at p. 550 Pullman mentions Blake’s works along with Paradise Lost and von Kleist’s essay On the Marionette Theatre as the three most significant debts
owed by his trilogy. The protagonist Lyra’s surname, Belacqua, is one of several allusions to
Dante.
4 But see Butler and Halsdorf, eds., Philip Pullman, for a more comprehensive approach; for an
orientation in the rapidly expanding bibliography about Pullman’s work, see their “Selected
Bibliography and Further Reading,” Ch. 11, 170–178; see also Catherine Butler “Modern Children’s Fantasy,” in Edward James and Farah Mendlesohn, eds., The Cambridge Companion
to Fantasy Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 224–235, for context.
For the predominance of studies examining the interplay with Christian materials and the
question of religion, see, e.g., David Gooderham, “Fantasizing It as It Is: Religious Language
© Owen Hodkinson, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_020
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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Hodkinson
to classical literature, which, though undoubtedly secondary (both in terms of
the sheer number of allusions to Christian materials and its primary hypotext
being Paradise Lost), deserves a detailed exploration, which I begin with this
chapter.5
I shall first consider the question of the intended and actual readership(s)
of hdm, especially as it relates to the child reader and her ability to recognise
the classical allusions discussed in the chapter. As we shall see, Pullman has
publicly expressed views on education (especially literary) which may imply
a certain type of “ideal reader” or “implied audience” for his novels. Secondly, Pullman has spoken in several interviews about his knowledge and use of
Greek mythology and literature in his earlier career as a teacher; this reduces the need to rely on speculation about the author’s familiarity with materials which could be identified as possible classical hypotexts for the trilogy,
making it more likely that deliberate allusion, imitation, or reworking is indeed in play. In the main body of the chapter, I shall then argue that although
allusions to the literature of and about Christian myth6 are in some ways
in Philip Pullman’s Trilogy, His Dark Materials,” Children’s Literature 31 (2003): 155–175; Hugh
Raymond-Pickard, The Devil’s Account: Philip Pullman and Christianity (London: Darton
Longman and Todd, 2004); Burton Hatlen “Pullman’s His Dark Materials, a Challenge to
the Fantasies of J.R.R. Tolkien and C.S. Lewis, with an Epilogue on Pullman’s Neo-Romantic
Reading of Paradise Lost,” in Millicent Lenz with Carole Scott, eds., His Dark Materials Illuminated (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2005), 75–94; K.D. Robinson, “His Dark Materials: A Look into Pullman’s Interpretation of Milton’s Paradise Lost,” Mythlore 24 (2005): 2–16;
Shelley King, “Without Lyra We Would Understand neither the New nor the Old Testament: Exegesis, Allegory, and Reading The Golden Compass,” in Lenz and Scott, eds., His Dark Materials Illuminated, 106–124; Andy Leet, “Rediscovering Faith through Science Fiction: Pullman’s
His Dark Materials,” in Lenz and Scott, His Dark Materials Illuminated, 174–187; Anne-Marie
Bird, “Circumventing the Grand Narrative: Dust as an Alternative Theological Vision in Pullman’s His Dark Materials,” in Lenz and Scott, eds., His Dark Materials Illuminated, 188–198;
Richard Greene and Rachel Robison, eds., The Golden Compass and Philosophy: God Bites the
Dust (Chicago: Open Court, 2009); Ulrike Susanne Scherer, “Dream Not of Other Worlds”: C.S.
Lewis, Philip Pullman and the Ghost of Milton (Otago: Ph.D. Diss., 2010); Pat Pinsent, “Philip
Pullman’s ‘Religious Reaction against Religion’,” in Butler and Halsdorf, eds., Philip Pullman,
19–35; Naomi Wood, “The Controversialist: Philip Pullman’s Secular Humanism and Responses to His Dark Materials,” in Butler and Halsdorf, eds., Philip Pullman, 76–95.
5 Pullman’s engagement with Greek material has of course been noted and discussed to some
extent, but this is the first investigation to focus on and draw together all of the major classical hypotexts and references.
6 In order to avoid repeating such cumbersome formulations throughout the chapter, I shall
sometimes use “Christian” to designate all literary texts alluded to in hdm to which a Christian worldview and/or a basis in or understanding of the Christian Bible or Christianity are
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indisputably more important to the fabric of the trilogy, references to ancient
Greek myths and texts are also important, and stand in a complex array of
interplay with the Christian allusions;7 indeed, in some cases the Greek mythological referents are likely to be more familiar to the trilogy’s target audience;
and some of them, relying on that assumed familiarity, are employed in order
to set up and provide a shorthand for an alternative worldview to the Christian
hypotexts.
The Child Reader and the Ideal Reader
For a trilogy targeted at the children’s literature market—albeit the teen/young
adult end of it8—hdm is extremely long (a total of almost 1,300 pages), complex, and rich in allusions. Recognition of this led the author to be surprised at
its huge success (15 million copies sold worldwide in 40 languages, in addition
to film and theatre adaptations and spin-off books). In an interview in Intelligent Life magazine, Pullman said:
I thought there would be a small audience—a few clever kids somewhere
and a few intelligent adults who thought, “That’s all right, quite enjoyed it.”9
This confirms the author’s aim to include children as at least a part of his readership, while at the same time acknowledging the complexity and potential
difficulty of the material. The target market is also confirmed by the publisher:
the books were first published in the uk by the Point imprint of Scholastic Children’s Books, an imprint specialising in the teen/young adult fiction market.
Fortunately, Pullman left the marketing to the publishers, since his summary
of his concept for the novels does not seem likely to draw in the vast readership
of adults and children he received: in an interview in Books for Keeps he said:
central, as distinct from the Greek myths and texts referred to; no implication about the
beliefs of the authors is intended.
7 This can of course only be the beginning of a thorough investigation into the many classical
references and allusions in such a long and allusive trilogy; I survey several allusions to Greek
myths and texts, but there are no doubt more to be found, and there is certainly more that
could be said about those discussed here.
8 See n. 12 and surrounding text, below.
9 Robert Butler, “Philip Pullman’s Dark Arts” (interview with Pullman), Intelligent Life,
Dec. 2007, at http://www.moreintelligentlife.co.uk/story/an-interview-with-philip-pullman
(accessed Aug. 31, 2014; magazine no longer available online).
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Hodkinson
What I really wanted to do was Paradise Lost in 1,200 pages.10 It’s the story
of the Fall which is the story of how what some would call sin, but I would
call consciousness, comes to us.11
A similar statement in another interview also confirms the author had a specifically teen audience in mind:
Well, what I’d really like to write is Paradise Lost for teenagers in three
volumes.12
That hdm has sold so well despite the potentially difficult subject matter and
complexity is undoubtedly owing to Pullman’s great gifts as a storyteller: the
pace of the story carries the reader along, and while only the reader as wellread in Christian and classical literature as the author will spot all the allusions
or understand their point, they are evidently incorporated in such a way that
this fact does not prevent enjoyment of the story by large numbers of readers.
(I assume, of course, that the alternative explanation—that all those readers
had first read Milton, Dante, Blake, and the whole Bible, among other important hypotexts—does not need refuting.) Pullman’s reference to an audience
of “clever kids” and “intelligent adults” tallies with the fact that the novels reward re-reading, perhaps coming back as an adult and noticing more than one
does as a teenager first time around, or being inspired to read one or more of
the important hypotexts and then to come back to Pullman.13
10
11
12
13
Sic. He overshot by nearly 100.
Julia Eccleshare, “Northern Lights and Christmas Miracles,” Books For Keeps: The Children’s Book Magazine Online 100 (1995), available at http://booksforkeeps.co.uk/issue/100/
childrens-books/articles/awards/northern-lights-and-christmas-miracles (accessed Nov.
27, 2015).
Wendy Parsons and Catriona Nicholson, “Talking to Philip Pullman: An Interview,” The
Lion and the Unicorn 23 (1999): 126.
In an attempt to take advantage of this potential, an edition of Paradise Lost has been
produced with an introduction by Pullman: see John Milton, Paradise Lost: An Illustrated
Edition with an Introduction by Philip Pullman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). On
the dual audience of children and adults for hdm, see Susan R. Bobby, “What Makes a
Classic? Daemons and Dual Audience in Philip Pullman’s His Dark Materials,” The Looking Glass 8.1 (2004), pages not numbered, available online at http://www.lib.latrobe.edu
.au/ojs/index.php/tlg/article/view/188/187 (accessed Nov. 27, 2015). as was the first (and
to date the only) work of “children’s literature” to win the prestigious Whitbread Book
Award (starting in 1971) outright in 2001, defeating the shortlisted works in other (“adult”)
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To focus on the child reader: how likely is it that she—or that Pullman would
expect that she—has read Paradise Lost (the acknowledged model of hdm),
let alone other important but secondary Christian hypotexts? On both counts,
I would argue that it is very unlikely. Pullman worked as an English teacher in
his native uk before his writing took over, and is therefore aware of the reading
set on the National Curriculum, begun in 1988 and obligatory for state-funded
schools (the new gcse [General Certificate of School Education] qualification
examining 16-year-olds, part of the same impetus to educational reform, began
in 1986, with the first pupils examined in 1988). The National Curriculum in
1999, for example, allowed for selections from Milton and Blake to be chosen
(by the school or the teacher) for study between ages 11–16 from among 28
prescribed pre-1914 poets (alongside prescriptions for post-1914 poets, Shakespeare and other drama, pre- and post-1914 fiction).14 That is, only a relatively
small proportion of pupils would be obliged to study these particular poets
(and then only selections from their works) at school before the age at which
they are in the publisher’s Teen/ya-target market; his experience as an English
teacher means that Pullman’s expectations of the average pupil’s breadth of
reading would not be unrealistically high. At best, then, the author perhaps
hoped that a minority of readers might have read such texts before coming to
hdm—and perhaps rather hoped to inspire more to read them through reading hdm.15 The Christian Bible could not be assured of detailed familiarity
among child readers, in an increasingly secularised and multicultural society,
beyond the most famous passages. Pullman himself implicitly acknowledges
this decrease in familiarity in discussing the role certain foundational texts
should play in education, speaking at the Oxford Literary Festival in 2013:
I think it’s very, very important that your children should know these stories [Grimm’s fairy tales]. […] Not all of them obviously, but the great
ones, the famous ones. They should also know stories from the Bible
14
15
categories, including best novel, making it and hdm one of the most apposite works for
consideration of the perennial children’s literature studies questions of dual audience
and the importance or otherwise of “children’s literature” as a category.
Department for Education and Employment, English. The National Curriculum for England: Key Stages 1–4 (London: DfEE/Qualifications and Curriculums Authority, 1999),
35–36, available at http://www.educationengland.org.uk/documents/pdfs/1999-nc-pri
mary-handbook.pdf (accessed Nov. 12, 2015).
Pullman’s contribution to Milton, Paradise Lost, indicates a desire to encourage reading of
Paradise Lost by his readers, as well as his statement quoted above, text to nn. 11–12.
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and from Greek mythology. I think it’s important almost more than
anything else—that’s what they need most of all.16
As an atheist/secular humanist,17 Pullman naturally does not single out Christian writings, but gives them a place for their literary qualities—note the phrase
“stories from the Bible,” as well as the company in which he places them. With
such pleas for the continuation of telling great stories once considered central
to Western culture,18 Pullman implicitly acknowledges that it is becoming ever
less likely that most children are familiar with such classic tales, let alone with
the traditions built upon them (e.g., Milton and Dante for the Bible). But in
arguing for a canon of central stories to be told to children, he also constructs
an ideal child reader for his novels, one who comes to the latter with a good
knowledge of at least the foundational texts—some Bible stories, if not Milton,
and some Greek myths. Indeed, without at least an outline knowledge of the
story of Adam and Eve with its concept of the Fall and of sin, as told in the Bible (or perhaps one of the countless adaptations in collections of Bible stories
for children), hdm would certainly lose something, even though it would still
be perfectly comprehensible; and quite apart from any question of the lowest
level of familiarity necessary, the more the reader is familiar with Christianity
and its texts, the better she is able to understand the depth of Pullman’s richly
allusive novels.
I would suggest, then, that the author did not expect that he would have
so many readers because he assumed (rightly) that most readers would not
be familiar with hdm’s many Christian hypotexts and references (Milton and
others in the later Christian tradition); that in his view all children’s education should include at least some central texts—which would, incidentally,
make his novels more accessible and rewarding (stories from the Bible itself,
and some Greek myths). Pullman believed initially, however, that this might
not be enough to make hdm accessible to many, only the “clever kids” who
could appreciate more of the references than average readers, and who might
16
17
18
Hannah Furness, “Philip Pullman: Teach All Children Fairy Tales and Bible Verses,”
in The Telegraph, March 18, 2013, available online at http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/
books/9936241/Philip-Pullman-teach-all-children-fairy-tales-and-Bible-verses.html
(accessed Nov. 27, 2015).
On Pullman’s religious views and their manifestation in hdm, see Butler and Halsdorf,
eds., Philip Pullman, section entitled “His Dark Materials and polemic,” 1–18, for a brief but
suitably nuanced introduction, with references to further reading (for the section referred
to in this footnote, see especially pp. 7–10).
See the rest of the interview for the context, including on the modern decline of
storytelling.
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have gone on from Pullman’s ideal early upbringing on Bible stories and Greek
myths to read, e.g., Milton or Homer for themselves. In the event, sales of hdm
suggest that it is widely enjoyed by those who are likely to have had less prior
familiarity with its hypotexts than such an “ideal reader.”
Pullman’s Greek Materials19
Apart from his statement on the inclusion of Greek myths in a kind of “children’s canon,” Pullman has elsewhere discussed Greek myth and literature and
its use in education in a way which also gives some insight into his own familiarity with them. One of his earlier publications was a children’s educational
book, Ancient Civilizations.20 As a schoolteacher, he used to tell the stories of
the Homeric epics and other Greek myths—not reading, but oral storytelling, and several times over.21 Telling the stories of the Iliad and Odyssey from
memory a number of times, rhapsode style, means that Pullman had a very
good familiarity with these texts in particular, over and above other Greek texts
19
20
21
I became aware of Randall E. Auxier “Thus Spake Philip Pullman,” in Greene and Robison,
eds., The Golden Compass and Philosophy, 3–24, only via Bobby, “Persephone Ascending,”
146–163, and too late to take account of either fully in this chapter: Auxier argues for a
reading of as that has Lyra as Persephone, Mrs Coulter as Demeter, and Will as Hades
(Hades abducts Persephone from her mother Demeter and takes her forcibly to the Underworld); as Bobby points out, however, there are several aspects of this reading which
do not fit the text very well, and, as I argue below, Orpheus is a far closer parallel for
Lyra’s proactive, heroine’s quest to the Underworld to bring back ghosts of the dead than
is Persephone’s passive journey to the Underworld against her volition. Bobby’s chapter
compares some central characters in hdm with figures of Greek myth qua archetypes in
a Jungian sense rather than specific intertextual models. Another possible echo of classical myth is argued for by Karen Patricia Smith, “Tradition, Transformation, and the Bold
Emergence: Fantastic Legacy and Pullman’s His Dark Materials,” in Lenz and Scott, eds.,
His Dark Materials Illuminated, 146: two hospitable couples in as resemble Baucis and
Philemon, but these allusions (if deliberate) are fleeting and localised.
Philip Pullman, Ancient Civilizations (Exeter: Wheaton, 1981).
See Pullman interviewed in Robert Butler, “Philip Pullman’s Dark Arts,” and his statement
on using Greek myths in his teaching career—“I have a feeling this all belongs to me,” in
George Beahm, ed., Discovering the Golden Compass: A Guide to Philip Pullman’s His Dark
Materials (Charlottesville, Va.: Hampton Roads, 2007), 26: “I must have told each story
thirty-six times. The result is that I now have those stories entirely clear in my head, from
beginning to end, and I can call them up whenever I want to.” More from Pullman on the
importance of specifically oral storytelling in Furness, “Philip Pullman: Teach All Children
Fairy Tales and Bible Verses.”
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which he engages with in his work but did not re-tell in this way. Indeed, in
answer to a question from a fan on his website about the use of classical myth
in hdm, he writes:
If I were to give you one tip, I’d say that you might find just as many places
where the book was alluding to Norse or northern myths, or to the Bible.
But I was conscious of classical stories, of course: Homer, principally.22
In the same response he also points to his use of “epic similes” in battle scenes,
which are evocative of Greek and, in general, classical epic, as we shall see.
Pullman’s knowledge of at least one specific Greek text with which he is
engaging is guaranteed by a direct reference (as opposed to an allusion) within
the trilogy: this is the use of Plato’s myth of the Cave in the Republic: “Shadows
on the walls of the Cave, you see, from Plato” (sk, 92). This reference is thus a
different kind of engagement with Greek materials, both in the manner of the
intertextuality and in the fact that it is not a myth in the primary sense but one
of Plato’s invented philosophical “myths”; this intertextuality will therefore be
explored in a separate section. Plato’s Cave as a metaphor for consciousness,
an important theme throughout hdm, is of course known to many indirectly
through modern philosophers and writers; and there is reason for thinking
that Pullman’s engagement with the Cave is mediated through the Christian
tradition.
Pullman also mentions Socrates in an interview in which he acknowledges
his daemonion or personal deity as the inspiration for daemons, the embodied
souls in animal form which all characters in the primary alternative universe
of hdm possess.23
These few specific pieces of Greek knowledge aside, there is little if anything which can be pinned down as an allusion to a specific Greek text, despite
many features of Greek myth being present (the Underworld and the harpies
in as, for instance). This is because many of the allusions are precisely to Greek
myths, as opposed to any specific text’s telling of those myths. However, given
Pullman’s very wide reading, evident from the novels themselves (especially
the Christian texts) and from the interviews he has given about them, and his
22
23
Pullman (no date, in an answer to a question asked Dec. 1, 2010), official website: http://
www.philip-pullman.com/questions-frequently-asked/ (accessed Aug. 31, 2014; no longer
available on the updated website).
Quoted in Raymond-Pickard, The Devil’s Account, 56. Cf. Juliet Marillier, “Dear Soul,” in
Scott Westerfeld, ed., The World of the Golden Compass ([sine loc.]: Borders, Inc., 2007),
114–115.
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expressed attitudes toward reading and a “canon,” including the Greek classics,
it is a fairly safe assumption that he had read, and alludes to, far more Greek
and classical literature than can be definitively stated in the way it can be concerning Homer.
A final point to consider is the use of words and names derived from Greek.
The main character “Lyra” is of course the Greek word for lyre, and it is impossible not to see this as deliberate given Pullman’s use of speaking names for so
many of his characters, and the clear associations between Lyra and Orpheus,
the greatest musician and lyre player of Greek myth, which will be discussed
below. Another example is the “Alethiometer,” a device resembling a barometer and used to reveal hidden truths and guide Lyra throughout her adventures:
this evidently derives from Greek aletheia, “truth.” Pullman does not (so far as I
can establish) know ancient Greek, but of course Greek-derived terms are used
copiously in English literature, philosophy, and theology; in particular, many
Greek terms have come to be used in Christian theology drawing on Platonism,
and then in later literary texts (such as Christianised epic), and Pullman
shows in the novels and in his interviews an interest in and knowledge of this
Platonism-influenced theology, or Platonism mediated through Christianity.
Greek Elements in His Dark Materials
a
“Epic simile”
As noted above, Pullman himself describes his use of simile as “epic”; on this
point what he says precisely is: “Then there are the epic similes in the description of the fight between the bears,”24 in answering the fan’s question about
his classical influences. These similes are indeed very striking for a reader who
has read Homeric epic, introducing a very different tone and style to the fight
scene compared with much of the narrative. An example:
That was when Iorek moved. Like a wave that has been building its
strength over a thousand miles of ocean, and which makes little stir in
the deep water, but which when it reaches the shallows rears itself up
high into the sky, terrifying the shore-dwellers, before crashing down on
the land with irresistible power—so Iorek Byrnison rose up against Iofur,
exploding upwards from his firm footing on the dry rock and slashing
with a ferocious left hand at the exposed jaw of Iofur Raknison.
nl, 353
24
See above, n. 22.
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Homeric nature similes are justly famous, and a great number and variety
of them are found throughout the epics. I would not suggest that Pullman is
modelling his on a specific Homeric simile, but rather imitating the style (note
especially the way the comparandum is returned to at the end after “so”) and
the use of a natural feature, in this case a wave, as the comparatum. His great
familiarity as a storyteller with Homer means that he had very likely absorbed
the style of simile, rather than necessarily looking at his copy of the Iliad for an
example to imitate. The sea is a frequent comparatum in Homeric simile: here
is a close example, also a battle scene:
[Hector attacks the Greeks] as when a wave, wind-fed to high fury under
the clouds, falls on a fast ship and shrouds it wholly in foam: the fearful
blast of the wind roars in the sail, and the sailors’ hearts tremble with fear,
as they are carried only just out of the grip of death—so the Achaians’
spirits were troubled in their breasts.25
homer, Iliad 15.624–629
As in Homer, so in Pullman, this kind of simile gives an impression of the great
power of the combatants, who are forces of nature and not mere humans.
b
Lyra and Orpheus26
A more complex case of interaction with Greek myth is the central character
Lyra, and her speaking name, meaning “lyre,” as noted above. Lyra’s is a speaking name in another and perhaps more overt way—she is an inveterate liar,
often using untruths to get herself out of trouble (or attempt to). This aspect
of her character is noted by others, including approvingly by Iorek, who nicknames her “Lyra Silvertongue” after a particularly effective piece of persuasion
using untruths (nl, 348). The similarity of her name to “liar”—and the even
greater similarity of the Greek meaning of her name, “lyre” to “liar”—is obvious, and is in fact emphasised by the text itself, when she is called “Liar, liar!”
(as, 308). This, and other important uses of speaking names in hdm,27 makes
it very convincing to see Lyra as in some sense associated with the lyre, too—as
indeed Lauren Shohet has done, arguing that Lyra is a metaliterary figure for
25
26
27
Trans. Michael Hammond in Homer, The Iliad (London: Penguin, 1987).
Since writing earlier versions of this chapter I have seen Bobby, “Persephone Ascending,” 149, which also briefly notes the parallel of Lyra’s and Orpheus’s journeys to the
Underworld.
Discussed by Lauren Shohet, “Reading Dark Materials,” in Lenz and Scott, eds., His Dark
Materials Illuminated, 22–36.
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the novels and is programmatic for Pullman’s alignment with lyric and against
canonical (Christian) authors. She compares hdm to C.S. Lewis’s Christian allegorical Narnia series as follows:
Unlike Lewis’s novels, which obediently parrot […] their canonical sources, Pullman’s narrative art lies, steals, and transforms. Lyra inveterately
spins tales […].28
Shohet goes on to argue that lyric (i.e., Blake and the Romantics) can be seen as
leading an “emancipating rebellion against tradition”29 (i.e., the Bible and Milton). This reading is persuasive, placing Pullman as it does among other later
writers to engage with Milton from a post-Enlightenment perspective. But this
is not where the Lyra~lyre association ends.
Arguably a more apparent association which Lyra and the lyre share is with
the figure of Orpheus. Lyra has in common with him a descent (in as) to the
Underworld while still alive, in order to bring back the soul of a dead loved
one (albeit her childhood friend Roger rather than a lover). And the lyre is
of course Orpheus’s instrument, accompanying his enchanting and beguiling
words—something for which Lyra is also noted. I would argue therefore that
Lyra evokes not just any lyre, but specifically the lyre of Orpheus and thereby
Orpheus himself. This parallel is seen not only in their journeys to the Underworld and their charming use of words, but in specific details connected
with both of these features: details which are found in famous classical literary
versions of the Orpheus myth with which Pullman was no doubt familiar.30
The impression each makes on the souls of the dead in the Underworld is very
similar: the ghosts are attracted to each figure and eager to listen to them, so
that their verbal (and Orpheus’s musical) powers are seen to hold sway over
the dead as well as the living. This feature of Orpheus’s katabasis is mentioned
in Ovid’s Metamorphoses: “[…] the bloodless spirits wept as he uttered these
words and accompanied them on the lyre” (“[…] talia dicentem nervosque ad
verba moventem exsangues flebant animae,” Met. 10.40–41).
28
29
30
Ibid., 25–26.
Ibid., 26.
Kiera Vaclavik, Uncharted Depths: Descent Narratives in English and French Children’s Literature (London: Legenda, 2010), touches on Pullman only briefly in a useful study of katabasis in modern English and French children’s literature. Claire Squires, Philip Pullman’s
His Dark Materials Trilogy: A Reader’s Guide (New York: Continuum, 2003), 62, compares
Lyra’s journey to the Underworld with those of Greek heroes in general, but there are
several very specific parallels with Orpheus, as I show in this section.
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Ovid’s picturesque account of Orpheus’s katabasis is probably the most famous extant ancient version, and the source for most modern collections of
Greek myths, so it is hard to believe that Pullman was not aware of it in his
extensive katabasis episode in The Amber Spyglass. Lyra is treated similarly by
the ghosts:
And then Lyra reached the tree and sat down on one of the thick roots. So
many figures clustered around, pressing hopefully, wide-eyed.
as, 329
A further parallel is the rebellion of each character against god(s) in his or her
world, resulting ultimately in Orpheus’s death at the hands of followers of Dionysus, but also encompassing the attempt by each to subvert divinely ordained
order by bringing the dead back to life.
Pullman’s Lyra~Orpheus interplay is not simple imitation, however, but is
rather a case both of a more complex allusion which alters significant details,
and a “capping” allusion, which offers an “improved” version of its hypotext.
One significant detail which is a parallel between the two stories but alters
the Lyra~Orpheus relation is the point at which Lyra, on the ascent out of the
Underworld leading the souls of the dead, looks behind her, falters, and slips
back; Orpheus too looks back, but of course it is the ghost of Eurydice and not
Orpheus who slips back, and she is lost to him. This detail, including the imagery of sliding or slipping, is again reminiscent of Ovid’s version: “[…] he looked
behind, and suddenly she slipped back down…” (“[…] flexit amans oculos, et
protinus illa relapsa est…,” Met. 10.57). Compare:
She looked back… But the little boy’s whispering voice said, “Lyra, be
careful—remember, you en’t dead like us—” And it seemed to happen so
slowly, but there was nothing she could do… helplessly she began to slide.
as, 378
So in Pullman’s story it is the Orpheus figure who slides and falls down on the
ascent out of the Underworld; and here the parallels and differences in the
allusion multiply and become more complex. The ghost of Eurydice slips and
is lost to Orpheus forever, while Lyra slips and never sees Roger—one of the
ghosts she is leading out of the Underworld, but the one she descended for—
again. Lyra and Eurydice both fall, but Lyra’s fall does not resemble Eurydice’s,
because she is rescued from it by the harpies and makes it out of the Underworld. Importantly, her mission is not a failure in the way Orpheus’s is, despite
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her failure with regard to Roger. She has taken on a wider mission since arriving in the Underworld to see him, that of rescuing all the souls of the dead from
the Underworld, and in that, she succeeds, with the help of Will opening a window into another world through which the souls can all gradually escape, and
where they dissipate into Dust, their constituent particles of consciousness.
Each (original) mission is doomed to failure, as Lyra must learn, like Orpheus, that the basic rules of life and death cannot be overturned. But for Lyra,
having learned that, freeing the souls from a wretched existence in a dismal
Hades-style Underworld is ultimately a triumph. In this respect, then, Lyra
trumps Orpheus—she succeeds where he fails, releasing not only one ghost
(he could not achieve even that much) but all ghosts, leaving a way out through
which all souls can escape from now on. The falling episode in her story is only
temporary and the upward journey continues, and all souls are freed from the
Underworld forever. So if Lyra is an Orpheus figure, she is a more successful
one. Taking in the role of Orpheus as psychopomp (guide of recently departed
souls to the Underworld), which he acquired in the Christian tradition,31 adds
an extra point to this image of Lyra as an improved Orpheus: she leads the
souls in the opposite direction. This version of Lyra~Orpheus constitutes an
allusion to the Orpheus figure filtered by his Mediaeval Christian reception, as
with other uses of classical intertexts in hdm.
c
The Underworld and the Ghosts of the Dead
The Underworld itself in The Amber Spyglass differs from most features of the
alternative universe which bear close resemblance to a view of the world informed by Christian theology and literature, since it is clearly not the Christian
hell but rather the Underworld of Greek mythology. That is, it is neither a place
of fire and torture, nor one of two places where the souls of the dead ultimately go, but rather a more neutral, albeit miserable place, and the final destination of the souls of all the dead. To begin with, it is reached by crossing a river
helped by a ferryman, like Charon and the river Styx of the Greek Underworld.
Once arrived at, it is described in a way which is reminiscent of the Greek Underworld—full of wretched ghosts, but no devils with pitchforks or hot pokers:
[…] there were no true shadows and no true light, and everything was the
same dingy colour.
31
See John Block, Orpheus in the Middle Ages (Syracuse, n.y.: Syracuse University Press,
2000; ed. pr. 1970), 36–37, 58, 79, 84.
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Standing on the floor of this huge space were adults and children—ghost
people—so many that Lyra couldn’t guess their number… No one was
moving about, or running or playing.
AS, 310
Comparisons with “Christian” (or its equivalent in Lyra’s universe) versions of
the afterlife are actually made, in the voice of ghosts whose expectations are
confounded or confirmed by this place:
[A ghost who had died a martyr speaks:] “They told us when we died we’d
go to heaven. And they said that heaven was a place of joy and glory and
we would spend eternity in the company of saints and angels praising
the Almighty […]. [But] the land of the dead isn’t a place of reward or…
punishment. It’s a place of nothing.” […]
But her ghost was thrust aside by the ghost of a man who looked like
a monk […], he crossed himself and murmured a prayer, and then he
said:
“This is a bitter message, a sad and cruel joke […]. The world we lived in
was a vale of corruption and tears […]. But the Almighty has granted us
this blessed place for all eternity, this paradise […]. This is heaven, truly!”
as, 335–336
Thus it is made quite clear that this is something other than the expected
“Christian” hell (or heaven), and readers even vaguely familiar with Greek
myth will automatically relate it to the Greek Underworld, especially with the
presence of harpies (although see further section “d” below on the latter).
Indeed, in an answer to a fan society’s letter, Pullman confirms that in creating his world of the dead he had in mind “Homer and Virgil.”32 Given this
statement and the particular features of the Underworld and its inhabitants
in hdm, Pullman was no doubt thinking specifically of the descriptions of the
Underworld in Odyssey 11—the fullest description in Homer (see further below
on Virgil). In this context, the poignant descriptions of attempts by a living and
a dead character to embrace are particularly close:
32
Pullman quoted by The Dark Matter Society (fan club) website The Bridge to the Stars, http://
www.bridgetothestars.net/index.php?d=pullman&p=pullman_letters, Pullman’s original
letter scanned here: http://www.bridgetothestars.net/images/ppletter2.jpg (accessed
Nov. 27, 2015).
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I [Odysseus] wondered how I might embrace my dead mother’s ghost
[…], she escaped my arms like a shadow or a dream […]. My […] mother
replied: “[…] this is the way it is with mortals after death. The sinews no
longer bind flesh and bone, the fierce heat of the blazing pyre consumes
them, and the spirit flees from our white bones, a ghost that flutters and
goes like a dream.”33
HOMER, Odyssey 11.204–222
Compare:
He [Roger] rushed to embrace her [Lyra]. But he passed like cold smoke
through her arms […]. They could never truly touch again.
as, 321–322
The initiator of the attempted embrace is in the second case the child ghost
and not the living character; in contrast to the ghost of Odysseus’s mother, who
is so well aware of the limitations of her metaphysical state that she explains
them in detail to her son, we witness the moment when Roger finds out that
he cannot embrace Lyra. This is a small reconfiguration of the situation in the
hypotext, but one which arguably adds a further touch of pathos to the already
poignant scene it imitates.
d
The Harpies
Another feature of the Underworld with a Greek origin is the harpies. The
creatures themselves are figures of Greek mythology, but their place in the
Underworld is probably not. The closest that harpies seem to get in classical
literature to the Underworld is outside its entrance: in the Aeneid, they and
“many monstrous forms besides of various beasts are stalled at the doors…”
(“multaque praeterea variarum monstra ferarum: [...] in foribus stabulant…,”
6.285–289, in H.R. Fairclough’s translation of 1887). This is one feature which
cannot come from Homer34 but may owe a debt to Virgil; however, despite
Pullman’s response to a question about his “hell” being inspired by Dante—
“not so much Dante as Homer and Virgil, in fact”35—in this particular feature his Greek materials are most likely (unconsciously?) mediated through a
33
34
35
Trans. Martin Hammond in Homer, The Odyssey (London: Bloomsbury, 2013).
Pace Squires, Philip Pullman’s His Dark Materials Trilogy, 62, who says that Pullman’s harpies come from the Odyssey—where, however, they have no association with the Underworld at all.
Pullman quoted by The Dark Matter Society (see above, n. 32).
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later, Christian filter: Dante’s Hell at least contains harpies (though they only
feature in a very minor way: Inf. 13.13–15; 101–102); Milton’s Hell, like Homer’s
and Virgil’s Underworlds, contains none. The far larger role given to the harpies in Pullman’s Underworld can be seen simply as a creative expansion of
the kernel of an association found in the Aeneid and in Dante. But there do
seem to be other possible associations between harpies and the souls of the
dead which go back to Antiquity and may also have entered into the mix that
formed Pullman’s harpies. There is some confusion between what a harpy is
and what a siren is when it comes to ancient visual representations, as they
may resemble one another;36 however that may be, there are some ancient
images which seem (to readers brought up on Greek mythology) to be representations of harpies, in contexts which suggest they had a psychopompic role.
For instance the Attic red-figure column-krater (see figure 18.1) depicting the
death of Procris features what looks like a harpy, but is described by modern
scholars as a “soul-bird,”37 since no ancient texts assign harpies a soul-guiding
role, nor before Virgil even an association with the Underworld. (The British
Museum’s catalogue entry labels the figure as “Harpy[?].”) Such an association,
even if these creatures in ancient art are in fact incorrectly labelled as harpies,
might have suggested the idea of the harpies as soul-guides to Pullman. In that
case, as with Orpheus-Lyra as psychopomp, the tradition is again reconfigured,
since his harpies do not lead the souls of the dead down to the Underworld,
but are won over and join with Lyra to help lead them out.
e
Pandora and Pantalaimon
This allusion is less overt than many discussed so far: no mention by name to
the Pandora myth is made in hdm, but an allusion to it might be activated,
for the reader aware of the associations, by the long-standing association elsewhere between Pandora and the Eve of Genesis,38 with whom Lyra is more
clearly comparable.39 Eve, Lyra, and Pandora all stand at the beginning of a
36
37
38
39
Emily Vermeule, Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry (Berkeley, Ca.: University of California Press, 1979), 169 and figs. 13–14. I am grateful to Emma Stafford for this
reference.
Ibid., 74, 175–176, and index s.v. “soul-bird” for further discussion and references.
The comparison between Eve and Pandora is explicitly made in Paradise Lost, 4.714, 718,
and has a long history; see, e.g., Samuel Tobias Lachs, “The Pandora-Eve Motif in Rabbinic
Literature,” Harvard Theological Review 67 (1974): 341–345.
Lyra as Eve has been discussed in the many studies on hdm and Paradise Lost, cited above
n. 4; specifically on this theme, see Mary Harris Russell, “Eve, Again! Mother Eve!: Pullman’s Eve Variations,” in Lenz and Scott, eds., His Dark Materials Illuminated, 212–222.
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Figure 18.1
Hephaistos Painter (?), The Death of Procris, red-figured column-krater,
ca. 460–430 bc, British Museum (bm 1772,0320.36)
© The Trustees of the British Museum.
new era, which in the Christian and Greek traditions is a worse era—Eve being the catalyst for humanity’s Fall—but in Lyra’s case is the reverse. Further
associations come in the form of Lyra’s father, Lord Asriel, whose role is that
of Azrael the fallen angel, the Satan of Paradise Lost; Satan’s role in bringing
about humanity’s “Fall,” or coming to consciousness, is paralleled in Greek
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myth by Prometheus stealing fire from the gods for humanity, and the figures
of Prometheus and Satan, like Pandora and Eve, have a long association.40 In
hdm the “Fall” is very much a positive event, and in this Pullman has precedent in the Romantics’ reimagining of Paradise Lost; as Burton Hatlen puts it,
for Blake, Shelley, and Byron, Milton’s Satan is the hero, “a Promethean rebel
fighting on in a cause that he […] insists is just.”41
There is nothing to connect Lyra to Pandora and Lord Asriel to Prometheus
in hdm directly, but I would argue that the clear parallels between them and
Eve and Satan in its major hypotext Paradise Lost can activate for the reader
aware of them these secondary associations with the figures of Greek myth.
That is, there is in this intertextuality a triangulation between the Greek and
the Christian hypotexts and hdm, as illustrated by the diagram below. Milton
and other Christian texts make the connection between the Greek and the
Biblical figures; and in hdm the parallels between Lyra and Eve and between
Lord Asriel and Satan are relatively clear, both partaking in a version of the
story of the Fall. The third side of the triangle, the connection between Pullman’s characters and their Greek counterparts, is in this case more implicit,
being realised only through the intermediary of the Christian counterparts
of each.
Lyra/Lord Asriel
HDM
(implicit)
Pandora/Prometheus
40
41
Milton
Eve/Satan
This comparison is not overtly made in Paradise Lost but has long been noted by critics—
see especially Raphael Jehudah Zwi Werblowsky, Lucifer and Prometheus: A Study of
Milton’s Satan (London: Routledge, 1952)—and, no doubt more importantly for the formation of Pullman’s characters, developed by the Romantic poets mediating between
Milton and our author: see especially Shelley’s Prometheus Unbound, with Shelley’s own
preface comparing Prometheus to Satan “the hero of Paradise Lost”; cf. Frederick L. Jones,
“Shelley and Milton,” Studies in Philology 49 (1952): 488–519.
Hatlen, “Pullman’s His Dark Materials,” 86.
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Once this is seen, the name of Lyra’s daemon, Pantalaimon, reinforces the parallel. A person’s daemon in Lyra’s universe is her embodied soul, just as essentially her as the human form, born when she was born and destined to die with her.
So in a sense Lyra is Pantalaimon. Pandora, the first woman, was sent by Zeus
as a scourge for humanity, as retaliation for Prometheus having given them the
secret of fire; her name, literally “all gifts,” is heavily ironic, since she releases
all sufferings and woes for humans from her jar (“Pandora’s box”). Lyra, and
Pantalaimon as part of Lyra, are created by her father Lord Asriel, whose role is
Promethean: so the roles in the Greek myth, as well as the Christian, are reconfigured. Lyra (Eve/Pandora) and Pantalaimon are not created or set up by the
Authority (God/Zeus) to bring punishment on humanity (respectively through
bringing about the Fall/for having taken a Fall-like rebellious step toward independence from the gods, helped by Prometheus). Rather, Lyra and Pantalaimon
are created by Lord Asriel (Satan/Prometheus), and their role is to come to full
consciousness in defiance of the Authority: to bring about the “Fall,” certainly,
but this is a good thing, which the repressive Church is trying to prevent in order
to send humanity back to an Edenic state of ignorance. Pantalaimon’s name,
literally “all-forgiving,” can be linked with other aspects of the narrative (most
obviously, he must forgive Lyra for the excruciating separation in the Underworld when she could not cross the river without leaving him behind); but the
analogous formation with Pandora connects with the Lyra-Pandora parallels
too. If Pandora brings, and is, a punishment for humanity from Zeus, LyraPantalaimon brings and is the means of mercy instead of that punishment,
born to and prepared for the role by the Prometheus-figure Lord Asriel.
f
Daemons, Daemones, and the Daimonion
The animal-form daemons that all humans in Lyra’s world have attached to
them, as physical manifestations of their soul, are linked explicitly by Pullman
to Socrates’ daimonion,42 his so-called “personal deity.” This is referred to in
Plato’s Apology of Socrates, in which Socrates is made to say:
[…] something divine (δαιμόνιoν) and spiritual comes to me, the very thing
which Meletus ridiculed in his indictment. I have had this from my childhood; it is a sort of voice that comes to me, and when it comes it always holds
me back from what I am thinking of doing, but never urges me forward.43
31d; compare 40a
42
43
See n. 23, above.
Trans. Harold North Fowler, Plato in Twelve Volumes, vol. 1, “Introduction” by W.R.M. Lamb
(Cambridge, Mass.—London: Harvard University Press—William Heinemann Ltd., Loeb,
1966).
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This is essentially a personified conscience, and this is indeed one of the roles
taken by daemons in hdm: where a human in our world has an internal dialogue, in Lyra’s world she discusses and argues with her daemon over an intended action. Beyond this simple parallel, which Pullman identifies as an
allusion to Socrates, we might infer some reference to the context in which
the daimonion is found. Socrates is accused (Apol. 24b–c) of not believing in
the gods of the state but introducing other, new divine beings (δαιμόνια), and
for this (among other things) he is persecuted by the establishment, and put to
death. Pullman may well have been thinking of this aspect of the daimonion,
too, since the establishment in Lyra’s world—the Church—wants to eradicate
full human consciousness and conscience, or independence of thought, and
make humans passive and obedient; to this end, it is behind an experiment
(“intercision”) to separate forcibly daemons from their humans; so it is a case
of the individual soul and conscience embodied—the daemon—being seen as
a threat to traditional religious authority, as with Socrates’ daimonion.
Besides the Socratic daimonion, daemons also recall the Gnostic idea of a
human divided into the mortal, bodily part (eidolon) and the immortal soul,
the spiritual part, called the daimon. This Gnostic idea derives from and agrees
with in some part the Platonic ideas that the immortal soul and not the physical body is the true self, which discards (or should seek to discard) lower, mortal pleasures and goals as it strives for higher, philosophic truths, and which
survives the death of the body. (There is a shift in terminology from Plato,
for whom the soul is the psyche, to the Gnostics, for whom the soul is called
daimon; but given the use of English “soul” for both, this slippage in the later
tradition is understandable.) Here there is a difference in hdm: the daemons
in Lyra’s world do not outlast their humans but die with them. This is bound up
with the author’s humanist and atheist worldview: there is no higher or spiritual reality to strive for, only humanity and human consciousness, which must
make the best of their one life guided by conscience (the daemon). Pullman
makes this connection in an interview in Booklist:
The Gnostic worldview is Platonic in that it rejects the physical created
universe and expresses a longing for an unknowable God who is far off.
My myth is almost the reverse. It takes this physical universe as our true
home. We must welcome and love and live our lives in this world to the
full.44
44
See Ilene Cooper, “Pullman on the Theology of His Dark Materials,” Booklist 97 (2000): 355.
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The Platonic ideas ultimately behind this statement are primarily to be found
in the Phaedrus and the Symposium, though of course it is impossible to say
for sure whether the author has specific Platonic texts directly in mind or their
appropriators. However that may be, in this instance, Pullman’s knowledge of
Platonic and the later Gnostic ideas about souls, and about various uses of the
Greek word daimon and its cognates, shows that we have a complex reception ultimately going back at least to Plato but mediated through a cumulative
tradition of later Christian (mainstream and other) theological discussions.
Here, because of the ways in which Christian theologians of various bents
have adopted and adapted Platonic ideas over the centuries, the classical and
the Christian are for once in agreement; and so in contrast to, say, Pullman’s
presentation of the Underworld, a Greek hypotext is not used to mark an ideological difference from his primary, Christian hypotexts, but is rather aligned
with them.45 Here, then, a Greek author is called to mind only to create an
antithesis between his worldview and that of the heroine of the novel and her
allies—and indeed, that of the author as attested in interviews.
g
Plato’s Cave and Consciousness
A second example of this agreement between Pullman’s Greek and Christian
hypotexts is seen in the references to Plato’s Cave, mentioned above. In Lyra’s
world, particles of human consciousness are referred to as Dust, and for the
Church in that world they are connected with original sin and should be destroyed. The Alethiometer that helps Lyra in her quest functions by responding
to these particles. It emerges in sk, when Lyra comes to “our” world, that these
same particles, here called “Shadows,” are not widely known, but are being
studied by a small research team that is barely starting to understand what they
are or how they function before being shut down to divert research funding
elsewhere... Without understanding how it functions or what it means, they
have developed a computer-based machine that reads the “Shadows,” which
they have called the “Cave”: Dr. Malone explains the nickname thus: “Shadows on the walls of the Cave, you see, from Plato” (sk, 92). The Cave~Shadows
relationship therefore borrows the very famous image from Plato (Republic
514a–520a) for the inadequacy of human consciousness: it is trapped in a cave,
45
It would be too speculative without further testimony to suggest that Pullman might be
thinking directly of Aristotle’s understanding of daimon rather than Plato’s—i.e., something tied to one specific human that dies with it, rather than something immortal that
becomes part of many humans—but even if not directly and specifically intended as Aristotelian, this contrast does map onto Pullman’s daemons and what he has said about
them in interviews, and to the quoted statement about the Platonic worldview.
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able only to look toward the wall and see the shadows cast by the real objects
behind it, which it can never perceive—the Platonic idea of a higher reality
implicitly discounted by Pullman in the previous quotation. Once Lyra is attached to the “Cave,” it soon becomes clear to her that what the scientists have
invented is an Alethiometer, through which she is able to “read” the consciousness particles in the same way as through the device from her own world; and
thus that “Shadows” are identical with “Dust.”
The same kind of misconception is operating in both worlds about the nature of the particles, in a way which again aligns an idea from a Greek text with
Christian thinking rather than opposing them. In Lyra’s world the followers
of the Authority deliberately attempt to counteract the force of human consciousness by destroying Dust (as too by the process of intercision discussed
above) in order to retain control of a humanity rendered docile and bring the
world back to its pre-Fall state of “blissful” ignorance. This fails to recognise
the particles’ importance: they are essential to humanity, consciousness being
what makes us human. In our world, there is no such widespread knowledge
of the particles’ existence, and the few scientists who are or were investigating
them (Dr. Malone being the last one still active on the project by the time Lyra
encounters it) have no idea what they are dealing with. For them, labelling
the Alethiometer-analogous machine the “Cave” is no more than a witty and
learned allusion by one of the scientists, based on the prior naming of the particles as “Shadows,” not knowing what they are or do; the quotation continues:
“That’s our archaeologist […]. He’s an all-round intellectual” (sk, 92). But at
the level of the reader, if not the characters, this creates an analogous misapprehension about the particles with that in Lyra’s world: “Shadows,” like “Dust,”
are thus connected because of the original Platonic context with a lower state
of consciousness and a lower reality, to be contrasted with and naturally opposed by the teachings of the Authority in Lyra’s world. In “our” world there is
no such widespread opposition because there is no widespread knowledge of
“Shadows”; but the parallel between the “Christian” and Platonic worldviews
and their attitudes to the everyday experience of human consciousness, as expressed in the quoted Booklist interview, can be seen behind the naming of the
“Shadows” and the “Cave.” Dr. Malone and the others began to investigate accumulations of the unknown particles around ancient artefacts made by humans
and ancient skulls; they are as unaware as most in Lyra’s world that they are
dealing with the fundamental components of human consciousness and thus
humanity—not mere shadows cast by them, as they thought.
In both these cases, the “Cave” and the soul, a Greek hypotext can be found
which derives ultimately from Plato, but has been appropriated and adapted
by, and filtered through, centuries of Christian theological thinking. Because
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of the alignment of some fundamental ideas between the two, Pullman here
does not use a Greek text to draw a contrast with the Christian worldview of
his primary hypotexts (and with the analogous worldview of the supporters of
the Authority in Lyra’s world), but rather marries the two and contrasts them
with the reality of Lyra’s and “our” worlds as perceived by his heroine and those
on her side—and with his own humanist and atheist worldview as related to
interviewers and elsewhere.
Conclusions
In examining many of the most significant allusions and references to Greek
and classical materials in hdm, we have seen a complex variety: in the kinds
of material alluded to, the manners in which they are referred or alluded to,
and their connections and interplay with other significant hypotexts from
the Christian tradition. It is clear that the classical allusions are not only
“decorative”—although adding to the literary texture is of course part of their
purpose. Nor is it simply that the classical and Christian allusions are combined
or used at different points for variety of effect, although again, this may be part
of the point. But the interplay of classical and non-classical allusions in hdm
is in fact rather more complex: there are instances both of classical material
referenced “directly,” without the intervention of Christian “filters,” and also of
the classical coming down to Pullman complete with its mediaeval and later
Christian reception history. Of course, the reception of classical myths which
have become intertwined with Christian stories during their reception history
cannot really be stripped entirely of those intervening layers: especially in the
context of hdm, we are well aware what is missing when this is attempted.
But this is the choice of a sophisticated author who configures his “received”
texts and their relations with one another and with his text differently for different examples, and to different effects. So we notice that many Greek elements come to hdm indirectly, via Christian filters, but others are stripped
of the intervening tradition by the author, e.g., the Underworld, which is then
explicitly compared to and distanced from the Christianised version of it, from
which the accretions have been stripped back. This process of returning to the
classical myth without the Christianising adaptations may be seen as quite
deliberate: a way of showing that a different world order from the Christian
one is in effect in hdm. Pullman uses a classical myth (e.g., the Underworld)
which is so often mixed up with its Christian equivalent (e.g., Hell in this case)
from Milton through to C.S. Lewis and indeed in part elsewhere in hdm; but
he then all the more pointedly separates the two traditions when he goes back
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to the classical form. But nor is it the case throughout hdm that Greek versus
Christian mythology are always opposed, with the classical always emerging
the winner: some of the Greek elements (e.g., the Platonic) are equally argued
against, and do not form part of the “true” world order of the hdm universe. It
is true that the Platonic ideas expressed in hdm are mediated via Christianity
too; in the case of the Cave and the conception of the soul, however, there is
a core that goes right back to Plato with which Pullman’s worldview in hdm
fundamentally disagrees.46
46
I would like to thank: the organisers and audience at Warsaw for the discussion; Francesca M. Richards for discussion and useful references in preparing the conference paper;
Cathy Butler for allowing me to see pre-publication extracts from Butler and Halsdorf,
eds., Philip Pullman; Penelope Goodman for several helpful comments on the first draft of
this chapter; and Eleanor OKell for a very useful discussion of its themes on the road from
Durham to Leeds and some references in a follow-up e-mail.
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chapter 19
Orpheus and Eurydice: Reception of a Classical
Myth in International Children’s Literature
Bettina KümmerlingMeibauer
Don’t Look Back! is the fifth book in the popular “Mad Myths” series by Steve
Barlow and Steve Skidmore.1 Those readers who have some basic knowledge of
ancient myths might suspect that the title refers to the Orpheus and Eurydice
myth. The image on the book cover supports this conjecture, since it depicts
a three-headed dog-like monster that puts two children to flight. The blurb on
the back cover mysteriously announces that the main protagonists Percy and
Andy meet the “most famous musician in ancient Greece busking in a tube
station” which leads to the boys joining him on a journey into the Underworld.
Interestingly, the name of the famous musician is not mentioned until the
end of Chapter 2, when he introduces himself to the boys. While this parodist
story makes fun of the ancient myth, portraying Orpheus as a loser, Eurydice
as a snappish lady, and Hades and Persephone2 as an elderly narrow-minded
couple, other children’s books deal with the Orpheus and Eurydice myth more
earnestly, focusing on the love story and the obstacles Orpheus has to overcome in the Underworld.
In any case, the fascination with ancient myths and subjects taken from
Greek and Roman history has not decreased in international children’s literature; quite the contrary, it has obviously increased since the beginning of the
new millennium.3 Given the fact that the majority of young readers nowadays
are not acquainted with these subjects at school, the question arises why children and adolescents still hunger for stories that focus on ancient mythology.
1 See Steve Barlow and Steve Skidmore, Don’t Look Back (London: Barn Owl Books, 2006).
2 In the children’s books under discussion, Persephone does not play a major part, whereas the
Persephone myth is prevalent in modern girls’ fiction, as shown in Holly Virginia Blackford,
The Myth of Persephone in Girls’ Fantasy Literature (New York–Abingdon: Routledge, 2012).
3 See, for instance, Sheila Murnaghan, “Classics for Cool Kids: Popular and Unpopular Versions
of Antiquity for Children,” Classical World 104 (2011): 339–351. An overview article on the reception in international children’s literature can be found in Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer,
“Children’s and Young Adult Literature,” in Manfred Landfester in cooperation with Hubert
Cancik and Helmuth Schneider, eds., Classical Tradition, vol. 16.1 of Brill’s New Pauly: Encyclo
paedia of the Ancient World (Leiden–Boston: Brill, 2006), coll. 750–754.
© Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_021
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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One might also ask which strategies the authors use to convey the background
knowledge that is essential for understanding the whole story.
From a corpus of more than fifteen titles I have chosen five children’s books
from four countries (France, Germany, uk, and us) in order to delineate the
multiple intertextual references to the Orpheus and Eurydice myth, namely:
Werner Heiduczek’s Orpheus und Eurydike [Orpheus and Eurydice] (1989),
Yvan Pommaux’s Orphée et la morsure du serpent [Orpheus and the snakebite]
(2009), Tony Abbott’s The Battle Begins (2011), Katherine Marsh’s The Night
Tourist (2007), and Cornelia Funke’s “Tintenwelt” [Inkworld] trilogy, consisting of the volumes Tintenherz [Inkheart] (2003), Tintenblut [Inkspell] (2005),
and Tintentod [Inkdeath] (2007).4 These books not only represent an astonishing array of (mixed) genres, for instance, comic, fantasy,5 detective story, and
young adult novel, but also reveal a broad range of multiple meanings and intertextual references which largely contribute to the books’ narrative complexity. Since the authors usually cannot expect that young readers are acquainted
with the Orpheus myth, they employ different strategies to prompt the child to
realise that the story—although situated in a contemporary setting and time—
subliminally alludes to the ancient myth. The question arises why children’s
literature authors have chosen this particular myth. It could be because the Orpheus myth deals with universal topics, such as the significance of friendship
and true love, and the contemplation of death. These are generally valid issues,
which attract young readers who are eager to reflect on the meaning of life.
In the following sections, I demonstrate how these issues are realised in five
children’s books, which I have arranged according to their inherent degree of
difficulty in deciphering the intertextual allusions to the Orpheus myth. While
Heiduczek retells the Orpheus myth in full extension, Pommaux chooses another strategy as he intermingles ancient and modern times. In contrast, Abbott and Marsh gradually prepare the reader for the connection by inserting
4 A comparative analysis of the depiction of classical mythology in modern children’s literature is a promising endeavour, as shown in Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer, “Der Sturz des
Ikarus: Klassische Mythologie als Prätext in der modernen Kinderliteratur,” in Martin Korenjak and Stefan Tilg, eds., Pontes iv. Die Antike in der Alltagskultur der Gegenwart (Innsbruck–
Wien–Bozen: StudienVerlag, 2007), 49–60.
5 The majority of children’s books focusing on the Orpheus myth belong to the fantasy genre.
An exception to the rule is Dakota Lane’s The Orpheus Obsession (New York: Harper Collins, 2005), whose setting is situated in a story world which resembles our own and does not
display any fantastic elements. Nancy Springer’s The Friendship Song (New York: Atheneum,
1992), however, hovers between realism and fantasy. Because of the first narrator’s unreliable
narration, the reader cannot definitely decide whether the strange events that happened in
the backyard really happened or were an offspring of the narrator’s imagination.
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short summaries of the Orpheus myth into the text which reveal the close relationship between the protagonists and the Orpheus story. An exception to this
rule is Funke’s “Inkworld” trilogy, which presupposes the reader’s knowledge
of the Orpheus myth, since it is not retold at all. Thus, the novels by Abbott,
Marsh, and Funke demand the reader’s close attention in order to discern the
meaning of the allusions to the Orpheus myth.
Werner Heiduczek’s Orpheus and Eurydice (1989)6 belongs to the adaptations
of classical myths which were published in the German Democratic Republic
(gdr) from the middle of the 1960s. This long-term project, which lasted more
than twenty years, reveals a radical turnaround in the cultural politics of the
gdr. While influential persons engaged in the cultural sector regarded ancient
Greek and Roman myths as decadent in the 1950s, by the 1960s they had come
to evaluate the same texts as a significant part of the international cultural
heritage of the labouring classes. Stories about ancient heroes, such as Prometheus, Hercules, Odysseus, and Jason, became essential components of
the school curricula.7 Heiduczek’s version of the Orpheus myth, however, appeared relatively late, just one year before German reunification.
What makes his book-length retelling so interesting is the close connection
the author draws between the ancient past and the present on the one hand,
and the depiction of the main character on the other. The book has a prologue
and an epilogue that frame the retelling of the myth. In these framing parts,
the anonymous first-person narrator travels to Greece in order to visit the places where Orpheus and Eurydice once met and lived according to the myth.
A description of the Greek landscape smoothly merges into the story about
Orpheus. Interestingly, the love story of Orpheus and Eurydice, with Eurydice’s
death, Orpheus’s descent into the Underworld, and the final loss of Eurydice,
covers just a small part of the whole book. Despite the book’s title, which mentions both Orpheus and Eurydice, it becomes obvious that the story centres on
Orpheus, because the narrator offers an extensive account of Orpheus’s childhood, his three encounters with Hercules, and his travel with Jason to fetch the
Golden Fleece.
6 See Werner Heiduczek, Orpheus und Eurydike (Berlin: Kinderbuchverlag, 1989).
7 See on this topic: Brigitte Krüger, “Adaptionen,” in Rüdiger Steinlein, Heidi Strobel, and
Thomas Kramer, eds., Handbuch zur Kinder- und Jugendliteratur. sbz/ddr von 1945 bis
1990 (Stuttgart–Weimar: Metzler, 2006), 629–686; and Sylvia Warnecke, “Neu- und Nacherzählungen antiker Mythen, Sagen und Epen für Kinder und Jugendliche in der ddr,” in
Malte Dahrendorf, ed., Kinder- und Jugendliteratur. Materialien (Berlin: Aufbau Verlag, 1995),
185–191. The reception of classical mythology in West German children’s literature is analysed
in Maria Rutenfranz, Götter, Helden, Menschen. Rezeption und Adaption antiker Mythologie in
der deutschen Kinder- und Jugendliteratur (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2004).
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Other plots are intermingled with Orpheus’s story: Eurydice’s own story before she meets Orpheus, Proserpina’s seduction by Hades, and the story of the
Argonauts. This complex narrative reveals the close connection of the Orpheus
myth with other related stories told in Ovid’s Metamorphoses, thus disclosing
a network of mutual relations between diverse ancient myths. In addition,
this extended version aims to show Orpheus’s ambivalent character. Despite
his comprehensive education and unusual skills, Orpheus is depicted not as a
mythical figure, but as a human with strengths and weaknesses. His ambivalent character is manifested on the one hand by his love and sacrifice for Eurydice and on the other by his erroneous behaviour, motivated by vanity and
pride. Although Orpheus shows deep feelings for other people’s concerns, he
is also a liar, traitor, and even murderer. Hence, Orpheus considers Eurydice’s
death as punishment for his deadly sins. The inner story ends with Orpheus
sitting at the river Acheron, grieving over the final loss of his beloved wife. This
scene passes into the epilogue, where the first-person narrator muses about
the different versions of Orpheus’s death handed down since Antiquity.
Compelling in this retelling are the comments on Orpheus’s behaviour
and thoughts. The omniscient narrator of the inner story constantly refers
to Orpheus’s power to overcome all obstacles because of his devoted love for
Eurydice. Although he fails in the end, the accompanying sentences invite the
reader not to give in to resignation, even where hope seems to diminish. Repeatedly, Heiduczek’s retelling emphasises Orpheus’s fight against the powers
of darkness as a model the reader should follow. In addition, Orpheus’s friendship with Jason is justified with reference to Pelias’s injustice and betrayal. In
particular, the description of King Pelias as a modern dictator, who suppresses
his people, never keeps his promises, and manipulates other people in order
to augment his power, evidently indirectly criticises the political situation in
the gdr in the 1980s. However, the significance of Heiduczek’s work is twofold: the author deviates from the demand to create a purely socialist version
of an ancient myth by including critical remarks about the political system
in the former gdr, and he does not comply with the request to present “ancient heroes of labour” in order to follow the socialist doctrine of the “democratisation of the cultural heritage.” Instead, Heiduczek depicts Orpheus as an
ambivalent character with contradictory human traits. The author’s approach
might be characterised as an attempt to grant Orpheus more depth and individuality, thus summoning the reader to seriously grapple with the main characters’ individual relationships. In addition, Heiduczek apparently uses this
retelling to disguise his skeptical attitude toward the totalitarian East German
regime. In order to avoid censorship, he turned to children’s literature, since
books for children were generally not regarded as a medium for propagating
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critical views. In this respect, Heiduczek’s crafted adaptation of the traditional Orpheus myth is another proof of the significance of children’s books in
authoritarian states, because they often offered a singular opportunity to
subliminally transmit critical opinions. Shortly before the fall of the Berlin
Wall, Heiduczek’s book indirectly encouraged its readership to critically reflect
upon gridlocked opinions and to resist opaque practices in politics and everyday life.
Twenty years later, French illustrator Yvan Pommaux’s Orpheus and the
Snakebite8 employs the popular medium of comic books in order to convey
the Orpheus myth to a younger audience. The author-illustrator decided to
transfer parts of the myth into the present, thus creating a link between the
contemporary way of life and the ancient myth. The main difference consists
in a happy ending, in contrast to the sad ending of the original myth. During
a wedding party, a young man who is in love with the bride molests her, and
when she retreats from his advances she accidentally steps on a snake and is
bitten. While the bride is taken to a surgery, another woman approaches the
guilty young man and tells him the story of Orpheus and Eurydice as a cautionary tale. She addresses him as Aristée (French for Aristaios), even though the
young man strongly objects. Nevertheless, he is soon drawn into her spellbinding account, which he occasionally interrupts with comments. He gradually
realises that the fate of Aristée mirrors his situation. Horrified about the dreadful death of Eurydice and Orpheus, he is relieved when the bridegroom and
bride return from the hospital. He decides to apologise for his misbehaviour,
but before doing this, he asks the attractive woman’s name, which is Atalante.
Surprisingly, the young man knows the story of Princess Atalante, who hated
men and in order to avoid marriage had any suitor who failed to beat her in a
footrace executed. When the young man wonders whether the young woman
also despises men, she gives only a vague answer.
This open ending prompts the reader to imagine the progress of the story,
that is, to consider whether this burgeoning relationship mirrors the ancient
myth of Atalante. Hence, this comic could potentially merge into the retelling
of another myth.9 Pommaux’s comic thus connects two ancient myths that
focus on the relationship between women and men. While the Orpheus myth
deals with true and devoted love, the Atalante myth addresses a hate relationship. Ironically, the young man is attracted by two women, the bride and the
8 See Yvan Pommaux, Orphée et la morsure du serpent (Paris: L’école des loisirs, 2009).
9 Although Pommaux has not created a comic version about the Atalante myth as of yet, his
comic series about ancient myths and epics continues, encompassing individual comics
about the Iliad, the Odyssey, Theseus, and Oedipus.
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female storyteller, and in both cases he is in danger of either destroying a love
affair or becoming enmeshed in a possibly life-threatening situation. Through
the juxtaposition of the Orpheus myth with a contemporary story about an individual and emotional conflict, which is caused by jealousy and imprudence,
the comic emphasises the universality of the ancient myth.
While Heiduczek’s and Pommaux’s works are easily decipherable, since
the book titles and the names of the protagonists refer to the ancient myth
from the beginning, the subsequent children’s novels demand a higher skill in
detecting textual clues that call attention to the Orpheus myth. Since intertextuality usually requires the reader’s knowledge of the pretexts and the apprehension of the pretext’s meaning for the new text, it belongs to the category of
metaliterary abilities which proficient readers have to acquire in order to make
sense of intertextual references.10
Tony Abbott’s “Underworlds” series (four volumes, 2011–2012) starts with the
volume The Battle Begins (2011).11 The setting is an American middle school
and the stories focus on fourth-grader Owen Brown, a skilled musician, and
his best friends Dana, Jon, and Sydney. Told in retrospective by Owen himself,
the story begins when Dana Runson suddenly disappears through the floors of
the school right in front of Owen. Before disappearing, however, Dana cautions
Owen about monsters and tells him that he will find the answer in a book in
her parents’ house. Although frightened by this mystery and by an eerie voice
that hisses: “The battle begins,” Owen is determined to find Dana—before
anyone realises that she is missing. With the help of Jon and Sydney, Owen
breaks into the abandoned Runson house which dispells an icy cold. When
they finally discover the book, Bulfinch’s Mythology, they are attacked by a giant, fire-breathing red wolf. Paging through Bulfinch’s book, they discover that
the red wolf is Fenrir, a mythological figure from Norse mythology, and that
Dana obviously was abducted by Argus, the beast with the hundred eyes. Perplexed about these incidents, they immediately confront another mystery: in
the school’s cafeteria the three lunch ladies morph into the Valkyries, women
who belong to the Norse god Odin and decide who will die or survive in battles.
They warn the trio that somebody is causing trouble in the Underworld and
that the rulers of the Underworlds, Odin and Hades, are really worried about
this. Owen and his friends are informed that beneath the earth’s surface, four
different Underworlds exist; one for each branch of mythology, that is, Greek,
10
11
See Graham Allen, Intertextuality (New York: Routledge, 2000); and Gerard Genette,
Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997)
on the different forms of intertextuality in literary texts.
See Tony Abbott, The Battle Begins (New York: Scholastic, 2011).
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Norse, Egyptian, and Babylonian. One of the entrances to the Greek Underworld lies beneath their school.
The attraction of this book series therefore consists in its intermingling of
gods, half-gods, monsters, and heroes from different mythologies who cause
trouble among themselves, but also involve humans in their struggles; especially people like Dana’s parents who are experts in ancient mythologies
and Dana herself, who has spotted the chaos evoked by the battle of the four
Underworlds.
The three Valkyries disclose that Owen might be able to rescue Dana from
the Underworld with the help of Orpheus’s lyre, which is usually exhibited
in an Icelandic museum, but now happens to be displayed in the nearby city
museum. Although the lyre is strongly guarded, Owen succeeds in stealing it.
Through the school’s boiler room Owen and his friends enter the Greek Underworld, cross the river Styx, and make a bargain with Hades. He promises to set
Dana free if they can reach her in a faraway tower within an hour. When they
arrive at the tower, the trio has to fight a monster army of innumerable Myrmidons, including Argus and Fenrir. At the battle’s climax Loki emerges, the
evil trickster god of the North. Owen, as the “Jimi Hendrix of the ancient lyre”
(64), is able to lull all monsters to sleep. Hades keeps his promise and allows
Dana to go free, acknowledging that she has been kidnapped by Argus acting
under the orders of Loki. Since Loki has freed all monsters, Hades assumes
that there will be more trouble in the near future. Therefore he advises the four
children to keep an eye out for the Cyclopes, who most likely intend to invade
the human world. With this warning the group re-enters the school grounds,
remaining on the alert, since they know that they will be involved in the battle
of the Underworlds.
It is quite obvious that Abbott’s main inspiration is the omnipresent fantasy genre which has dominated the international book market since the end
of the twentieth century. These fantasy novels follow the secondary world
model, that is, the protagonists cross from their own primary world over to
a secondary world populated by fantastic figures and determined by magic.12
What distinguishes Abbott’s series is the combination of different mythologies. The encounter of figures from Norse, Greek, Egyptian, and Babylonian
mythology makes for an exciting story that combines suspense-packed episodes with humorous passages. The overarching topics of friendship, loyalty,
and courage, and the power of imagination appeal to a broad readership,
12
For a detailed description of the representation of fictional worlds in fantasy for children,
see Maria Nikolajeva, The Magic Code: The Use of Magical Patterns in Fantasy for Children
(Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1988).
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enthralled by narratives that abduct readers into a story world governed by
magic and mysterious events.13 In this regard, the Orpheus myth plays a significant role, since it highlights the importance of friendship as well as the willingness to overcome all obstacles in order to save a beloved person’s life. Although
Owen and Dana are not a romantic couple like Orpheus and Eurydice, they
have deep feelings for one another, which might be interpreted as a foreshadowing of their possible future love.
Indeed, the hybrid mixture of genres, mythologies, and narrative devices
somewhat conceals the didactic purpose of Abbott’s series. Any time the children meet new monsters and mythological figures they either consult Bulfinch’s Mythology or remember the corresponding stories from their classes
in Latin and History. Thus, readers become accustomed to looking up new
information whenever they come into contact with unknown subjects. In addition, readers are also encouraged to use old-fashioned books like Bulfinch’s
Mythology, a collection of Greek and Roman mythologies, Arthurian legends,
and mediaeval romances, written by Latinist Thomas Bulfinch and published
in three volumes between 1855 and 1863.14 This work was a highly successful
popularisation of Greek and Norse myths and was considered the standard
work for classical mythology for nearly a century. Now in the public domain,
Bulfinch’s Mythology is still in print and continues to influence the image of
Greek and Roman mythology for English-speaking readers to this day. Citations
and short summaries of the Greek myths gathered in Bulfinch’s book serve to
familiarise contemporary readers with the main mythological plots and figures
that appear in Abbott’s novel.
In order to facilitate an understanding of the intertextual allusions to Greek
and Norse mythology, a short glossary explicating the origin and meaning of
the mythological figures is printed in the series’ appendix. Moreover, the novel
contains several illustrations of monsters, such as Fenrir, Argus, and the Myrmidons, and maps that visualise the different settings, such as the school hallway, the exhibition room in the museum, the Greek Underworld, and an overview of the four Underworlds together. Consequently, even readers who are
not acquainted with Greek mythology are introduced to the relevant knowledge needed for a full comprehension of the story. Abbott thus manages to
connect suspense, entertainment, and knowledge transfer. While the first two
volumes involve Greek and Norse mythology, the subsequent volumes extend
13
14
For the concept of the story world, see Marie Laure Ryan, Storyworlds across Media
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2014).
For a more recent edition see, e.g., Thomas Bulfinch, Mythology, 3 vols. (New York: Meridian, 1995).
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this Underworld universe by introducing mythological characters from Egyptian and Babylonian mythologies. By doing so, the story gradually becomes
more complex, enticing the reader to register the different mythological offspring of the heroes, gods, and monsters that populate the Underworlds, but
also intrude into the “real” human world.
Children’s novels dealing with the Orpheus and Eurydice myth focus on
bookish people and topics, if one considers not only Abbott’s but also Katherine Marsh’s and Cornelia Funke’s novels. In comparison to Abbott, Marsh’s
The Night Tourist (2007)15 even goes a step further, as this novel centres on
fourteen-year-old Jack Perdu, who spends most of his time alone with his nose
buried in a book. He has a keen interest in Latin and Ancient Greek and is occupied reading Ovid’s Metamorphoses in the original, as he has an afterschool
job helping the head of the Classics Department at Yale University with a new
translation of Ovid’s work. While Jack muses about the correct translation of
a line that tells about Eurydice’s death, he does not pay attention to the traffic and has a near-fatal accident. His father sends him to see a doctor in New
York, where Jack has not been since his mother died there eight years ago. In
Grand Central Station, Jack meets a girl called Euri who offers to show him the
station’s hidden places. Eight floors below the station, Jack discovers a mysterious Underworld populated by the ghosts of dead people. Although Jack is not
dead, he has the unusual ability to perceive ghosts. With the help of Euri, who
has committed suicide and longs to be alive again, Jack attempts to find his
mother among the crowd, always in danger of being detected by the guardians
and their dreadful dog Cerberus, who have strict orders to kill everybody who
dares to enter the Underworld. However, his stay among the dead is restricted
to three days. If he stayed longer, he would turn into a ghost himself, never being able to return to his father.
At night the ghosts leave the Underworld by using fountains as exits. They
roam around and observe other people who generally are not able to spot
them. During his quest Jack is submitted to several trials, but finally succeeds
in finding his mother. He then learns that his father once fell in love with her
and rescued her from the Underworld, in a manner comparable to the Orpheus myth. When Jack was six years old, his parents had an argument and his
mother punished her husband by going back to the Underworld, intending to
return after a couple of days. However, she did not know that this would result
in her death. Since she worries about her family’s welfare and accuses herself
of selfishness, she is forced to stay in the ghostly Underworld until somebody
15
See Katherine Marsh, The Night Tourist (New York: Hyperion Books, 2007).
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forgives her imprudent behaviour. After a confident talk with Jack, she finally
moves to Elysium, the island of the blessed souls.
Although Jack cannot bring back his mother, he tries to save Euri. Provided
with a mysterious map of the New York underground,16 he finds that he can
bring Euri back to the earth’s surface under the condition that he does not look
back during the journey. But when a ghost ship piles into their small dinghy,
Jack is appalled and improvidently glances over his shoulder. Euri fades away,
while Jack is remorseful about his thoughtlessness. Despite this he can comfort
his father, who still grieves his wife’s loss, telling him about the real circumstances of her flight. They move to New York where Jack tries in vain to find the
entrance to the Underworld in Grand Central Station. Nevertheless, he is still
able to see the floating ghosts of dead people. He sometimes worries about this
fantastic skill, as he is anxious to conceal this ability from school friends and
from his love interest Cora, a girl who is even better at Latin than himself. The
novel ends with a final meeting of Jack and Euri at twilight. Jack tries to apologise for his failure, but Euri indicates that she already knows about his remorse
and that she has accepted her destiny.
The intertextual references are scattered throughout the whole text. The
first allusion to the Orpheus myth is in the first chapter when Jack is busy with
the translation of Ovid’s Metamorphoses and meditates on a tricky linguistic
structure in the passages describing Eurydice’s death from a snakebite. Jack is
depicted as a shy and nerdy boy who holes up in his study and does not have
any friends. He is keenly devoted to his Latin studies in order to please his father, a professor at Yale, and to follow in the footsteps of his mother, who had
been proficient in Latin and classical history and myths. The second intertextual allusion is the name Euri, as an abbreviation of Eurydice. As Jack realised
later, the girl’s actual name is Dina, but she chooses the new name to show that
she identifies with the mythical figure and that she longs to be rescued like
her. In the subsequent chapters, there are a lot of verbal clues that refer to the
Orpheus myth, but they demand a thorough knowledge of the myth. The main
strings of the plot are mentioned briefly in the beginning, but afterward readers are prompted to detect the intertextual allusions themselves.
The novel ends on a melancholy note, as Jack could not rescue Euri from
the dead. Whereas his father once successfully took the part of Orpheus and
saved Jack’s mother, Jack’s attempt is futile. The Night Tourist refers to the Orpheus myth on two narrative levels, since Jack’s relationship to Euri mirrors
16
The map Jack Perdu uses is the famous “Viele map” (1865), which shows the original
boundaries and waterways of Manhattan. It is still in use today by architects, engineers,
and urban developers.
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the relationship between his parents, thus conciliating two generations. The
main difference consists in the depiction of Jack’s and Euri’s relationship as a
friendship, in contrast to the love story of Jack’s parents. What singles Marsh’s
novel out is the thoughtful focus on death as an overarching topic and the
mythical subtext. Although Jack’s father is initially able to rescue his wife,
their happiness lasts a mere seven years, before a misunderstanding followed
by a thoughtless action destroys their lives, in a real and metaphorical sense.
Hence, the inevitability of death hovers like a sword of Damocles over the story
and furnishes the novel with philosophical and moral reflections which amply
contribute to the work’s sophistication and complexity.
The question of what happens after death and what distinguishes living
people from the ghostly beings in the Underworld runs through the novel like a
red thread. This topic permeates the protagonists’ appearances, since both Jack
and his father have the unusual ability of occasionally changing into ghostly
shapes when they are involved in near-fatal accidents and of perceiving and
even hearing the ghosts that roam in their surroundings. Jack is even in doubt
about his existence. Since the guardians claim that living people are unable
to cross the border to the Underworld and that they are skilled in seeing the
difference between the dead and the living, Jack is confused as they are apparently unsure about his status. After staying three days among the dead, he repeatedly tries to get to the bottom of human existence. His experience of being
able to fly without holding hands with Euri even leads him to assume that he
might already be dead and that the difference between being dead and being
alive is not as big as one might expect. The dead he meets in the Underworld
are driven by the same worries, vanities, joys, and expectations as the living,
since they have not yet freed themselves from worldly pleasures and anxieties.
Only those who are able to completely accept their death and leave their old
life behind are allowed to enter paradise or Elysium. In any case, through these
experiences Jack has grown. From now on, he is able to cope with his father’s
grief and to get in touch with school friends of his own age.
In contrast to the previous books, music and the aptitude to master an instrument do not play a significant part in The Night Tourist. Jack has no musical
talent, but he is talented in scrutinising texts. This capacity is beneficial for the
quest for his mother and his attempt to rescue Euri from the Underworld. For
Jack happens to be in possession of a map with a detailed drawing of the New
York underground, showing all subterranean channels, tunnels, crossings, and
water courses. Jack soon realises that the enigmatic numbers on this map refer
to lines in Ovid’s Metamorphoses. By comparing the items shown on the map
with the text in his copy, he is able to discover the sole exit which leads from
the Underworld back to the earth’s surface and which enables his escape. Thus,
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in Marsh’s novel, reading between the lines, looking for hidden clues, and repeatedly checking textual information are emphasised as suitable techniques
for locating significant spots and deciphering subliminal allusions to ancient
myths.
Jack’s transgression of the boundary between a primary and secondary
world can be characterised as a rite of passage that is divided into three stages: the beginning in Yale and the trip to New York present the first stage, the
second stage comprises the sojourn in the Underworld, and the third stage
marks the return to the upper world and Jack’s new life in New York. These
three stages emphasise seminal steps in Jack’s cognitive, emotional, and social
development. After he succeeds in solving all riddles and passing several trials
in the Underworld, Jack changes from a bashful boy into a self-confident teenager. Although he still misses Euri and feels guilty about her, he now stands on
his own two feet. What is more, the talk with his mother in the Underworld
and his concern for Euri’s welfare cause Jack’s maturation, since he is henceforth willing to undertake responsibility and to care for other people’s feelings.
Jack’s change is characterised as an initiation into adulthood, a seminal issue
that governs many adolescent novels. Drawing on Swiss scholar Peter Freese,
who investigated the impact of the rite of passage on young adult novels by
American authors,17 other researchers coined the notion “story of initiation”
or “novel of initiation” to describe a specific form of the novel that has some
commonalities with the coming-of-age novel. The Night Tourist derives from
this subgenre as its overall plot is concerned with putting the main character
through a particular sort of experience, which is described as “initiation” from
a reference to initiation rites known from ancient cults and tribal societies.
A prototypical issue in novels of initiation is the confrontation with a dangerous or mysterious place, such as a labyrinth, catacomb, desert, or uninhabited
wood. Very often this change of place is described as a descent into an unknown and subterranean world, as is certainly the case with Marsh’s The Night
Tourist, but also with Abbott’s and Funke’s novels.
Cornelia Funke’s “Inkworld” trilogy possesses elements of the initiation novel as well, but is above all determined by intertextual references to multiple
children’s classics, fairy tales, and classical myths. The main protagonists are
twelve-year-old Meggie and her father Mortimer Folchart, called Mo. The story
in Inkheart (2003)18 is told by different narrators, who change from chapter
to chapter. Mo possesses a book entitled Inkheart that is sought by the evil
17
18
See Peter Freese, Die Initiationsreise. Studien zum jugendlichen Helden im modernen
amerikanischen Roman (Tübingen: Stauffenburg, 1998).
See Cornelia Funke, Tintenherz (Hamburg: Dressler, 2003).
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leader Capricorn and his gang. After Capricorn has kidnapped Meggie and Mo,
Mo reveals his secret gift, namely the talent to read figures and objects out of
books. However, in exchange, real people and animals must vanish into the
book world. A couple of years earlier, he thus “read” Capricorn and two other
figures out of the book Inkheart, while his wife Teresa (called Resa) and two
cats disappeared into the book world.
The first book of the “Inkworld” trilogy concentrates on Capricorn’s attempts
to destroy all copies of Inkheart besides one. He initially intends to force Mo to
read a “Shadow” out of the book, an evil monster that will enhance Capricorn’s
power. However, when Capricorn realises that Meggie has the same gift, he
charges her to do the reading job. But Meggie convinces Fenoglio, the author
of Inkheart, to write a new version of the respective passage. As a consequence,
the Shadow kills Capricorn and his subalterns, setting Meggie, Mo, and their
friends free.
The major part of the subsequent novels Inkspell (2005)19 and Inkdeath
(2007)20 takes place in the Inkworld. Meggie, Mo, and two other characters,
Darius and Orpheus, succeed in reading themselves and other figures into
the Inkheart book. Fenoglio loses control of his imagined Inkworld, which increasingly develops an independent existence. After several adventures and
enmeshments all the characters decide to remain in the Inkworld. The third
volume closes with a prolepsis: Meggie has learnt from Fenoglio that she will
marry the inventor Doria (a figure from an unpublished story written by Fenoglio), whereas her little brother, who was born in the Inkworld, will later return
to the “real” world.
The “Inkworld” trilogy presents three different story worlds: the “real” world
of Meggie and her father, which is situated in a setting reminiscent of Northern Italy; the fantastic Inkworld, initially created by Fenoglio but developing a
life of its own; and the fantastic underworld of the dead that can only be entered from the Inkworld. Funke’s trilogy triggers readership in multiple respects, as the author creates a pandemonium of figures and plots from diverse
myths and famous children’s and adult books.21 Although the epigraphs at the
19
20
21
See Cornelia Funke, Tintenblut (Hamburg: Dressler, 2005).
See Cornelia Funke, Tintentod (Hamburg: Dressler, 2007).
It is not my aim here to carve out all aspects that demonstrate the sophisticated structure
and complex topics of the “Inkworld” trilogy, for instance, the significance of the paratexts, metafiction, self-reference, the topos of the book within a book, and metalepsis.
These narrative devices contribute to the creation of a meta-level. Thus, Funke’s trilogy
exhibits a complexity that invites re-readings and new interpretations. For a thorough
analysis, see Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer, Kinder- und Jugendliteratur (Darmstadt:
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2012), 125–132.
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beginning of each chapter allude to events presented therein (with a source
index at the end of each volume), the reader has to dismantle the numerous
intertextual allusions on his or her own.
The Orpheus myth plays a significant role in the trilogy. A figure called
Orpheus enters the stage in the second volume. This figure not only has the
skill to read out characters from books, but also functions as the second author
of Inkheart, thus competing with Fenoglio. In addition, Mo and Resa fulfil the
roles of the classical couple Orpheus and Eurydice. For instance, Resa is bitten
by a snake, Mo grieves about Resa’s loss, Mo asks Capricorn to let his maidservant Resa go free, Mo’s charming voice fascinates Capricorn and his subalterns,
and Mo is able to appease wild animals, such as bears and wolves.22 The close
connection between Mo and Orpheus is additionally denoted by the abbreviation “Mo.” These letters refer on a basic level to Mortimer, but on a metaphorical level, they allude to the myth of Orpheus and the book Metamorphoses
by Ovid. With these nuanced allusions, Funke points out that Mo (alias Mortimer) is the true Orpheus. In contrast to the adept Orpheus Mo goes into action and thus saves the Inkworld, which is threatened by evil powers. Hence, a
thorough analysis reveals the intertextual connection, since the Orpheus myth
and the “Inkworld” trilogy focus on the power of imagination, poetry, and love.
At the same time the author stresses that it is not possible to conquer death by
means of words and to rescue deceased persons from the realm of the dead.
Moreover, analogies are drawn to Ovid’s Metamorphoses through a double cast
of characters; for instance, Fenoglio and Orpheus are authors of the novel Inkheart, and Mo and Darius, as characters from the primary world, command the
capacity to read figures out of books. Furthermore, some characters have different names in order to illustrate their multiple functions. Mortimer is called
“Mo” in the first volume; in the Inkworld he is initially called “Magic Tongue”
because of his ability to enchant people with his amazing stories. Later he gets
the name “Jaybird” when he is hooked up with the resistance group that fights
the dictatorial Viper King.
As this survey has shown, the intertextual references to the Orpheus myth
do not strictly follow the plot, but deviate from it in different respects. The
order of events has been changed as well as the cast of characters. However,
the most intriguing changes concern the double role of Orpheus, presented
by Mo and the plagiarist Orpheus, and the connection of the descent into the
22
The references to the Orpheus myth have been discussed in Saskia Heber, Das Buch im
Buch. Selbstreferenz, Intertextualität und Mythenadaption in Cornelia Funkes TintenTrilogie (Kiel: Verlag Ludwig, 2010).
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underworld with Meggie’s rite of passage. Mo and Meggie undertake the descent into the underworld to rescue the boy Farid from the dead.
Whereas Mo is characterised as the noble saviour of the Inkworld, Orpheus
accompanies the Viper King and repeatedly attempts to paraphrase the Inkworld novels in order to adjust the story to his and the Viper King’s ideas. In
this way Funke emphasises the ambivalent role of literature and authors. Literary texts and artistic skills might be used to encourage readers to reflect upon
social justice and welfare, but they might also be used to manipulate other
people by communicating ideological messages that call for hate, struggle,
and war. Funke’s aim to foster young reader’s increasing awareness of political,
ideological, and social matters is stressed in Meggie’s development from teenage girl to young woman. Meggie’s resistance against Capricorn’s persuasiveness and her courageous encounter with death in the underworld goes hand in
hand with a growing self-dependence, which is shown in her critical attitude
toward her parents, finally leading to her cutting the cord with her family and
her decision to decline Farid’s courtship in favour of Doria, who is down to
earth and reliable. Meggie’s initiation and the descent to the underworld also
reveal a political dimension by subliminally pointing to fascism, mirrored in
Capricorn’s and the Viper King’s clothing and dictatorial behaviour. Thus, Meggie’s initiation appears as an emancipation from totalitarian structures and deliverance from eagerness for power.
Looking back at these five literary works, it is apparent that the classic myth
of Orpheus and Eurydice still presents an appealing topic for modern children’s literature. This tendency is mirrored in modern adaptations, but also
in novels that more or less intertextually refer to this crucial pretext.23 The
ambiguity of this myth, its reference to the timeless issues of love, friendship,
courage, growth, and grief, encourage authors and illustrators to focus on this
ageless myth about a deep love that overcomes even death, at least for a short
time. This myth illustrates a narrative discourse which prevails on two levels.
The Orpheus myth resumes the function of a narrative pattern that can only
be deciphered when considering the subtext of the whole narrative. Heiduczek uses the ancient myth to subliminally criticise the political situation in
the German Democratic Republic in the 1980s by offering an alternative model
of living. Moreover, Heiduczek, Abbott, and Marsh pursue the same didactic
aim: they intend to pass on the cultural heritage of classical myth to younger
23
In this respect, John Stephens and Robyn McCallum’s study Retelling Stories, Framing
Culture: Traditional Story and Metanarratives in Children’s Literature (New York–London:
Routledge, 1998) demonstrates the strong impact of classical mythology on modern fantasy and fairy tales.
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readers. They achieve this goal by retelling the respective myth or by clearly
indicating the sources (Ovid; Bulfinch’s Mythology). The love affair of Orpheus
and Eurydice and the troubles it evokes dominate the works by Pommaux,
Marsh, and Funke. These authors show that the Orpheus myth deals with a
universal topic that still has a strong appeal for the present generation, since
the issues of friendship, love, and death play an important role in young
people’s philosophical thinking. The psychologisation of the main characters
accounts for the stories’ attractiveness for contemporary readers, because
they are stimulated to empathise with the characters who represent the modernised versions of Orpheus and Eurydice.24 The authors achieve this by giving
the characters psychological depth, which invites readers to understand these
characters’ emotional and cognitive development. This is particularly evident
in the novels by Marsh and Funke, which refer to the main characters’ rite of
passage and show a close connection to a process of initiation. Finally, Abbott,
Heiduczek, and Funke address the issue of imagination and its link with poetry
and music, which are essential traits connected with Orpheus. They emphasise
that these aspects contribute to the main characters’ maturing process, which
culminates in an increased self-confidence.
The interconnectedness of the Orpheus myth with modern narrative structures and topics reveals an astonishing potential for multiple meanings and
intertextual references, which contributes to the complexity of modern children’s books dealing with Classical Antiquity.
24
Recent narratological studies have shown that the psychological depiction of fictional
characters exerts a significant impact on the reader’s developing empathy. See, for instance, Blakey Vermeule, Why Do We Care about Literary Characters? (Baltimore, Md.:
Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011); and Lisa Zunshine, Why We Read Fiction: Theory of
Mind and the Novel (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2006).
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part 4
New Hope: Classical References in the Mission of
Preparing Children to Strive for a Better Future
⸪
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Maja Abgarowicz, The Sirens (2012)
illustration created at the workshop of Prof. Zygmunt Januszewski,
Academy of Fine Arts in Warsaw, © by Maja Abgarowicz
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chapter 20
Greek Mythology in Israeli Children’s Literature
Lisa Maurice
In this paper I consider the versions of Greek mythology in juvenile literature
in the Hebrew language, both original editions of Greek myth and works in
Hebrew translation. Since this is a field unfamiliar to most readers, some background must be given prior to tackling this issue. Thus, by way of providing
context, I first consider Jewish attitudes toward the classical tradition, and its
role in the modern state of Israel, in particular within the educational system;
the place of Greek mythology, in particular, in modern Israeli literature and
drama; Israeli attitudes toward fantasy, closely linked in the mind of the reader
to Greek myth; and finally the development of Hebrew children’s literature.
After such introductory discussions, the range, style, and significance of classical mythology in children’s Hebrew literature will be more readily understood.
1
Classics, Judaism, and the Classical Tradition in Israel
The relationship between the Graeco-Roman and Jewish traditions has long
been a complex one. Although a detailed study of this history falls beyond the
scope of this paper, and has in any case been ably outlined by other scholars,1
it is worth mentioning in brief the central issues since they impact upon the
question under debate here. On the one hand, the Greek language attained a
status in Jewish tradition that was unparalleled, being regarded as the purest
language there was with the exception of Hebrew. Thus, according to the Rabbinic sages, the two languages that should be spoken in the land of Israel are
Hebrew or Greek,2 while the only language apart from Hebrew in which it was
permissible for a Sefer Torah to be written, or for the Book of Esther to be read,
1 See, e.g., Louis H. Feldman, Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions
from Alexander to Justinian (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); idem, Judaism and
Hellenism Reconsidered (Leiden: Brill, 2006); Saul Lieberman, Greek in Jewish Palestine; Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1994); Lee I.
Levine, Judaism and Hellenism in Antiquity: Conflict or Confluence? (Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 1998); Erich Gruen, Heritage and Hellenism: The Reinvention of Jewish Tra
dition (Berkeley, Ca.: University of California Press, 1998).
2 Talmud Bavli, Bava Kama 82b–83a.
© Lisa Maurice, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_022
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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was Greek.3 In Alexandria it is possible that the reading from the Sefer Torah
was done, not in Hebrew, which most Jews no longer understood, but in the
more familiar Greek, and that this unfamiliarity with the holy language was
the impulse behind the writing of the Septuagint.4 Greek was thought to be the
language of poetry,5 and was an “adornment” for a young woman.6 More than
this, Greek mythology itself was far from unknown to the Jews of the ancient
world; they lived in that world, where the Hellenistic culture was predominant,
and they constantly encountered Greek mythology in literature, art, and other
aspects of their life. Jewish-Hellenistic authors engaged with Greek myth in
different ways, and while they were often critical of the myths, it cannot be
denied that they were an integral part of their social context at this time.7
On the other hand, the “Greeks,” in the form of the Hellenistic Syrian kingdom, and the Romans, as destroyers of the Second Temple and authors of the
two-thousand-year exile and Diaspora, were conquerors and oppressors of the
land of Israel and its people. Not only were they the physical adversaries, however; they were also the spiritual enemy of Judaism, against whose enticements
and customs rabbinic tradition warned. Judaism was in many ways directly opposed to the Greek way of life. To the Hebrew religion, with its emphasis upon
purity and modesty, the Greek gods and the stress upon nudity were violently
distasteful and immoral. At the same time, the Greek way of life and learning
were attractive and assimilation was a problem. Thus, there are references in
the Mishnah and Talmud to a decree against studying “Greek wisdom,”8 and
the translation of the Hebrew Bible into Greek, mentioned above, came to be
regarded as a tragedy and is still mourned on the fast of the Tenth of Tevet.
3 Talmud Yerushalmi, Megilah 1:9; Maimonides on Mishnah Megilah 2:1.
4 See, e.g., Arnaldo Momigliano, The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography, “Sather
Classical Lectures” 54 (Berkeley, Ca.: University of California Press, 1990), 25; Joseph Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt: From Rameses ii to Emperor Hadrian (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 100.
5 Talmud Yerushalmi, Megilah 1:9.
6 Talmud Yerushalmi, Peah 1.1, 15c; Sotah 9.16, 24c.
7 See René Bloch, Moses und der Mythos: Die Auseinandersetzung mit der griechischen Mythologie bei jüdisch-hellenistischen Autoren, “Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism”
145 (Leiden–Boston: Brill, 2011); Folker Siegert, “Griechische Mythen im hellenistischen Judentum,” in Raban von Haehling, ed., Griechische Mythologie und frühes Christentum. Die antiken Götter und der eine Gott (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2005), 132–152;
Yaacov Shavit, “The Reception of Greek Mythology in Modern Hebrew Culture,” in Asher
Ovadiah, ed., Hellenic and Jewish Arts (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press, 1998), 432–438.
8 See Sotah 49b and Saul Lieberman, “The Alleged Ban on Greek Wisdom,” in his Hellenism in
Jewish Palestine (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1950), 110–114.
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There is, even today, a general suspicion of learning Greek; it is notable that
David Schaps’s introductory Greek textbook, written in Israel, opens with an
introduction entitled “Is Learning Greek Permitted?” discussing this question
from the standpoint of Orthodox Judaism.9
The distrust of Greek culture, when coupled with the fact that the Jewish
people had their own legends and stories in the form of the Bible and of other
traditional tales, meant that the ancient world was always marginal in Israel.
Religious Jews, who felt no need to include the classical tradition in their education systems, emphasised only the Bible, and even secular Zionists, who
rejected Rabbinic Judaism, nevertheless regarded the Bible, upon which their
ideology was based, as paramount, again to the exclusion of the ancient roots
of Western civilisation.10 There is none of the common heritage identification
that is found in the United Kingdom for example, despite the fact that ancient
Rome—and Greece in the form of the Hellenistic kingdoms—played perhaps
an even more pivotal role in this geographic region than it did in the uk.
2
Classics and the Israeli Educational System: Priorities
and Developments
As a result of this lack of identification with ancient Greece and Rome, classical studies plays only a marginal role in the Israeli education system. This is in
spite of the dreams of some of the early founders of what would become modern Israel, who established the education system with the ideology that the
new state should become a “civilised,” educated place, on a par with Europe,
where most of them had grown up and been educated. Thus, for instance,
when the first Hebrew language high school was founded in Tel Aviv in 1905,
it was modelled on the European system, and given the title of “Gymnasia.”
Latin was on the curriculum as a matter of course, since the stated aim of the
Gymnasia was to provide an education which was the same as at “every high
school in Europe and America, Bible and Talmud; past language and its literature; languages: French, German, English, and Latin; geometry and algebra,
[…] physics and chemistry, zoology and botany, main geology and mineralogy;
9
10
David Schaps, Yofioto Shel Yafet [The beauty of Japheth] (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University,
1996), v–vi.
See Yair Zakovitch, “Scripture and Israeli Secular Culture,” in Benjamin D. Sommer, ed.,
Jewish Concepts of Scripture: A Comparative Introduction (New York: New York University
Press, 2012), 299–316.
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history, drawing, etc.”11 Similarly, when the first university, the Hebrew University, was founded in 1925, Greek and Latin were among the first subjects taught
at that institution.12
It is interesting to note, however, that the classical languages were included
in the Jewish Studies Faculty (the Faculty of Humanities was only opened in
1928) and the justification for teaching classics, and especially Greek, was that
these languages were necessary for the understanding of, and participation in,
Bible studies. In a letter dated May 15, 1927, Max (Moshe) Schwabe outlined
the state of classics in Israel at the time, and stressed the unique nature of
the subject in this place because of its position as an adjunct to Jewish studies. Latin and Greek were taught at this time to provide a basic understanding
of the languages in order to read texts of interest to scholars of Judaism.13 Yet
only a year later the Faculty of Humanities was established, and other classical works began to be taught (Euripides’ Medea, Plato’s Theaetetus, a range of
texts within the framework of courses on the History of Greek Literature, and
so on). Victor (Avigdor) Tcherikover was appointed to the position of Instructor in Greek and Roman History in that year and Hans (Yohanan) Lewy to that
of Instructor in Latin Language and History in 1933.14 Schwabe, Tcherikover,
and Lewy were the founding fathers of classical studies in Israel, and all were
products of the high-level German scholarship of the beginning of the twentieth century, and students of the great names of that scholarship—Ulrich von
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Eduard Norden, and others. The influence and approach of these scholars coloured classical studies in Israel during its inception
and development, and classical philology was the focus of Israeli scholarship.
From these beginnings, classical studies in Israel expanded, as these scholars were joined by others, and the founding of more universities in the 1950s
and 1960s (Bar-Ilan University in 1955, Tel Aviv University in 1956, Haifa University in 1963, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev in 1969) provided more scope
for the teaching of classics.15 The Israel Society for the Promotion of Classical
Studies (ispcs) was founded in 1971 in order “to promote the study of classics
11
12
13
14
15
At http://www.schooly2.co.il/gymnasia/page.asp?page_parent=70202 (accessed Jan. 1,
2013, but no longer active).
See Joseph Geiger and Ra’anana Meridor, “The Beginning of Classics in Israel: Two Documents,” Scripta Classica Israelica 18 (1999): 159–173.
“Dabei wurde im Anfang darauf hingewiesen, daß die griech. und lat. Kurse nur zum
(mehr oder weniger oberflächlichen) Verständnis der Septuaginta, Vulgata und einiger
für jüdische Wissenschaft notwendiger Texte zu führen hätten.” Quoted in Geiger and
Meridor, “The Beginning of Classics in Israel,” 166.
Ibid., 160.
Although only the three oldest universities have departments of Classics, Ancient History,
Philosophy, and Archaeology are taught at all five.
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in Israel and to foster relations between Israeli classicists and colleagues from
abroad.”16 Three years later, the journal Scripta Classica Israelica appeared for
the first time.
Despite these developments, classics remained—and remains—marginal
in Israeli society. Schaps, in his History of the Department of Classical Studies of
Bar-Ilan University,17 outlines some of the difficulties with which the promoters of the subject had to contend. Firstly, there was the need to start classical
education from scratch at university level, which led, in line with changes in
the rest of the world, and in particular in the United States, to the development
of a degree in classical culture that did not include the study of the ancient
languages. Additionally, there was the problem of small student numbers and
an equally small pool of Hebrew-speaking teachers who were themselves classicists. These factors were typical of the state of classics throughout Israel as
the various university departments developed.
With the economic strains on Israeli higher education that led to severe cutbacks in humanities in general, classical studies suffered still further. Indeed,
the national newspaper Haaretz published an article in 2008 that asked: “Will
Classical Studies Be Here in Ten Years?” and outlined the devastating cuts suffered by the already small university departments.18 The article also pointed
out the main difficulty faced by such departments, namely low student enrollment, due to the fact that their field was unknown to most Israelis, since, unlike in Western Europe or the United States, where people look to the ancient
world for “their roots, for the cultural foundation of Western civilization,” in
Israel the classical world remains unknown to most.
Thus, classics has had, and still has, a negligible place in Israeli education.
Despite the lofty aims of the early Gymnasia, Latin was dropped from the syllabus in the 1920s; neither Latin nor Greek are taught below university level
in the modern state, and very few classical works are included in the school
curriculum. As the Haaretz article states, “Israeli schools barely teach anything
about ancient Greece and Rome, and students are not familiar with the ancient
writers.” Sophocles (usually Antigone but sometimes Oedipus Rex) is the only
author who regularly features in the Bagrut matriculation syllabus, although
some excerpts from Homer’s Odyssey have recently been included in one part
of the optional literature modules.19
16
17
18
19
At http://www.israel-classics.org/ (accessed Oct. 6, 2015).
At http://classics.biu.ac.il/node/618 (accessed Oct. 6, 2015) (Hebrew).
At http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/will-classical-studies-still-be-here-in-10
-years-1.236899 (accessed Oct. 6, 2015).
At http://cms.education.gov.il/EducationCMS/Units/Tochniyot_Limudim/Safrut/Kitot10
_12/Yechida4/ (accessed Nov. 19, 2015) (Hebrew).
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This is all part of a general marginalisation of the humanities in Israel,
which is in itself part of a worldwide trend,20 but is perhaps more acute in a
young, natural resource-poor country, in which scientific innovation is of key
importance, both for national development (the fields of water engineering
and agriculture are particularly vital21) and in terms of international standing
and prestige. The fact that Israeli high school students choose between science
and the humanities/social sciences at the age of fourteen, and that the sciences have more cachet has also weakened the other subjects even more than
in many other countries. Beyond the school system, at the level of higher education, the humanities in general, and classics in particular, often struggled for
survival. Contributory factors were the lack of funding and prestige, together
with the dearth of jobs for which the humanities seemed a necessary preparation. In particular, the fact that Israeli youths spend two to three years in
national service before starting undergraduate degrees created, and continues
to create, an unwillingness to study anything that will not obviously provide a
source of income.22
Finally, in none of the different streams in Israeli education, all of which
have been influenced to a greater or lesser extent by local politics, was the
study of the arts that underlie Western civilisation seen as important. For the
secular education track, the ideals of settling the land and socialism, as exemplified by the kibbutz system, meant that western humanities were regarded as
irrelevant at best, and dangerously elitist at worst.23 Thus the State Education
Law of 1953 aimed to base the foundations of elementary education on:
[…] the values of Jewish culture and the achievements of science, on love
of the homeland and loyalty to the state of Israel, on work in agriculture and in the crafts, on Halutzic [pioneering] preparation, on a society
based on freedom, equality and tolerance, mutual aid and love for one’s
fellow man.24
20
21
22
23
24
See, e.g., David H. Kamens and Aaron Benavot, “A Comparative and Historical Analysis
of Mathematical and Science Curricula, 1800–1986,” in John W. Meyer, David H. Kamens,
and Aaron Benavot, eds., School Knowledge for the Masses (Washington, d.c.: The Falmer
Press, 1992), 101–123.
United States, Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, Water-Related Technologies for
Sustainable Agriculture in Arid/Semiarid Lands: Selected Foreign Experience (Washington,
d.c.: Diane Publishing, 1983), 63.
See http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.552041 (accessed Oct. 20, 2015).
See Ḥayim Gaziʻel, Politics and Policy-making in Israel’s Education System (Brighton, uk:
Sussex Academic Press, 1996), 41–42.
Ibid., 39.
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No mention of the arts or humanities features in this description. On the other hand, for the religious track, the Jewish texts and culture were central, to
the exclusion of those of Western civilisation. It should also be noted that the
mass immigration of Sephardic Jews (of North African and Asian origin) in
the 1950s,25 and Ethiopian Jews in the 1980s and 1990s, neither of which had
roots in the Western classical tradition, meant that this tradition was unknown
and irrelevant to a large proportion of the population.26 This led to clashes of
ideology between the immigrants and the Ministry of Education, whose employees hailed from Europe,27 and ultimately, decades later to the founding of
the Sephardic Ultra-Orthodox (Shas) school system, in which the humanities
are even more insignificant.28
3
Greek Mythology in the Modern State of Israel
3.1
Greek Mythology and Hebrew Literature
If classics in general is far from central in Israel, classical mythology is no less
peripheral. That is not to say that there were no writers of Hebrew who regarded the classical sources as central. Saul Tchernichowsky (1875–1943), for
example, attempted to link the worldviews of the Greeks and the Jews. Gabriel
Levin says of Tchernichowsky:
The poet did not believe that Greek and Hebrew thinking had to necessarily be at odds with each other; Jews, dispersed and living under
northern skies, far from the blinding Mediterranean light, had simply cut
themselves off from their true sources, from their roots in Greek and Semitic mythology. The Greeks and the Hebrew shared, after all, a common
heritage; they had once lived along the Eastern Mediterranean, they
25
26
27
28
For the mass immigrations, see Devorah Hakohen, Immigrants in Turmoil: Mass Immigration to Israel and Its Repercussions in the 1950s and After (Syracuse, n.y.: Syracuse University Press, 2003), 251–266.
Although the same cannot be said of the mass immigration from the former Soviet Union,
whose numbers rivalled that of the Sephardic Jews, the different cultural traditions of the
latter, who had arrived a generation previously, are far more dominant in Israel. See Sergio
Della Pergola, “‘Sephardic and Oriental’ Jews in Israel and Western Countries: Migration,
Social Change and Identification,” in Peter Y. Medding, ed., Sephardic Jewry and Mizrahi
Jews, “Studies in Contemporary Jewry” 22, Institute for Contemporary Jewry, The Hebrew
University of Jerusalem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 3–43.
See Gaziʻel, Politics and Policy-making, 41.
See Omar Kamil, “The Synagogue as Civil Society, or How We Can Understand the Shas
Party,” Mediterranean Quarterly 12.3 (2001): 142.
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had tilled the same soil, and they had even worshipped the same sun
and moon gods out of which they had evolved an elaborate network of
mythologies. And did not the two cultures, dwelling along the Fertile
Crescent, share a common love of pleasure, of strength and of beauty?
This, to put it in a nutshell, would be the poet’s lifelong conviction.29
Aharon Shabtai (b. 1939) and Harold Schimmel (b. 1926) are two more poets
heavily influenced by classical texts, sprinkling their works with translations
of lines from ancient Greek poetry.30 Yet, overall, classical mythology was an
unknown field to most Israelis.
One of the main reasons for this unfamiliarity was that, for a long time,
many texts were not available in Hebrew translation, making them inaccessible to Israeli audiences. This was not only due to the general marginalisation
of the humanities in the education system, but was also a result of the ideological issues surrounding translated works as opposed to those of original Hebrew
literature.31 In the early pre-state “yishuv” period, it was regarded as crucial
to develop the Hebrew language and a national culture. Thus, translation of
great, classic texts of literature, which would quickly bring culturally valuable
works in the Hebrew language to the fledgling nation, was regarded as a priority. By the 1930s, however, original Hebrew literature was the aim and main
concern, and translation became secondary.
For many years, therefore, throughout the first decades of the state, classical
texts were either untranslated, or available only in outdated Hebrew translations. Over the last fifty years, however, translations of classical texts have appeared with growing frequency. According to the database of Hebrew translations on the website of the ispcs, while fewer than fifty texts were translated
before 1960, and only sixty-one in the next two decades, the 1980s saw the publication of sixty-five texts, and the 1990s, one hundred and twenty.32
29
30
31
32
Gabriel Levin, “What Different Things Link Up: Hellenism in Contemporary Hebrew
Poetry,” Prooftexts 5.3 (Sept. 1985): 223–224. See also Glenda Abramson, “Hellenism
Revisited: The Uses of Greek Myth in Modern Hebrew Literature,” Prooftexts 10.2
(May 1990): 239. On Tchernichowsky, see also the chapter by Agata Grzybowska, “Saul
Tchernichowsky’s Mythical Childhood: Homeric Allusions in the Idyll ‘ Elka’s Wedding’,”
in the present volume.
See Abramson, “Hellenism Revisited,” 237–255.
See Zohar Shavit, “The Status of Translated Literature in the Creation of Hebrew Literature in Pre-State Israel (the Yishuv Period),” meta 43.1 (1998): 2–8.
See http://www.israel-classics.org/ispcs/CiH.html (accessed Nov. 18, 2015) (Hebrew); and
Joseph Geiger, Daniel Gershenson, Ranon Katzoff, and Israel Shatzman, “Classical Studies
in Israel,” Scripta Classica Israelica 2 (1975): 177–178.
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3.2
Greek Mythology and the Israeli Theatre
A similar trend can be seen in the area of drama, where classical works were
seldom performed. Although productions of Aristophanes were staged,33 ancient tragedy was very rare in the twentieth century. This was due in great part
to the difficulties of producing a play which the audience would lack the background knowledge to appreciate; the ignorance of Greek mythology is cited as
one of the main problems in this area. Thus, Eli Rozik explains,
Mythology in general, and Greek mythology in particular, poses a hindrance for any Israeli audience. […] Israeli audiences are barely equipped
with the minimal information and associative background required for
mythological allusions to make sense.34
Despite this lack of familiarity with mythology, there were Israeli authors, such
as Nissim Aloni (1926–1998), who combined themes and elements of Greek
tragedy with Jewish and Israeli contemporary influences and ideologies, to create new works in which both strands were apparent.35 Yet actual presentations
of the dramatic versions of ancient myth remained few and far between before
the turn of the second millennium.
As with literature, however, the last dozen years have seen a sharp rise in
enthusiasm for staging classical plays, or new productions on classical themes.
Thus the Habima Theatre produced a play called The Heel of Achilles in 2002, as
well as a version of The Women of Trachis, entitled Cruel and Merciful in 2005.
The Gesher Theatre company produced Medea in 2005, while 2008 saw productions of the Bacchae (Ben-Tzvi Theatre company) and the Women of Troy
(Tmuna Theatre). In fact, no fewer than three classical dramas were staged
in 2013: versions of Iphigenia (staged by the Beersheva Theatre company),
Antigone (Anti, Gesher Theatre), and Oedipus Rex (Oedipus: The True Story
by the Simta Theatre company). The awareness of Ancient Greece and Rome
seems higher than ever before in the modern land of Israel, and the Jewish
33
34
35
This was mainly due to Aristophanes’ themes of war and peace that made his works seem
a suitable vehicle for exploring modern Arab—Israeli conflict. See Nurit Yaari, “Aristophanes between Israelis and Palestinians,” in Lorna Hardwick and Christopher Stray, eds.,
A Companion to Classical Receptions (Oxford: Blackwell, 2011), 287–300.
Eli Rozik, “Isaac Sacrifices Abraham in ‘The American Princess’,” in Linda Ben-Zvi, ed.,
Theatre in Israel (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan Press, 1996), 134.
See, e.g., Glenda Abramson, “Aloni’s Myths: Tragedy in Hebrew,” Jewish Studies Quarterly
4.3 (1997): 285–301.
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world during the classical period is viewed far more in context, and with greater interest, than in earlier periods.36
4
Fantasy in Modern Israel
When looking at classical mythology in modern Israel another factor comes
into play, namely the attitude toward fantasy. As a recent study has discussed,
fantasy is very rare indeed in original Hebrew literature, and relatively rare
even in translation.37 According to this research, whereas Jewish writing in the
Diaspora often tended toward “the fantastic, the mystical, and the magical,”
from the outset, Israeli literature was “stubbornly realistic.” Hagar Yanai stated
this in 2002, in an article in Haaretz:
Faeries do not dance underneath our swaying palm trees, there are no
fire-breathing dragons in the cave of Machpelah, and Harry Potter doesn’t
live in Kfar Saba. But why? Why couldn’t Harry Potter have been written
in Israel? Why is local fantasy literature so weak, so that it almost seems
that a book like that couldn’t be published in the state of the Jews?38
This is particularly striking in light of the fact that Zionism and the modern
state of Israel were inspired at least in part by Theodor Herzl’s utopian novel, Altneuland (1902). While it is true that fantasy literature in translation, as
well as films and video games and so on, enjoy popularity in Israel, nevertheless, fantasy as a genre seems to have been regarded as a lightweight and
frivolous distraction from the solemn mission of creating new, serious works
of literature. The irony of this stance was highlighted by Gail Hareven, who
emphasises the incongruity of the rejection of what she calls the “unimaginable” in a country where the unbelievable really does seem to occur on a frequent basis. After citing various examples of such incredible but actual events,
she states:
36
37
38
The recent outstanding and very popular exhibition at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem
entitled Herod the Great: The King’s Final Journey, which places Herod in historical context, and the new Hadrian exhibition at the same venue reflect this trend.
Danielle Gurevitch, Elana Gomel, and Rani Graff, eds., With Both Feet on the Clouds: Fantasy in Israeli Literature (Brighton, Mass.: Academic Studies Press, 2013).
At http://www.haaretz.co.il/misc/1.761169 (Hebrew) (accessed July 4, 2016).
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Although Israeli reality gives rise to occurrences that are “preposterous”
or “unimaginable,” native-born authors tend to create a reality in which
such things do not happen.39
Indeed, the whole existence of the State of Israel is somewhat of a fantasy
made true, and this, she argues, was a major factor in the lack of interest in
literary fantasy. Israelis, according to this theory, were too involved in the practical development of Herzl’s utopian dream to submerge themselves in worlds
of fantasy.
Whatever the reason, it is clear that fantasy literature in general was secondary in Israeli literature until recently. It is striking to note, however, a change
within the last twenty years, as a number of original works have started to appear. As early as 1995, Orly Castel-Bloom’s books had strong fantasy elements,40
while Hareven produced a collection of science fiction stories in 1999.41 In May
1996 an Israeli Society for Science Fiction and Fantasy was founded in order
“to promote and augment the fields of Science Fiction and Fantasy in Israel.”42
This society publishes a magazine called The Tenth Dimension, maintains an
active website and holds an annual convention, which presents the Geffen
Awards43 for both original Hebrew and translated works of fantasy and science fiction.
The very existence of these awards attests to the existence of a genre that
was previously barely known in Israel. The twenty-first century has seen a larger
number of fantasy and science fiction books. Yanai herself has so far contributed two parts of a trilogy to this trend,44 while poet Shimon Adaf has written a number of science fiction and fantasy novels for teenagers and adults.45
Authors such as Ofir Touche Gafla (End’s World, 2004), Guy Hasson, Nir Yaniv,
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
Gail Hareven, What Is Unimaginable?, in Gurevitch, Gomel, and Graff, eds., With Both Feet
on the Clouds, 49.
Ha-Minah Lizah [The Mina Lisa] (Yerushalayim: Keter, 1995).
HaDerech l’Gan Eden [The way to Paradise] (Yerushalayim: Keter, 1999).
At http://english.sf-f.org.il/ (accessed Oct. 29, 2015).
Named for the late Amos Geffen, one of the first editors and translators of science fiction
in Israel.
Hagar Yanai, Ha-livyatan mi-Bavel [The leviathan of Babylon] (Yerushalayim: Keter, 2006),
Ha-mayim she-bein ha-olamot [The water between the worlds] (Yerushalayim: Keter,
2008).
Ha-lev ha-kavur [The buried heart] (Tel Aviv: Ahuzat Bayit, 2006); Panim tseruve hamah
(Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2008), trans. Margalit Rodgers and Anthony Berris as Sunburnt Faces
(Hornsea: ps Publishing, 2013); Kefor [Frost] (Or Yehudah: Kineret Zemorah-Bitan, 2010);
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and Vered Tochterman have also produced works of this genre. Since 2002 an
Israeli science fiction and fantasy magazine, Chalomot Be’aspamia [Dreams in
Aspamia] has also been published.
On the one hand, classical mythology is not, of course, fantasy at all, and
it is perhaps even further from science fiction. Yet in the mind of the reader,
and especially the juvenile reader, the link between fantasy, magic, and the
pagan world with its ancient gods and death-defying heroes, seems firmly established. Just as television producers and their audiences see both bbc’s Merlin and Atlantis as connected by genre, so readers enthralled by Harry Potter
are also drawn to tales of Percy/Perseus Jackson, and from there to Perseus
and Hercules as well. Despite the status of fantasy in Israel outlined here, this
seems as true in Israel as in the rest of the world. The growth of interest in Israel in fantasy and related genres would therefore be likely to lead to a rise in
popularity of works of classical mythology as well.
5
The Development of Hebrew Children’s Literature
Before looking at classical mythology within the genre of children’s literature in
Israel, it is necessary to outline some important elements of the developments
of that genre. Children’s literature began to develop in Israel as early as the
1880s, and the first texts for children were educational texts, followed shortly
after by some books of stories and poems. With the development and spread of
the Hebrew language, however, encouraged particularly by the schools, there
was an urgent need for more books for children.46
The very lack of Hebrew schoolbooks also gave impetus to the need for new
material suitable for Israeli youth; in pre-state Israel, the need to create a children’s culture meant that the entire literary range had to be produced from
scratch, from school texts to songs and poems to stories, and that these all had
to be generated as quickly as possible. One way of providing books for children
quickly was to produce translations of children’s classics, but more important
were original Hebrew works. Even in these early days, as Zohar Shavit explains,
“children were viewed as a vehicle for distributing the new Hebrew culture
and their teachers as the main soldiers in an army participating in this war.”47
46
47
Mox Nox [Soon the night] (Or Yehudah: Kineret Zemorah-Bitan, 2011); Arim shel matah
[Undercities] (Or Yehudah: Kineret Zemorah-Bitan, 2012).
For details on the development of Hebrew children’s literature, see Zohar Shavit, “Children’s Literature in Hebrew,” in Fred Skolnik, ed., Encyclopedia Judaica (New York: MacMillan, 22006; ed. pr. 1972), vol. 4, 619–628.
Ibid., 619.
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Because of this agenda, European Hebrew children’s literature was unsuitable
for Israeli children, whose lives were so different and whose culture was intended to be even more so. Guided by national considerations and the desire
to create a new type of Jew, the new books tried to present a new idealised
Hebrew-speaking child, at sharp odds with the children of the Diaspora. In
Shavit’s words:
The Hebrew child was presented as free, even naughty, self-confident and
attached to the Land of Israel, engaged in new activities such as excursions to places linked to the ancient history of “the people of Israel” and
singing the “songs of Zion.” The textual plots usually consisted of a juxtaposition of events of ancient (biblical) history and current events in
Eretẓ Israel.48
This indoctrinatory writing constructed national heroes and promoted Zionist
values above all else, with the emphasis on an, albeit idealised, reality, providing a model to which children could aspire.
Nor did this change in the years preceding and following the founding of
the state. With the need to relate to the Holocaust and the military tensions
of the early years, children’s fiction remained firmly realistic; original popular
children’s literature of other genres, such as detective stories, was taboo unless
the books promoted the standard ideology. From the 1950s, however, the situation changed, as the ideological stance weakened and children’s literature in
Israel came more into line with Western children’s literature. The 1970s saw a
boom in Hebrew children’s literature as more books were published in a range
of genres. From that time onwards, the range of topics covered by children’s
literature expanded greatly. In place of the almost complete concentration on
realistic fiction about Jewish and Israeli history, other themes featured “the
private sphere which had previously been shunned, such as first love, friendship, parent–child relations, children’s adventures, death in war, death of
family members, divorce, and family crisis in general.”49 All of these subjects,
however, are still rooted firmly in the real world; as with adult fiction, what
was missing, almost entirely, was fantasy. Against such an unsympathetic
background, it might have been supposed that Greek mythology was unrepresented in Hebrew children’s literature. Yet this was not the case, as an examination of the history and state of Greek mythology in Hebrew juvenile literature
will reveal.
48
49
Ibid., 620.
Ibid., 626.
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Classical Mythology in Hebrew Juvenile Literature
Before the 1980s there were almost no books of this genre in the Hebrew language. There were several editions directed at adults, however, and it is likely
that many older children would also have read these if they came across them.
Such works include I.D. Rosenstein’s Greek Legends: A Selection of Greek Mythological Stories, published (in Warsaw) in 1909, and A. Mitlopolitanski’s Greek
Legends in 1916. Three versions of the tale of Jason and the Argonauts also
appeared, one by M. Zablotzki (The Golden Quest: A Legend Based on Mythology, 1901), another by Yehudah Gur-Grasowski (From the Legends of the Greeks,
1916), and the third (1923–1924) by Mordechai Ha-Ezrachi.50
A popular work was the translation of Charles Kingsley’s The Heroes, or
Greek Fairy Tales for My Children, originally published in 1856, but appearing in
Hebrew translation only in 1934. In 1943 A.L. Jakobovitch published his World
of Legend, an adaptation and compilation of myths of “Greece, Rome and the
rest of the ancient peoples,” based on primary sources, and which opened with
an introduction that “explains the nature and value of the mythology,”51 while
Jan Parandowski’s Mythology was published in Hebrew by Ktavim press in
1952.52 Perhaps most popular, and indeed still in print today, has been Edith
Hamilton’s similarly titled Mythology (Modan, 1957).53
6.1
Original Hebrew Collections of Greek Myths
With the exception of a version of The Odyssey produced by Asher Baras in
1927–1928, and two versions of the Trojan War—Olivia Coolidge’s The Trojan
War (1952), which appeared in a translation by Betzalel Gilai and was published by Shimoni in 1957, and Jane Werner Watson’s volume of the same year,
the lavishly colour illustrated The Iliad and the Odyssey, published by Amos
Books in 1960—the only Hebrew version of Greek mythology aimed specifically at children that existed was Avraham Regelson’s Fountain of the Horse:
Tales from Greek Mythology, published by Dvir publishers in 1967. Basing his
style on that of the Hebrew Bible, Regelson explained that he wrote this book
for young people, who, as he had done as a youth, had “absorbed an amount of
Bible stories and were thirsty for wonders,” although he did not exclude adults
50
51
52
53
Referenced by Yaacov Shavit, but without title, in “The Reception of Greek Mythology,”
439.
Cover page of Olam Haagadah [World of legend] (Tel Aviv: Sh Sharbrak, 21966; ed.
pr. 1943–1944).
Originally published in Polish in 1924, translated into Hebrew by David Lazar.
Published in the original by Little, Brown and Company (1942).
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who had “not extinguished the essential spark of childhood” from his readers
either.54 Regelson took his work very seriously and used a number of sources in
creating his book, both English-language popular works on mythology,55 and
translations of the original texts into Hebrew.
For more than fifteen years after the publication of Fountain of the Horse,
no Hebrew works of Greek mythology appeared. In 1983, however, Nina Harel
published a collection for children, entitled The Amazing Winged Horse.56 This
work was the author’s own initiative, inspired by her childhood love of mythology, which was itself the result of her reading of Parandowski’s Mythology.
Harel had a completely free hand in selecting and adapting the stories which
she used in this book, and made these decisions based on Parandowski’s book
and her own general knowledge, having no other background in classics or
in mythology.57 Aimed at the nine- to twelve-year-old market, the ninety-four
page book, illustrated with pencil drawings, has remained in print ever since.
It was a decade before other works on Greek mythology for children appeared, in the form of two volumes by Ofra Dalman, one entitled Stories of
Greek Mythology, and the other, The Iliad and the Odyssey.58 Written on commission, Dalman used a range of sources in both Hebrew and English in composing the books. They constitute a far more detailed compendia of classical
mythology in a form accessible to young readers than Harel’s volume, as the
relative book titles reflect. In her book on Greek mythology, Dalman includes
the creation of the world and the pre-Olympian gods, as well as retelling the
main stories of the Olympians and a range of tales of the heroes. The volume
on the Iliad and the Odyssey retells the Homeric epics, more or less faithfully,
in prose form appropriate for a juvenile audience. These books were published
as part of the publisher’s children’s book collection, which included story
54
55
56
57
58
Avraham Regelson, “Akdamaot katanot l’ein hasus” [Little introduction to fountain of the
horse], Hapoel Hatzair 23.5 (1967), available at http://www.benyehuda.org/_nonpd/regelson/akdamot.html (accessed Nov. 18, 2015) (Hebrew).
Manuel Komroff, Gods and Demons (New York: Lion Library Editions, 1954); Carl Kerenyi,
The Gods of the Greeks (Edinburgh: Thames and Hudson, 1951); Herman J. Wechsler, Gods
and Goddesses in Art and Legend (New York: Pocket Books, Inc., 1950); H.J. Rose, Gods and
Heroes of the Greeks (New York: Meridian Books, 1958); W.H.D. Rouse, Gods, Heroes and
Men of Ancient Greece (New York: Signet Key Books 1957); and Edith Hamilton, Mythology
(see above, n. 53).
Sus ha Pele Hameufef (Jerusalem: Masada Books, 1983).
These details were conveyed in a telephone interview with Nira Harel on Aug. 7, 2013.
Sipurei Mitologia Yavanit (Alumot: Ramat Gan, 1993); Sipurei Iliada, Odysseia u Milchemet
Troia (Alumot: Ramat Gan, 1993).
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anthologies, such as Grimm’s fairy tales, and animal fables, and translated classic juvenile literature; the Greek mythology volume is still in print today.
Only three years later, two more books appeared, by Sharona Guri and Bina
Ofek, entitled Tales from the Greek Theatre and The Book of Myths: Myths and
Legends from Greek Mythology.59 The first, as the title suggests, is not a true
myth anthology, but focuses on Athenian drama, opening with an introduction to Greek theatre and the main dramatists, and then retelling the plots of
a range of plays. Somewhat surprisingly, Aeschylus is represented strongly in
this book, with narrations of Prometheus Bound, Agamemnon, The Eumenides,
and Seven Against Thebes, while Sophocles and Euripides fare rather less well,
with the inclusion of only Oedipus Rex, Antigone, and Iphigenia at Aulis. Comedy features in the form of four Aristophanic dramas, Lysistrata, Plutus, The
Clouds, and The Birds. Both in its literary content and didactic style this volume
is unusual, but it seems to have been aimed at a mainstream audience—the
back cover states that in this book: “Ofarim Publishers presents the reader with
the magical atmosphere of ancient Greek theatre through an understanding
of its authors’ way of writing and thinking.” Guri and Ofek’s other volume on
mythology, also published by Ofarim in the same year, 1996, is a more standard
collection of Greek myths. Like the book on theatre, it opens with introductory
chapters on “The Humanity in Mythology,” “The Cycles of Myth,” and “The Creators of Myth,” before presenting the chosen myths themselves. Aimed at the
upper elementary grades, each story is a few pages long, and illustrated with
black and white drawings.
The same year also saw the first of a number of colour illustrated picture
books for children, written by Rakefet Zohar. This was a series of ten books, published over a three-year period, and covering many of the major stories of Greek
mythology. Such was the popularity of the series that a collected edition of four
of the books (Great Stories from Olympus, Pandora’s Box, Hercules and Other Heroes, and Antics of the God of Love) was republished in 2007 as Greek Mythology
for Children. According to Zohar herself, the original idea for the series came
from the editor of the publishing house, Saray Guttman.60 Zohar, however, felt
very comfortable with the project, having read and loved stories of Greek mythology as a child (in particular Jane Werner Watson’s book), and having studied
ancient Greece as part of her history degree. She used a wide range of sources
in both Hebrew and English in writing her versions, mentioning particularly
59
60
Sipurim Mehateatron Hayavani (Tel Aviv: Ofarim, 1996); Sefer Hamitosim: Agadaot
V’Mitosim Mehamitologia Hayavanit (Tel Aviv: Ofarim, 1996).
Rakefet Zohar, “Greek Mythology for Children” (series) (Or Yehudah: Kineret ZemorahBitan, 1996–1999). In e-mail interview with Rakefet Zohar in October 2013.
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Robert Graves, but adapted these sources freely, particularly with regard to dialogue and the heroes’ and gods’ thoughts and motivations. These changes were
also intended to make the myths suitable for a juvenile audience, and this is
reflected in the selection of specific stories as well. Other reasons for choosing particular tales were, according to Zohar, the centrality of a story to Greek
mythology in general, and her own personal affection for the story. That the
style and choice were successful is reflected in the continuing popularity of
the series, and the positive feedback toward them on the part of librarians, parents, and teachers, especially those teachers of fifth and sixth graders studying
ancient Greece as part of the history curriculum.
Finally, in 1997, Shlomo Abbas’s The Best of Mythological Stories for Children
was published, a collection of eleven tales from ancient Greece.61 Abbas, one
of Israel’s most prolific children’s writers, produced more than a dozen anthologies of stories for children, such as Wise Tales for Children, Grimm’s Fairy
Tales, and Legends of Bible Heroes for Children, and it is in this series that his
Greek mythology collection appears.62 As such, his love is more for storytelling
in general than mythology itself, and the stories and style are in keeping with
this. While the other myth anthologies feature illustrations that echo classical
Greek art, or actual plates and photographs of artefacts and places from the
ancient world, Abbas’s book has generic pictures that could be any time or
place and do not seem Greek or classical in any way, in fact being strikingly
reminiscent of children’s Bible story illustrations.
6.1.1
Contents of the Anthologies
While the range of anthologies of Greek myth demonstrates their popularity,
a translated volume can reflect only the original author’s choices and predilections, and therefore examining the subject matter of the translated anthologies reveals nothing about the state of mythology for children in Israel. A
consideration of the contents of the volumes does perhaps reveal something
of interest. Although the fact that there are only six such works might seem too
small a group to draw conclusions, when taken in terms of the overall number
of Israeli children’s books produced, this is actually not such a small output. Indeed, when compared to the United States, the proportion is actually quite high.
Amazon lists only around thirty-five such books in the six- to twelve-year-old
categories, out of a pool of around 100,000 titles. The works in question are
those by Avraham Regelson (1967), Nira Harel (1983), Ofra Dalman (1993),
61
62
Meitav Sipurei Hamitologia l’Yeladim (Hod HaSharon: Agur, 1997).
For a full listing of Abbas’s works, see his website http://www.abas.co.il/ (accessed Nov. 19,
2015) (Hebrew).
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Rakefet Zohar (1996–1999), Sharona Guri and Bina Ofek (1996–1999), and Shlomo Abbas (1997).
Avraham Regelson’s collection is very wide-ranging, and includes a number
of stories about the pre-Olympians (Uranus and Gaia, Rhea and Cronus and
the Titans, Prometheus and Pandora, Atlas, Atlas’s seven daughters, Typhon,
Atlantis, the Hyperboreans), before moving on to the main tales of the more
commonly represented gods (Demeter and Persephone, Hera and Zeus, the
birth of Aphrodite, Aphrodite’s girdle, Aphrodite and Ares, the birth of Athena,
Dionysus, Hephaestus, Hermes, the birth of Apollo and Artemis, Apollo and
Delphi, Athena and Poseidon). The anthology also includes a number of other
myths (Midas, Midas’s donkey ears, Marsyas, Teiresias, Apollo and Daphne, Cupid and Psyche, Aphrodite and Adonis, Hyacinth, the Aloadae, Europa and the
Bull, Io, and finally, Cyparissus and the Stag).
The emphasis in Nira Harel’s volume is far more on the tales of heroes than
on those of the gods. Of the seventeen stories retold here, twelve are from the
heroic cycles or tales of human endeavour;63 even in most of those where
the gods appear as major characters, the perspective and stress is firmly on the
mortals.64 There is only one chapter that deals centrally with a true myth story,
namely that of Demeter and Persephone. In general, this book is more in the
style of a fairy-tale collection, than a full blown mythological compendium,
despite the Greek-looking illustrations that complement the text.
Ofra Dalman’s works, on the other hand, include the tales of Hera and Zeus,
Demeter and Persephone, the births of Aphrodite (albeit from the “wounding”
rather than the castration of Uranus) and Athena, and of Apollo and Artemis,
the myths of Dionysus, Hephaestus, Hermes, Athena and Poseidon, and the
tale of Apollo and Daphne. Also included are the tale of Prometheus and Pandora, a range of the great stories of epic heroes (Perseus and Medusa, Theseus
and the Minotaur, Hercules), a number of other famous tales of human heroes (Orpheus and Eurydice, Icarus and Daedalus, Hyacinth, Io, Europa and
the Bull, Atalanta, Midas’s donkey ears, Arachne) as well as a couple of more
unusual ones (the Aloadae, Cyparissus and the Stag).
Rakefet Zohar’s series was wide-ranging, comprising retellings of both the
Olympians and the great heroes, as well as tales with moral messages: Odysseus’s Journeys, The Trojan War, Pandora’s Box, Hercules and Other Heroes (Hercules, Perseus, Theseus, and Atalanta), Famous Lovers (Apollo and Daphne,
Cupid and Psyche, Pygmalion and Galatea, Orpheus and Eurydice), Heavenly
63
64
Perseus and Medusa, Pegasus and Bellerophon, Theseus and the Minotaur, the Trojan
War, Odysseus and the Cyclops, Hercules, Midas and the golden touch, Midas’s donkey
ears, Narcissus, Baucis and Philemon, Pygmalion and Galatea, and Orpheus and Eurydice.
Apollo and Daphne, Cupid and Psyche, Helios and Phaethon, Prometheus.
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Punishment (Midas, Tantalus, Sisyphus), The Quest for the Golden Fleece, Hera’s
Revenge, Great Stories from Olympus (creation of the world, the flood, the birth
of Aphrodite, Hera and Hephaestus, the birth of Athena, the birth of Hermes),
Pegasus, the Flying Horse (including the stories of Bellerophon, Daedalus and
Icarus, Persephone and Demeter, and Castor and Pollux).
Sharona Guri and Bina Ofek’s collection, like Harel’s, favoured the heroic
tales over those of the gods. This book includes retellings of Theseus and the
Minotaur, the Judgment of Paris, Daedalus and Icarus, Persephone and Demeter, Perseus and Medusa, Arachne, Achilles and Hector, the Trojan Horse, Glaucus and Scylla, Jason and the Argonauts, Orpheus and Eurydice, Pandora’s Box,
Procrustes, Oedipus and the Sphinx, Odysseus and the Cyclops, Narcissus and
Actaeon.
Finally, Shlomo Abbas’s book contains the tales of Midas’s golden touch,
Midas’s donkey ears, Oedipus and the riddle of the Sphinx, Daedalus and Icarus, Pandora’s Box, Cupid and Psyche, Arachne, Narcissus, and Procrustes. He
also included a version of the Clytie and Helios myth, in which he substituted
Apollo for the less familiar Helios. Rather more surprisingly, he adds one of
Herodotus’s stories, the tale of Rhampsinitos, renaming the characters and entitling the story King Menelaus and the Treasure.
Clearly, the myth anthologies in Hebrew cover a wide range of the total
treasury of Greek mythology. Some stories are more popular than others,
however; Pandora’s box is the only myth that features in every book, but three
further stories appear in five out of the six volumes: Demeter and Persephone,
Orpheus and Eurydice, and the tales of King Midas. All of these particularly
popular stories are marked by a lack of violence, making them particularly
suitable for children. Noting this fact, one website which presents the same
latter three myths in English explains:
The original Greek myths were not fairy tales to entertain and amuse the
masses or to lull children to sleep: They were warnings! They were horror
stories! They were psycho-dramas designed to explain the inexplicable,
predict the unimaginable and prepare for the unthinkable. The Greeks
did not love and admire their gods; they feared them. And the myths are,
for the most part, pretty horrific reads. People criticised Disney for what
they did to the Greek myths in their movie, Hercules, but can you blame
them?!?
I have found a few of the stories that are not as horrifying and present
them to you today.65
65
At http://fairytalesbytempleton.blogspot.co.il/2011/11/greek-myths.html (accessed Nov.
26, 2015).
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These are, however, not the only myths suitable for children, and, while the
numbers are small, and personal preferences must play a part in the story selections, there may perhaps be more that can be said about the popularity of
these myths in the Israeli psyche. It may not be coincidental, for example, that
the most popular story is that of Pandora, since the idea of hope as the blessing of comfort in a world of ills and misfortune strikes a chord in the heart
of a nation whose national anthem, which encapsulates the longing for and
foundation of the state, is entitled The Hope.66 Familiarity may also play a part,
since the phrase “Pandora’s box” is a figure of speech in Hebrew. It is also notable that two of the myths, Persephone and Orpheus, involve death, in the
form of descent to the Underworld, from which a full return is possible in neither tale.67 In a society where death is often less of an unknown encounter for
children and youths, these stories perhaps appeal, enabling readers to come
to terms with issues they face in real life. Similarly, the stories of foolish King
Midas, with their moral messages of the inability of wealth to bring true happiness or of a secret ever to be kept entirely, as well as the necessity of being
careful with one’s wishes, may be reflective of a socialist society, under the influence of which these authors grew up, where openness, and a lack of selfishness and materialism, are propounded as ideals.
Six further stories featured in four of the six collections. These include stories of love (Apollo and Daphne, Cupid and Psyche), fantastic monsters (Perseus and Medusa, Theseus and the Minotaur), a cautionary tale (Daedalus and
Icarus), and excerpts from the most central myths of ancient Greece, namely
the epic cycle (the Trojan War and Odysseus and the Cyclops). Once again, the
emphasis is upon the gentler and less graphic or horrifying myths, suitable for
children. It is also notable, however, that the tales of the Olympians are far less
popular in these collections than stories of humankind, albeit heroic humankind. The introduction of the gods is something that Israeli writers seem less
comfortable with, presumably since these stories sit uncomfortably with the
Jewish tradition. It is striking, too, that the Greek flood myth, which, as a story
with a parallel in the Bible, might perhaps have been expected to feature, appears only once, in Rakefet Zohar’s series. Doubtless the differences between
the two versions of the flood outweighed the attraction of presenting a myth
centering on a tale with which Israeli children could identify from their own
tradition.
66
67
See Rafael Medoff and Chaim I. Waxman, Historical Dictionary of Zionism (New York–
Oxford: Routledge, 2012), 79.
See Annamaria Hemingway, Myths of the Afterlife Made Easy (Ropley, uk: John Hunt Publishing, 2010), 17, on resurrection myths.
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6.2
Greek Myth for Children in Translation
Since the late 1990s, translations rather than original works have dominated
the world of children’s mythology in Hebrew. Bina Ofek, who also edited the
two 1996 books by Sharona Guri on Greek myth, produced a book in 1997 entitled Stories of Ancient Greece.68 Despite its wide-ranging title, this is a retelling
of only two myth cycles, those of Perseus and of Jason and the Argonauts. It is
listed as a translation, but no citation of the original source is given in the book.
Another translation, that of Jaqueline Morley’s Greek Myths, lavishly illustrated
by Giovanni Caselli and translated by Adar Arnon, also appeared in the same
year.69 In 2004, Efrat Avisrur’s Greek Mythology was published by Ofarim.70
This anthology in twenty chapters tells of the rise of the Olympians, the tales
of Hermes and Apollo, Dionysus, Prometheus, Typhon, Perseus, Hercules, Admetus, Theseus, Jason, Meleager and Atalanta, and the Trojan War. According
to Avisrur, this work was also a translation, although this is unacknowledged
anywhere in the book, and she herself did not know who produced the original manuscript from which she worked.71 Two years later, a translation of Lucy
Coats’s Atticus the Storyteller appeared, in a translation by Amir Zuckerman.72
This book is a vast collection of 100 myths, covering almost all of the major tales
of both the gods and heroes (Oedipus is an exception for obvious reasons),
and beautifully told and illustrated. A Hebrew version of Hugh Lupton, Daniel
Morden, and Christina Balit’s The Adventures of Odysseus appeared in 2011,73
while a year later J. Emmerson Hicks’s The Great Heroes of Greek Mythology was
published;74 both books were aimed at the elementary school age.
The twenty-first century has seen the publication of books aimed at both
older and younger audiences than the middle school for whom Coats’s book
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
Sipurei Yavan Ha atikah (Tel Aviv: Ofarim, 1997). Bina Ofek is listed as the editor, but according to Sharona Guri she was very involved in the project and directed it, deciding
what was to be in the book.
Ha Sus Ha Troiani (Or Yehudah: Kineret Zemorah-Bitan, 1999).
Mitologia Yavanit (Tel Aviv: Ofarim, 2004).
In e-mail correspondence with Efrat Avisrur on Aug. 26, 2013.
Lucy Coats, Atticus the Storyteller’s 100 Greek Myths (London: Orion Children’s Books,
2003), Hebrew: Atticus Mesaper Sipurim: Ha Mitologia Ha Yavanit, trans. Amir Zuckerman
(Tel Aviv: Yediot Achronot Sifrei Chemed, 2006).
Hugh Lupton, Daniel Morden, and Christina Balit, The Adventures of Odysseus (Cambridge, Mass.: Barefoot Books, 2006), in Hebrew: Masaot Odysseus, trans. Marina Grosselrener (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2011).
J. Emmerson Hicks, The Great Heroes of Greek Mythology (Bath, uk: North Parade Books,
2009), in Hebrew: Giborei Ha Mitologia Hayavanit, trans. Hagai Bareket (Kiryat Gat: Dani
Sefarim, 2012).
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was marketed. Thus, Heather Amery’s Greek Myths for Young Children, for preschoolers, was published in Hebrew in 2011.75 At the other extreme, and somewhat surprisingly, Gustav Schwab’s Gods and Heroes of Ancient Greece: Myths
and Epics of Ancient Greece, originally published in German in three volumes
in the late 1830s, appeared in 2007 in a 720-page Hebrew translation aimed at
older children and adults.76 More recently, the last two years have seen the
Hebrew publication of the first two of George O’Connor’s “Olympians” series
of graphic novels.77
The most spectacularly successful representations of Greek mythology in
Hebrew children’s literature, however, was Rick Riordan’s Percy Jackson series, and its subsequent sequels, which were translated into Hebrew by Yael
Achmon, and appeared from 2008 onwards. According to Rani Graff, of Graff
Books, which published the novels, these books were enormously popular with
Israeli youth.78 Over one hundred thousand copies have been sold in Israel
since the second half of 2008, making them some of the most successful juvenile Hebrew books ever sold.79 The subsequent movies were also released in
Israel, and although they were criticised, as they were in other countries, for
their divergence from the books,80 the films undoubtedly widened the series’
appeal.
75
76
77
78
79
80
Heather Amery, Greek Myths for Young Children (London: Usborne, 1999), in Hebrew:
Sipuri Ha Mitologia Hayavanit l’Yeladim Tseiirim, trans. Shlomit Handelsman (Tel Aviv:
Ofarim, 2011).
Gustav Schwab, Die schönsten Sagen des klassischen Altertums (Stuttgart: Metzler Verlag,
1838–1840), in English: Gods and Heroes of Ancient Greece, trans. A.J. De Boer (New York:
Pantheon Books, 1946), in Hebrew: Elim v’Giborim, trans. Chana Livnat (Tel Aviv: Dvir,
2007).
George O’Connor, Zeus: King of the Gods (New York–London: First Second, 2010), and
idem, Athena: Grey-Eyed Goddess (New York–London: First Second, 2010), in Hebrew:
Zeus, Melechha Elim, trans. Noga Shavit (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz HaMeuchad, 2012); Athena,
Ha Ela Aforat Ha Ayin, trans. Noga Shavit (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz HaMeuchad, 2012).
In e-mail correspondence, Nov. 2013.
According to one newspaper article, a successful book is one that sells three thousand
copies or more; ten or twenty thousand copies represents a major bestseller. The Hebrew
books which have sold very large numbers are those that have been in print for several
decades; these figures may reach a hundred thousand copies or more, or even up to a
million and a half in the case of a series of books with multiple volumes. See http://www
.ynet.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-2670518,00.html (accessed Dec. 1, 2015) (Hebrew).
See, e.g., http://www.fisheye.co.il/percy_jackson_sea_of_monsters/ (accessed Dec. 1, 2015)
(Hebrew); http://www.ynet.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-3849828,00.html (accessed Dec. 1, 2015)
(Hebrew).
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331
Conclusions
It is clear that the last two decades have seen an increase in the number of
works of Greek mythology being published in the Hebrew language for Israeli
children; while only four books were published prior to 1993, nineteen individual works or series on the theme have appeared over the last twenty years, and
more than half of these have been published in the last decade. The fact that
there is now a wide range of books on the subject of Greek mythology available
for children was noted by one Israeli blogger on fantasy:
Books that offer children’s versions of the stories of mythology in general
and Greek myths in particular, are very common. From the publisher’s
point of view, we are often talking about a safe bet. These are well-known
and beloved stories, and they do not become outdated over time.81
There are a number of reasons for this upsurge. Firstly, the influence of the
Internet has exposed Israeli society in general and Israeli youth in particular
to a far more global culture than was previously the case. Israeli is a country
in which technology is prized and highly developed, and high-speed Internet
and personal computers have become the norm for many children.82 A recent
study indicated that a higher proportion of Israeli children aged between eleven and fifteen spend more time using the Internet than anywhere else in the
world, with 28.5% of Israeli children in this age group spending at least four
hours a day surfing the Internet.83 They are technologically savvy and keen to
partake of Western and, in particular, American culture, whether in the form
of books, movies, or television.84
Specifically, Disney’s Hercules, released in 1997, introduced a generation of
Israeli children not only to the hero himself, but also indirectly to such elements
81
82
83
84
At http://www.fantastic-library.com/2013/01/17/ביקורת-היוונית-המיתולוגיה-גיבורי/ (accessed
Dec. 1, 2015) (Hebrew). Translation is my own.
See Gustavo S. Mesch, “Social Bonds and Internet Pornographic Exposure Among Adolescents,” Journal of Adolescence 32 (2009): 608; Gustavo S. Mesch and Ilan Talmud, Wired
Youth: The Social World of Adolescence in the Information Age (London–New York: Routledge, 2010), 59.
Reported in http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4255610,00.html (accessed Dec.
1, 2015).
See Maoz Azaryahu, “The Golden Arches of McDonald’s: On the Americanization of
Israel,” Israel Studies 5.1 (2000): 41–64; Eli Avraham and Anat First, “‘I Buy American’:
The American Image as Reflected in Israeli Advertising,” Journal of Communication 53.2
(2003): 282–299.
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as the appearance of ancient Greek art.85 Similarly, the Harry Potter phenomenon was as intense in Israel as in other parts of the world.86 The books were
published between 1997 and 2007 and released in Hebrew shortly afterwards;
with their frequent classical allusions, they perhaps helped increase interest in
both general fantasy and specifically Greek mythology in young readers, an interest which the Percy Jackson books and films would strengthen shortly thereafter. In another genre, computer games such as Age of Empires, and especially
its spinoff, Age of Mythology (released respectively in 1997 and 2002), were very
popular in Israel and provided a meeting point for youth with ancient civilisations and their myths.
It certainly seems to be the case then, that Greek mythology has a more central position in Israel now than it has had at any point in the country’s history.
While Greek mythology was never completely absent, as this survey has demonstrated, it was represented mostly by authors who themselves had fallen in
love with Greek myth as children and wished to pass this on, or by publishers
and parents who extolled the importance of classic literature within children’s
fiction and regarded the classical world as central to the Western tradition.
With the apparent blooming of more child-generated interest in the subject,
stimulated by popular books, computer games, and movies, a change has taken
place. It remains to be seen where this trend will lead in the remainder of the
twenty-first century.
85
86
See Stephen Rebello and Jane Healey, The Art of Hercules: The Chaos of Creation (New
York: Disney-Hyperion, 1997), passim.
The Harry Potter books each sold around 120,000 copies in Hebrew translation (http://
www.ynet.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-3172380,00.html, accessed Dec. 1, 2015) (Hebrew). There
are also active “Potter” websites in Hebrew, such as: www.hportal.co.il (accessed Dec. 1,
2015).
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chapter 21
Telemachus in Jeans: Adam Bahdaj’s Reception of
the Myth about Odysseus’s Son
Joanna Kłos
In her book on the reception of the Odyssey, Edith Hall claims that the reason
why Homer’s masterpiece is so often rewritten and reinterpreted in many cultures, is the wide range of characters appearing in the poem: gods and humans,
men and women, young and old, freemen and slaves. With such a spectrum the
Odyssey provides contemporary authors with numerous points of reference.
As Hall claims in her book:
[…] the strength of the entire cast means that it has been possible to rewrite the Odyssey from the perspective of old men, of teenage girls, of
Elpenor, of Circe’s swine, and even of Polyphemus.1
The chapter discusses two young adult novels which retell the Odyssey, setting
it in 1970s Poland; they retell it from the point of view of Telemachus—the
Homeric character that fits perfectly the purposes of literature for children and
young adults.2
First, let us consider some facts about the author. Adam Bahdaj (1918–1985)3
was one of the most popular writers of young adult novels in Poland in the
1 Edith Hall, The Return of Ulysses: A Cultural History of Homer’s Odyssey (London–New York:
I.B. Tauris, 2008), 4. See also Geoff Miles, “Chasing Odysseus in Twenty-First Century Children’s Fiction,” in Lisa Maurice, ed., The Reception of Ancient Greece and Rome in Children’s
Literature: Heroes and Eagles (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 213–232.
2 See Maria Nikolajeva, “Children’s Literature,” in Paula S. Fass, ed., The Routledge History of
Childhood in the Western World (London–New York: Routledge, 2013), 321: “An actual or symbolically abandoned child is the most prominent protagonist in children’s literature. […] the
function of parental figures is to be absent, physically or emotionally, allowing the protagonists to test their independence in a safe mode and the readers to have a vicarious experience
of freedom.”
3 For Bahdaj’s short biography, see Ilona Szewczyk, “Adam Bahdaj (1918–1985),” in Katarzyna
Marciniak, Elżbieta Olechowska, Joanna Kłos, and Michał Kucharski, eds., Polish Literature
for Children & Young Adults Inspired by Classical Antiquity. A Catalogue (Warsaw: Faculty of
“Artes Liberales,” 2013), 30 (freely available here: www.al.uw.edu.pl/omc_catalogue, accessed
Dec. 2, 2015).
© Joanna Kłos, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_023
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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1960s and 1970s. Many of his books, having become bestsellers, were translated into different languages and had dozens of reprintings in Poland, as well
as film adaptations, which are still sometimes aired on Polish television. The
plots of the most important of Bahdaj’s works have many common motifs—
the main character is usually a perceptive, smart adolescent (in most cases a
boy), who with an ironic sense of humour and using witty language tells of
an amazing adventure in which he and his friends were involved during their
vacation. Wakacje z duchami [Holidays with ghosts],4 for example, is a “Scooby
Doo”-style novel about a group of friends who, as a club of “young detectives,”
solve the mystery of a haunted castle, finding out that it is not ghosts but a
gang of thieves who are staying there. Podróż za jeden uśmiech [A journey for a
smile]5 tells of the adventures of two boys who, while travelling to the seaside,
lose their way and have to hitchhike across Poland to find their parents. Kapelusz za 100 tysięcy [A hat worth a hundred thousand]6 is a novel about a girl
who, during her holiday at the seaside, meets a friendly pensioner and helps
him find a missing hat in which he had hidden a winning lottery ticket; in the
course of the novel she also foils a dangerous gang.
Thus, at first glance, one can see that for Bahdaj a typical formula for a story
that could be entertaining for young readers as well as didactic included travelling, experiencing the unknown, solving mysteries, and meeting different people. The same atmosphere of adventure can be found in the two volumes that
are discussed in this chapter: Telemach w dżinsach [Telemachus in jeans] from
1979 and its sequel, Gdzie twój dom, Telemachu? [Where is your home, Telemachus?], published in 1982.7 These novels also include a new aspect, not present
in the books mentioned before, namely, reference to a myth, consisting in the
identification of the main character with Telemachus.
Before analysing this reference, it is important to consider the plot.
Maciek Łańko is fifteen years old and lives in a boarding school near Warsaw.
He is an orphan: his father abandoned the family years ago, and his mother
died. One day Maciek is watching tv with a couple of workers from the nearby factory—and two of them recognise in a man interviewed on a news programme Maciek’s father, Waldemar. The man says that he works in the city of
Ełk. Maciek decides to set out on a journey and find him there. Unfortunately,
4
5
6
7
Adam Bahdaj, Wakacje z duchami (Warszawa: Nasza Księgarnia, 1962).
Adam Bahdaj, Podróż za jeden uśmiech (Warszawa: Nasza Księgarnia, 1964).
Adam Bahdaj, Kapelusz za 100 tysięcy (Warszawa: Nasza Księgarnia, 1966).
For the first editions of both novels, see Adam Bahdaj, Telemach w dżinsach (Warszawa: Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 1979); idem, Gdzie twój dom, Telemachu? (Warszawa: Krajowa
Agencja Wydawnicza, 1982).
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chased by a ticket inspector, he jumps from the train, loses his way in the forest,
and then nearly drowns when trying to cross a lake in a leaky canoe. He is saved
by a taxi driver, a kind, wise, and straightforward man called Jojo. Jojo takes
Maciek to Ełk, but there it turns out that—due to an unsuccessful relationship with a woman—Waldemar has already left the city. Thus, after a couple
of other adventures, Maciek goes to look for him in Gdańsk, a large Polish city
by the seaside, where he desperately tries to find Waldemar among thousands
of workers at a huge construction site. In one of the last scenes of the first volume, Maciek finally meets Waldemar, but the man tells him that he is not his
father, but his father’s cousin. Both of them were given the same name and are
similar, hence the confusion. It turns out that Maciek’s real father left Poland
years ago and no one has heard of him since.
At the beginning of the sequel we find out that Maciek’s uncle has decided
to settle down. He is married and has moved into his wife’s house in a small
town called Błażejów. He invites Maciek to live there. The boy accepts, but
soon regrets it, as he constantly argues with his uncle’s stepson. After a couple
of months Jojo, whom Maciek met in the first volume, invites him to stay with
him for a while in the Bieszczady mountains, where he now works as a lumberjack; there, experiencing different adventures with Jojo, Maciek finally feels
happy, so he decides to move in and live with Jojo instead. Bahdaj thus offers
us a story about an adolescent who travels across the country to search for his
identity and for his place in the world. During his quest he meets a wide variety of characters, but the two most important ones, who help him answer the
question of what type of lifestyle and system of values he really wants to follow
in his life, are Waldemar, the uncle whom Maciek found instead of his father,
and Jojo, the friend with whom he decided to stay.
In considering the similarities between the novels’ plots and that of the
Odyssey, I would like to argue that Bahdaj chose two ways of referring to the
myth. The first one, i.e., Maciek’s identifying himself as a modern Telemachus,
is very direct and clear even for readers who have never heard of the myth. The
second one consists in more indirect allusions, comprehensible only to those
familiar with the details of Odysseus’s story.
The direct references can be found in the allusions to Telemachus’s journey,
included in the first part of the cycle. The fragment cited below, for instance,
comes from the very beginning of the novel, when Maciek, travelling by train
to Ełk, begins to read—not for the first time—the story about Telemachus:8
8 This and all other quotations—translated by this chapter’s author—are taken from the edition: Adam Bahdaj, Telemach w dżinsach (Warszawa: Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 1985).
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Somehow I managed to sneak into one of the compartments and I found
a standing place […]. I was really bored, so bored that I took Parandowski’s Trojan War out of the bag and, standing only on one foot, started to
read. The book opened by chance at the description of Telemachus’s voyage to Nestor in Argos. And somehow it made me feel better. I knew this
book very well, so I was just browsing it, recalling the more interesting
parts.
My imagination began to work. I saw Ithaca—Telemachus’s home
island. The foaming sea around him and a few white sails on the
sea. Vineyards and olive groves on the shore, and among the groves—
Odysseus’s mansion. And a young boy, who every day goes out on the shore,
looking for his father’s ship. The father hasn’t come back for ten years.
Everyone thinks that he died, and that he will never step on the rocks of
his home island again. Only Telemachus and his mother believe that one
day the boat will appear on the horizon, and then they will see Odysseus’s
weather-beaten, tanned face, and they will see him coming down from
the boat on the rocky coast….
Suddenly I felt moved. I realised that I, Maciek Łańko, Waldemar’s son,
am waiting to meet my father just as Telemachus did. (7)
It should be emphasised that what Maciek reads is not Homer’s epic, not
even the Polish translation of it, but its prose adaptation by Jan Parandowski
(1895–1978), one of the greatest Polish classical philologists.9 Parandowski’s
work—released for the first time in the 1930s as two separate volumes: Wojna
trojańska [Trojan War] and Przygody Odyseusza [Odysseus’s adventures],10 but
from the 1950s to the 1970s reissued as a single volume entitled Trojan War11—
is written with a very rich, elegant, yet comprehensible language. The fact
that Maciek reads this adaptation suggests that Bahdaj is trying to promote it;
namely, he recommends that his young readers, who may be unfamiliar with
9
10
11
On Parandowski, see Katarzyna Marciniak, “(De)constructing Arcadia: Polish Struggles
with History and Differing Colours of Childhood in the Mirror of Classical Mythology,”
in Lisa Maurice, ed., The Reception of Ancient Greece and Rome in Children’s Literature:
Heroes and Eagles (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 61–67.
Jan Parandowski, Wojna trojańska (Lwów: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Książek Szkolnych,
[ca. 1930]); idem, Przygody Odyseusza (Lwów: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Książek Szkolnych, [ca. 1935]).
See the following editions: Jan Parandowski, Wojna trojańska (Warszawa: various publishing houses, 1956, 1958, 1961, 1967, 1976, etc.).
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the Trojan myth, read a book which will present it to them in a simple and accessible way.
What is also important is the conclusion that Maciek arrives at after reading. Although his journey has already started, he does not compare himself to
Telemachus searching for Odysseus, but still thinks of himself as Telemachus
waiting for him. Therefore, in this particular part of the story, Maciek does not
look at his current situation, but rather sums up what his life has been like until this very moment: one spent waiting in passive expectation for his father; it
was a time when he was still not mature enough to begin the quest by himself.
However, another passage, containing a vivid dialogue between Maciek and
Jojo right after their first meeting, changes this perspective. When they are discussing the relationship between books and real life, Maciek admits that he
loves books, but Jojo replies that books are rather distant from the problems
of everyday life. Then Maciek begins to argue fervently, claiming that for him
books have much in common with reality, as in books one can see the reflection of his or her situation:
[Maciek:] – You can find real life in books as well. Sometimes, when reading a book, I feel as if I wrote it myself. Once upon a time, probably even
before I was born. […]
[Jojo:] – Well, well, I see that you’re an erudite. And you have your head
screwed on the right way. What have you read recently?
– Parandowski’s Trojan War and the Odyssey.
– What is it about, American Indians?
I sniggered, but then I felt silly, because this man didn’t have to read the
Odyssey. […]
– The Odyssey is about ancient Greeks.
– Let them rest in peace – he joked. – I am more interested in what’s happening around me now, what I live with.
– I’m sure you would love it, if you read it. The main character is Odysseus, the king of Ithaca, who was fighting in Troy.
– I think I’ve seen a movie about Troy. I remember that at the end they
drove a wooden horse with soldiers hidden inside it into the city. I liked
it. So, what happened to that Odysseus?
– He was fighting in Troy for ten years, and then, for another ten years, he
wandered the seas and various lands, and he had many fantastic adventures. And Telemachus, his only son, was waiting for him on Ithaca.
– And he could hardly wait to see him. […] And now it’s time to go to bed.
I can see that you’re pretty tired.
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[…] Through a half-open tent flap I could see the fire dying down and
the stranger sitting next to it. He was smoking a cigarette. Absentmindedly he was sipping tea from his mess cup. Suddenly I realised why I had
started to tell him about Telemachus, and why I had been reading this
book recently. I realised that I was looking for my Odysseus. (18–19)
What should be emphasised here is that Maciek’s musings on the Odyssey are
presented with some crucial details of the poem’s plot. It may be thus assumed
that Bahdaj was aware that some of his young readers might not know the
great ancient epic and wanted to encourage them to read it.
Another important thing to notice is that Maciek, while arguing why the
books are so closely connected to life, refers to a specific type of story—he uses
the phrase “once upon a time, [...] before I was born,” by which he may mean
myths and/or fairy tales.12 This may be interpreted as a positive valuing of myth
as a narrative with a universal message. In this passage Bahdaj once again acts as
the advocate of classical tradition, trying to promote reading books about myths.
Thus, the passage about Maciek’s identification with Telemachus promotes the
reading not only of Homer or Parandowski, but of mythology in general.
Moreover, at the end of this passage Maciek is still thinking about Telemachus’s story. This is another moment when he realises how similar he is to the
prince of Ithaca—but what is worth emphasising is that now he says that he
is Telemachus searching for his father. This shows how after a couple of adventures his character has evolved. He no longer thinks of himself as a young
Telemachus, waiting for his father’s ship at the shore, but rather as a mature
young man, actively participating in events.
It is also interesting to have a look at some passages in which the author
refers not to Telemachus, but to Odysseus. These are passages connected mostly to two characters: Maciek’s uncle, Waldemar, and his friend and guardian,
Jojo. The allusions to the myth in these fragments are much more indirect—
Odysseus’s name is not mentioned even once in the context of these two characters. We need to know the content of the Homeric epic rather well to notice
that both men share some of Odysseus’s traits.
First let us look at Waldemar. The fragment cited below comes from one of
the first scenes of the novel, when Waldemar appears on tv and Maciek thinks
that he is his father:
12
For illuminating accounts of the lure of bookishness, see Maria Tatar, Enchanted Hunters:
The Power of Stories in Childhood (New York: W.W. Norton, 2009); and Francis Spufford,
The Child that Books Built (London: Faber, 2002).
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Father took the cigarette out of his mouth and threw it carelessly behind.
Then the reporter’s off-screen voice said:
– Mr. Łańko, your supervisor told me that you are the best worker in your
team. Could you please tell us how you achieve such great results?
Father smiled sourly, as if he scorned the reporter.
– Well, – he said facetiously – it’s all about doing your job... And we are an
integrated team. So it’s not such a big deal. I’ve worked on many construction sites. If you have flair, the work just goes on. […]
Bośkiewicz, sitting at the table, started to laugh loudly.
– Oh my, my, Waldek [i.e. Waldemar]. What a reply.
And Kosiak added cheerfully:
– He hasn’t changed a bit. He’s always been shrewd and he knows how to
retort. (5)
We can see that the character is described as a shrewd, astute man who has
a sharp tongue and “always [...] knows how to retort”—just like the mythical
Odysseus.
Waldemar is not only smart, but also very good-looking and well-built. In
one of the subsequent episodes, where Maciek asks a cleaning lady working in
a hotel where Waldemar had lived for a short time what he was like, she tells
him that he was cheerful, liked to have fun, and—more importantly—he acted
like a single man:
– But why are you asking so much about him? Is he your relative or friend?
– He’s my father.
She was surprised.
– Father? That’s impossible! Everyone here thought that he was single.
I smiled sourly—what else could I do?—and suddenly I felt that my
cheeks and ears were burning, and that I was muddle-headed again.
That was not how I had imagined my father. The cleaning lady described
him briefly: hard-working—that I knew from the tv interview—keen
on having fun and buying drinks and joyful. To put it briefly: a bird that
had escaped his family cage, wandered carelessly around and, moreover,
pretended to be single. And that was the man I was looking for. (33)
The scene where Maciek realises that he is looking for a man who “pretended
to be single” offers yet another parallel between Waldemar and the mythical
Odysseus, who, travelling from island to island, became involved with a number of women.
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Another thing Waldemar and Odysseus have in common is reputation. In
some parts of the Homeric poem Odysseus tells his adventures himself, but
he is also often talked about or songs are performed about his deeds. Clearly,
this is not exactly the case with Waldemar: a worker cannot be as widely recognised as a king; however, before Maciek meets Waldemar, all that he knows
about him is based on other people’s memories and opinions. This aspect is
stressed in the fragment when Jojo tells Maciek that he should try to judge the
facts by himself and separate what is true from mere gossip:
[Jojo:] – You’re right, no one can replace a father. And your dad, as you
say, is wandering around the world. But if I were you, I’d try to find him.
Remember that people say lots of things about others, but you shouldn’t
always believe them. According to what the cleaning lady told you, your
dad is not a Saint Francis of Assisi or an ideal knight. Just a man with
weaknesses, like everybody else. […] There is one thing that I ask of
you, though, don’t count on him too much, because you could easily get
disappointed.
[Maciek:] – That’s exactly what I thought. (46)
However, although Waldemar has some of Odysseus’s traits, he fails to become
a male authority figure for Maciek. We learn this from the sequel, where it
turns out that Waldemar decided to settle down for a very cynical reason—
he was simply short of money, so he decided to marry a rich widow. What is
more, while living with his uncle, Maciek is constantly accused wrongly by
Waldemar’s wife of the deeds that her own son has committed; very rarely
does Waldemar have enough courage to oppose his wife and defend Maciek
in her presence. Also, he tells the boy that the best way to handle problems is
not to face them, but to wait patiently until they somehow get solved on their
own. Thus, although he has the mythical hero’s appearance, sharp tongue, and
reputation as a heartbreaker, Maciek’s uncle is quite a coward when it comes
to solving problems. That is one of the reasons why Maciek decides to leave his
house and move to Bieszczady to live with Jojo.
Jojo also shares many of Odysseus’s qualities, as is evidenced by numerous
passages. For instance, at first sight Maciek notices that Jojo also has a cunning look (17), and he has a feeling that they have known each other for a very
long time—“as if they were relatives” (in Polish: “jakby z rodziny,” 21). Also,
from the very beginning of their acquaintance, Jojo and Maciek, while talking, like to tease each other in a friendly way, using witty epithets, lots of idioms, smart retorts, and the like. In a few such situations Jojo addresses Maciek
as “your highness” or “prince,” and Maciek calls him “your majesty” (see for
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example p. 39); these are of course jokes, but they may be a hidden allusion to
the relation between Odysseus and Telemachus, i.e., the king and the prince of
Ithaca. Moreover—although one could argue whether this is an allusion to the
Odyssey—before they get to know each other’s names Jojo introduces himself
as a “stranger.” Maciek replies to him in the same way (22). One might associate this situation with the episode from the Odyssey where Polyphemus asks
who made him suffer so much—and Odysseus hides his real name, introducing himself as “no one.” However, it must be stressed once again that in this
case, the context from the novel differs greatly from that of the poem, so this
parallel is not certain.
The allusions presented above may seem jocular and not very insightful;
however, the following passages, quotations from Jojo’s longer monologues,
suggest clearly that Jojo’s similarity to Odysseus is not only apparent, as was
Waldemar’s, but that the ethos of Odysseus is a crucial part of his life philosophy. For instance, when Maciek asks him what he does for a living, Jojo explains that he is “a positive tramp,” a vagabond who wanders from one place
to another not because he has nowhere to stay, but because he wants to gain
experience and is looking forward to amazing adventures. He also explains
the reason for his wanderings: he wants to find “the fifth cardinal direction of
the world” (in Polish: “piąta strona świata,” 47)—which may stand for some
abstract goal, something which does not exist, but is definitely worth looking for. Why? Because, according to Jojo, that is what happiness consists in—
travelling, exploring, and searching. As he puts it in one of his monologues:
“[…] the greatest happiness consists in looking for happiness” (in Polish:
“[…] największe szczęście to dążenie do niego,” 37).
For the mythical Odysseus, neverending wandering was a part of his destiny; for Jojo this is a lifestyle that he has chosen himself:
[Jojo:] – Man, I’ve been on all the largest construction sites in Poland.
I’ve worked in Turoszów and Nowa Huta, at the Włocławek dam and the
“Odra” cement mill, I have built [a nitrogen fertiliser factory] “Azoty” in
Puławy, and [a petrochemical factory] “Petrochemia” in Płock, and once,
after I had read in the newspaper that they were looking for lumberjacks
in the Bieszczady mountains, I went there as well, so as not to let our
beeches and firs decay. […]
[Maciek:] – And haven’t you gotten bored with this endless wandering?
[Jojo:] – I’ve told you, I can’t stay in one place for too long, I like to explore
the country, meet people. How can you get bored with it? Those who get
bored are sissies whose only worry is to have a full stomach and to buy
a “Syrenka” car. They start collecting clothes, furniture, pots and they
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become enslaved by their possessions. And me… I am a free man and I
like to breathe in those places where something interesting is going on.
Nobody’s going to make me settle down. Oh, no, my friend. I will never let
them tame me. (39)
Carrying out his plan, Jojo works in different professions and in different parts
of the country; this enables him to feel like a free man. For Jojo people who
are passive and stay in one place throughout their lives—he disapprovingly
calls them “sissies”—cannot be fully free as they are too closely tied to material
possessions. Among the goods that can enslave Jojo mentions pots, clothes,
furniture, but also Syrenka—a “Siren” car. The Syrenka was a very popular Polish car produced between the 1950s and 1970s in Warsaw. Interestingly, though,
in 1979, when Bahdaj’s novel was published, Syrenkas had not been produced
in Poland for seven years, as they had been replaced by Fiats. So why does Jojo
refer to a “Siren” car instead of a Fiat? Most likely this is yet another witty reference to the myth. Jojo is freer than most of his contemporaries, as he avoids
the temptation of settling down, a temptation symbolised by a “Siren.” This is
exactly what Odysseus did, when he found a method to escape the Sirens, who
were tempting him to stay forever on their island. Thus, it seems clear that for
Jojo becoming a modern Odysseus is not confined to appearance and charm;
on the contrary, for him it is the meaning of his life. Once again Jojo turns out
to be better than Waldemar, who—as mentioned before—decides to settle
down for financial reasons.
It is also interesting to set the fragment in which Jojo briefly defines his life
philosophy against the social and economic background of the 1970s in Poland.
The materialist attitude, so despised by Jojo, was the result of the communist
authorities’ characteristic policy of that period. The previous decade, marked
by poverty and budget deficits, had seen a growing discontent, which led to
workers’ strikes in 1970. Thus, the ruling socialist party—the Polish United
Workers Party (Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza—pzpr), led by the first
secretary Edward Gierek (1913–2001)—decided to introduce a new policy, the
aim of which was to ease public concern by improving citizens’ living conditions. Therefore, one of Gierek’s priorities was to make big investments which
would create new workplaces (in particular in the heavy industry sector, which
is reflected in Jojo’s story), to provide many new flats, and to raise salaries as
well as to freeze prices.13 If one also takes into consideration the growth of
13
For a concise synthesis of the social and economic politics of that time in Poland, see
Andrzej Friszke, Polska Gierka [Gierek’s Poland] (Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Szkolne
i Pedagogiczne, 1995), 5–24, 30–49.
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production and relatively improved provisions, it seems clear why the adults
living at that time were so focused on work and consumption. One could earn
more than before and then spend the money, for example, on a car or furniture for the newly allotted flat. On the other hand, although more goods were
available on the market, to get furniture, electric equipment, or imported food
products one often had to spend hours queuing or use his or her acquaintances
(as people used to build the kind of social networks that enabled them to obtain goods by pulling strings).14 Thus, both earning money and buying goods
took a lot of time, in particular for those who had children to provide for.
Clearly, this was a problem for the young. On the one hand, the adults did
their best to provide them with the best possible life conditions. On the other hand, however—as Hanna Świda-Ziemba, a famous Polish sociologist researching the lives of youths in the communist era, claimed—family life at
times was characterised by an “underlying anxiety triggered by attempts to fulfil economic needs as well as by complaints about one’s prestige and economic
situation.”15 Parents concerned mainly with their family’s welfare were “hardly
aware of the adolescents’ psychological and emotional needs.”16 This, according to Świda-Ziemba, made many young people detest a lifestyle focused on
material goods and competition for those goods. Opposing it, they chose their
own ways of living based on values such as individualism and internal independence (in Polish: “podmiotowość”) as well as on authentic, unselfish social relations. Świda-Ziemba quotes many teenagers and students from that
time, expressed in interviews and sociological surveys, who made statements
such as: “I hate money, everyone else is trying to get it,” “money has become
an idol in our society,” or “one should have his or her own identity and live
according to it.”17 As Świda-Ziemba points out, these surveys let one observe
how sometimes in the 1970s Poland’s young people had a very critical attitude
to the system, which for them stood not only for the ideology imposed by the
government or institutions, but also for the acceptance of material property as
the cornerstone of society.18 We can observe, then, that Jojo’s priorities and his
search for independence have much in common with Bahdaj’s young readers’
14
15
16
17
18
To find out more about the realities of the so-called “queue society,” see, e.g., Małgorzata
Mazurek, Społeczeństwo kolejki. O doświadczeniach niedoboru 1945–1989 [The queuing
society: Experiencing shortages 1945–1989] (Warszawa: trio, 2010), 33–70.
Hanna Świda-Ziemba, Młodzież prl. Portrety pokoleń w kontekście historii [The young
in the Polish People’s Republic: The portraits of generations in the historical context]
(Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 2010), 488.
Ibid., 487.
Ibid., 505, 507.
Ibid., 506–509.
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probable way of thinking. The author, although already quite old when he
wrote the novel, knew very well what the generation growing up in the 1970s
thought, and he perfectly understood their needs. That is why he decided to
include a figure of authority who knew very well how to find inner freedom,
and who—thanks to his wisdom—could easily escape the temptations of the
modern “Sirens,” i.e., material goods.
Jojo can also be regarded as an authority figure because, unlike Waldemar,
he is not a coward—he always faces his problems. He believes that sincere
speech is the best solution, and that one should not avoid difficult situations.
That is why, at a certain point, he is not afraid to face two smugglers who want
to attack him. Hence, for Maciek—but also for young readers of the novel—he
is the best exemplar of courageous, manly behaviour; an exemplar that Odysseus could provide Telemachus with.
From the many mythical motifs in the plot, we can conclude that Bahdaj’s
books deal not only with how to be a modern Telemachus, but also how to be
a good Odysseus—a wise male authority, a caring father, and a good moral example for a young man. This leads to the question: are we really dealing with a
young adult novel only, or does it also contain a message addressed to adults?19
The answer seems clearer if one briefly sums up the differences between the explicit and the “hidden” allusions to the myth. The Telemachus-related aspects,
corresponding to the adolescent life, are explained very explicitly and are easy
to understand even for someone who is a beginner in the world of myths. At
the same time, the Odysseus-related, more “adult-like” questions of how to be
a good father/male guardian can be fully interpreted and appreciated only by
someone who knows the content of Homeric epic. Thus, further reading, so
promoted by Bahdaj, is crucial for understanding the other mythical motifs in
the novel. In my opinion, the message that Bahdaj wants to convey is: you are
reading my book now, and you probably cannot understand all of it, but please,
read the Odyssey, read Parandowski’s adaptation, and then, maybe some years
later, you can come back to my story and find out what problems one can encounter not only when being a son, but also when being a father.20
One of the most important conclusions of the debates following the conference Our Mythical Childhood was that the aim of children’s literature is to
19
20
On the narrative concept of the implied reader in children’s literature, see Barbara Wall,
The Narrator’s Voice: The Dilemma of Children’s Fiction (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1991).
See, inter alia, Zohar Shavit, “The Ambivalent Status of Texts. The Case of Children’s Literature,” Poetics Today 1.3 (1980): 75–86, on the phenomenon of literature written for children in such a way that adults would find it attractive as well.
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address the readers’ level, while at the same time inspiring them to reach a
higher level. That is exactly what Bahdaj does. Using a complex scheme of
mythical references, he encourages his readers to learn, and to become more
competent in the field of classical culture, which may prepare them to handle
some more serious issues.21 In short, he encourages them to become mature—
just like the mythical Telemachus and Maciek from the novel had to do.
As we find out from Wilfried Stroh’s chapter in this volume, Homer, according to some sources, was the first author of children’s literature.22 I share this
belief—not because I am convinced that he really wrote poems for (his own)
children, but rather because I believe that by creating this excellent motif of
Telemachus and Odysseus, i.e., a father–son relation, as well as that of Telemachus’s journey, which allows him to pass from adolescence to manhood, Homer provided an extremely important source of inspiration for children’s literature. Bahdaj’s novels are an example of how this inspiration can be employed
to create a clever and creative narrative, which appealed to teenagers dealing
with the harsh reality of 1970s Poland, but which also may seem convincing to
today’s adolescents.
21
22
See Holly Anderson and Morag Styles, Teaching through Texts: Promoting Literacy through
Popular and Literary Texts in the Primary Classroom (London: Routledge, 2000); and Peter
Hollindale, The Hidden Teacher: Ideology and Children’s Reading (Woodchester: Thimble
Press, 2011) for considerations of aspects of education in children’s reading.
See Stroh, “From Aesop to Asterix Latinus: A Survey of Latin Books for Children.”
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chapter 22
An Attempt on Theseus by Kir Bulychev: Travelling
to Virtual Antiquity
Hanna Paulouskaya
Maybe it was the cause of the current crisis of science fiction: our reality
has always been more fantastic than fiction!1
kir bulychev, Kak stat fantastom2
Introduction
An Attempt on Theseus was written by the Soviet science fiction writer Kir
Bulychev.3 This author wrote a great number of novels and stories in this genre
and was especially famous for his children’s literature. The plot of most of Bulychev’s works takes place in a distant future and an intergalactic reality. The
surprise is that the person hidden behind this pen name, Igor Mozheyko, was
a specialist in the history of Southeast Asia.
Although a historian and an expert on Burma (Myanmar) and other Asian
territories, he placed his literary heroes in the future and only rarely used historical or ancient motifs in his science fiction works. One exception was the
book 7 iz 37 chudes [The 7 of 37 wonders]4 written for children, which is about
thirty-seven ancient wonders from different continents, including the seven
wonders of the ancient world. However, these stories were not fictional. By
contrast, Pokusheniye na Teseya [An attempt on Theseus]5 is a novel with a plot
1 Hereinafter translation from Russian into English is made by me [H.P.], unless otherwise stated. A note on transliteration: in transliterating the Cyrillic alphabet we chose the bgn/pcgn
romanisation system, developed by the u.s. Board on Geographic Names and by the Permanent Committee on Geographical Names for British Official Use. For purposes of simplification, we have converted ë to yo, -iy and -yy endings to -y, and omitted apostrophes for ъ and ь.
2 Kir Bulychev, “Kak stat fantastom” [How to become a science fiction writer], Yesli [If] 11/81
(1999): 274.
3 A more proper transliteration of the name “Булычeв” would be “Bulychyov,” but the form
“Bulychev” is commonly accepted in British and American bibliography, so this spelling of
the name will be used.
4 Kir Bulychev, 7 iz 37 chudes [The 7 of 37 wonders] (Moskva: Nauka, 1980).
5 Kir Bulychev, Pokusheniye na Teseya [An attempt on Theseus], in the series “Galakticheskaya
politsiya” [Galactic police] (Moskva: Izdatelstvo ast, 2003; ed. pr. 1994).
© Hanna Paulouskaya, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_024
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centering on Classical Antiquity, as its very title indicates. Although, in fact,
Antiquity here is only a virtual world created inside the world of the future.6
This surprising fact drew my attention and I therefore decided to explore
the works of Kir Bulychev, especially An Attempt on Theseus, in order to find
out why Antiquity is present (or absent) in his works. Such an analysis, as a
case study of an important Russian writer, promises to shed light on the wider
phenomenon of Soviet (and post-Soviet) children’s literature from the 1960s to
the 2000s with regard to the reception of ancient culture.
Kir Bulychev versus Igor Mozheyko
Kir Bulychev was one of the most popular Soviet science fiction writers for
children.7 His real name was Igor Vsevolodovich Mozheyko (1934–2003). He
was born and lived in Moscow. His father’s family belonged to the nobility of
the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, although this was not made public during the
Soviet period.
Igor Mozheyko was a philologist and a historian. In 1965 he earned his Ph.D.
and in 1981 his professorial degree (“habilitation”) on the history of Burma. He
worked for the magazines Vokrug Sveta [Around the world] and Aziya i Afrika
Segodnia [Asia and Africa today] and from 1963 for the Institute of Oriental
Studies in the ussr Academy of Sciences. As a historian Mozheyko wrote articles and books about the history of Burma, the history of Southeast Asia, and
Buddhism.8 He was also fond of phaleristics and published catalogues of Russian medals and orders and articles about them.9
Mozheyko wrote his first fiction works in 1965. These were tales about
Alice, “the little girl nothing ever happens to,” one of his main protagonists
until the end of his life.10 There is a story that the first time Mozheyko wrote
6
7
8
9
10
For the use of fairy tales and mythology in science fiction see: Tatyana Chernyshova,
“Potrebnost v udivitelnom i priroda fantastiki” [The need for the miracolous and the nature of science fiction], Voprosy literatury 5 (1979): 211–232.
About Kir Bulychev in the context of Soviet children’s literature see: Irina Arzamastseva
and Sofya Nikolayeva, Detskaya literatura [Children’s literature] (Moskva: Akademiya,
32005; ed. pr. 2000). About Kir Bulychev’s theoretical views on science fiction see: Konstantin Frumkin, Filosofiya i psikhologiya fantastiki [Philosophy and psychology of science fiction] (Moskva: Editorial urss, 2004).
Bibliography of non-fiction and scientific works of Igor Mozheyko is available at http://
www.rusf.ru/kb/books/index_n.htm (accessed July 30, 2016).
Ibid.
Kir Bulychev, “Devochka, s kotoroy nichego ne sluchitsya: Rasskazy o zhizni malenkoy
devochki v xxi veke, zapisannye yeyo ottsom” [The girl nothing ever happens to: Stories
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Paulouskaya
science fiction (“Kogda vymerli dinozavry” [When dinosaurs died]) for Iskatel
[The finder], was because the magazine could not print its intended piece due
to censorship.11 However, Mozheyko later denied that this was the first short
novel he had written, arguing that the first one was about Alice.12 In any case, it
was during this time that his transformation from historian into science fiction
writer took place.
Mozheyko always used pen names for his literary activity. One of his first
was “a prose writer from Burma Maun Sein Ji.” However, his most frequent pen
name, which caught on more than the others, was “Kir Bulychev.” Actually,
Mozheyko never wrote fiction under his real name, so it is more accurate to
use the form “Kir Bulychev” when talking about his literary activity.
Kir Bulychev wrote a large number of novels and stories, both for children
and adults.13 Most of them could be described as science fiction, with elements
of detective and adventure stories. They are organised in multiple series. Here
I will consider only two of them—the most important series written for children.
The first one is the aforementioned series about Alisa Seleznyova called
“Alisa” [Alice] or “Priklyucheniya Alisy” [The adventures of Alice].14 The second
11
12
13
14
about the life of a little girl in the twenty-first century written by her father], Mir priklyucheny [The world of adventure] 11 (1965): 636–659. The story had several translations
into English: Kirill Bulychev, “Life is So Dull for Little Girls,” trans. Helen Saltz Jacobson,
in Robert Magidoff, ed., Russian Science Fiction (New York–London: New York University
Press–University of London Press, 1968), 107–123; Kirill Bulychev, “The Girl Nothing Happens To,” in Alexandr Abramov and Georgi Gurevich, et al., eds., Journey Across Three
Worlds: Science-Fiction Stories, trans. Gladys Evans, with a foreword by Georgi Gurevich
(Moscow: Mir, 1973), 303–342; Kirill Bulychev, Alice, trans. and adapt. by Mirra Ginsburg
(New York–London: Macmillan, 1977); Kir Bulychev, “The Girl Who Triumphs Over Everything,” trans. S.A. Wakefield, Soviet Literature 8 (1983): 172–181; Kir Bulychev, “ The Little
Girl Nothing Ever Happens To,” in eiusdem, Alice the Girl from Earth, trans. John H. Costello, ill. Evgeny Migunov (Peabody: Fossicker Press, 2001), 9–50.
Kir Bulychev, “Kak ya stal pisatelem” [How I became a writer], interview by S. Yeleseyev,
Nasha zhizn [Our life] (Pestovo), Jan. 18, 1992, http://rusf.ru/kb/int/index.htm (accessed
Sept. 13, 2015); Kir Bulychev, “Kak vy stali fantastom” [How you became a science fiction
writer], Leninsky put (Saratov State University) 12/1612 (Apr. 11, 1983): 4, http://www
.fandom.ru/about_fan/bulychev_01.htm (accessed Sept. 13, 2013).
Bulychev, “Kak stat fantastom,” Yesli 10/80 (1999): 275.
See: Mikhail Manakov, Bibliografiya Kira Bulycheva. Khudozhestvennye proizvedeniya
na russkom yazyke. Otdelnye izdaniya [Bibliography of Kir Bulychev. Fiction in Russian.
Books] (Chelyabinsk: Reikh A.P., 1999); Vladimir Kolyadin, Aleksei Lyakhov, Mikhail
Manakov, and Andrei Popov, Kir Bulychev v xx veke: Bibliografichesky spravochnik [Kir Bulychev in the 20th century: Bibliography] (Chelyabinsk: Okolitsa, 2001).
Kir Bulychev, Priklyucheniya Alisy: Fantasticheskiye povesti [The adventures of Alice: Science fiction stories] (Moskva: ast, Astrel, 2000).
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one is a later series, written in the 1990s, called “Galakticheskaya Politsiya”
[Galactic police], or “InterGPol”, or “Kora” [Kore],15 which focuses on a woman
named Kore, who is supposed to be an adult Alice. Kore is an agent of the InterGalactic Police—InterGPol.
Bulychev’s literary activity can be divided into a few periods relating to the
political transformations in the country where he lived: 1965–1991, 1991–1997,
1997–2003. The atmosphere in his novels changes according to these transformations. The writer continued publishing some of his series throughout
his life, e.g., “Alice.” Some appeared in later periods; “Kore” was written from
1994–1997, and he continued writing “Reka Khronos” [The Chronos River]—an
unfinished series, until the end of his life.
Alice, the Girl from the Earth
Alice Seleznyova derived her name from the writer’s daughter Alisa, who was
four years old when the first story appeared. The literary Alice is six years old in
the first stories but grows up over time (to twelve years old in the final novel).
She is a pupil, “a normal schoolgirl from the future.” She lives during the second
half of the twenty-first century. She is a young scientist, whose main interest
is exobiology, although she also has a profound knowledge of other disciplines
as well:
Alice… Alice, Kolya thought. The name seemed to be familiar to him.
Maybe she was that Alice the boys waited for on Gogol Boulevard?
“Has she been into outer space?” he asked.
“Yes. Many times. She is quite a well-known exobiologist.”
“Do tell!” Kolya could not believe it. “She’s only a child.”
“It’s you, who are a child! It doesn’t matter how old someone is, if he
knows his business well, does it?”16
Alice is very kind, empathic, honest, and courageous. She is an example for
every young reader, although she is always getting into trouble, which is, however, the reason for all her adventures. Alice knows a lot of languages. She is,
for example, fluent in English, which was an exception for a pupil from the
15
16
Kir Bulychev, “Galakticheskaya Politsiya” [Galactic police], in 4 books: Na polputi s obryva
[At halfway into a ravine]; Pokusheniye na Teseya [An attempt on Theseus]; Predskazatel
proshlogo [Forteller of the past]; Zerkalo zla [Evil mirror] (Moskva: Lokid, 1994–1996).
Kir Bulychev, Sto let tomu vperyod [One hundred years ahead], in eiusdem, Vsyo o devochke
s Zemli: Povesti [All about the girl from Earth: Novels] (St Petersburg: Azbuka, 2012), 397.
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Soviet Union in the 1970s and 1980s, when contacts with the English-speaking
world were highly restricted. When asked if she knows any other languages,
Alice answers:
“I’m not very capable,” Alice said. “I know only eight languages.”
“What?” Alla [the teacher of English] said.
There was deathly silence in the class. Everybody, even pupils who were
poor in English, understood the meaning of this conversation.
“German, Finnish, Czech, French, Hindi, Chinese… Japanese and… and
one other [some galactic language].”
“Wow!” Fima Korolyov said. “Tell us something in Japanese.”17
The World of Alice
The future world Alice lives in differs a lot from any historical reality. It is an
ideal world, where most of the people (or even all of them) live according to
high ethical standards. There is general prosperity and peace there. Some of
the stories even mention the absence of money in this society. In some stories
there are no bad characters whatsoever. The society thus reminds one of an
ideal communist world.
Michael Hardt discusses the need for internal change to happen in order to
motivate any social change:
The key to rethinking revolution is to recognise that revolution is not just
about a transformation for democracy. Revolution really requires a transformation of human nature, so that people are capable of democracy.18
It looks like such a transformation has taken place in the world Bulychev created. Not only the external world, but also the souls (or rather minds) of the
people have been transformed.
Such a depiction of the future was, of course, recommended strongly by the
Soviet authorities.19 Isaac Asimov, in his introduction to one of the first collections of Soviet science fiction published in the United States, expresses his
17
18
19
Ibid., 487.
Michael Hardt, interview by Astra Taylor, in the documentary Examined Life, directed by
Astra Taylor (dvd: Zeitgeist Films, 2008), 00:50.
Vsevolod Revich, “Na zemle i v kosmose. Zametki o sovetskoy fantastike 1980 goda” [On
the land and in space. Notes on the Soviet science fiction in 1980], in Mir priklucheny
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surprise at the ideal picture of future society that they present.20 He even says
some sceptics “might suppose these stories were written strictly for American
consumption and are published only in order to confuse us and weaken our
will.”21 However, these stories were not propaganda for foreigners, but represented a popular way in the ussr of describing the future. The creation of such
visions served the popularisation of communist ideas and for this reason was
allowed in the Soviet Union. On the contrary, if science fiction had been only
written for entertainment, it would most probably have been strictly forbidden.
Mozheyko denied that he created politically loaded fiction. In his memoirs
he emphasises that he never belonged to the Soviet Union of Writers or to the
Communist Party, and that he therefore was not obliged to follow their instructions. Using a pen name also gave him some space. The writer affirms that his
real reason for creating such an ideal world was the genre and the addressee
of his stories:
[…] At the same time, when I wrote and write for children I suppose that
the written must carry some educational function. Children’s things must
be composed by the laws of the fairy tale. Good must win!22
Literature for children should be gentle. The problem was that literature of
other kinds was difficult to publish:
I have never been a PINK writer. But it was not always possible to publish what I wanted. […] Since I first began to write I had to write for the
drawer.23
Thus, had Bulychev created pessimistic visions of the future they would not
have seen the light of day in Soviet times. Another problem for Bulychev was
20
21
22
23
(Moskva: Detskaya literatura, 1983), available online at: http://books.rusf.ru/unzip/addon/xussr_mr/revicv23.htm?1/3 (accessed July 20, 2016).
Isaac Asimov, “Introduction,” in eiusdem, ed., More Soviet Science Fiction (New York: Collier Books, 1962), 13.
Ibid.
Kir Bulychev, Off-Line Interview. Question 21, trans. Kir Bulychev, http://www.rusf.ru/kb/
english/int.htm (accessed Sept. 20, 2013).
Ibid. “Pink writer”—an author who writes positive, sugar-sweet narratives, representing
everything through rose-colored glasses. “Rozovaya literatura” [Pink literature] was a term
used in the 1990s in reference to popular romantic fiction. “Writing for the drawer” was
a term, originated in the ussr, meaning to continue writing in hope that there would be
time when the political situation would change and publishing would be possible.
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his reputation as a “children’s sf writer” in the context of the Soviet Union of
the 1970s:
Little by little I gained the reputation of a “kind storyteller.” It was a tedious reputation, because in those days I could only be published by
Children’s Literature [Publishing House] and if I asked to add a book of
adult fiction to the schedule, Maya Brusilovskaya, the head of the editorial staff, sadly sighed: “Igor, you should understand, there are dozens of
worthy science fiction writers in the queue for publication, and all write
for adults. But here, in the children’s sf, we have a gap, we have only
[Vladislav] Krapivin and you. Write another book about Alice, and we
will publish it next year.” So I gave up, because I preferred to publish an
optimistic children’s book than not to publish anything.24
In any event, Bulychev wrote a great number of Soviet children’s science fiction works and created optimistic visions of future worlds.
Future versus Past
The future was the main topic for Soviet science fiction throughout this era, to
quote Anatoly Britikov (1926–1996), a Russian scholar and critic:
The future for Soviet science fiction is not just a criterion. It is a central
object of representation (even if the action takes place in the present or
in the past, the story still often tells about ideas, inventions, and—most
importantly—the people of the future).25
Nevertheless, even stories about the future may contain some echoes of the past
and the ancient world. For example, in his stories describing the future Bulychev tells about a time machine, which is located at the Moscow Time Institute. Million priklyucheny [A million adventures], written in 1976, contains
important time-travel motifs. Alice and her friends are guests at the Moscow
Time Institute, where they are told about the work of different departments.
Employees of the historical department go back to the past (travelling to the
future is impossible) in order to gain knowledge about unresolved historical
24
25
Bulychev, “Kak stat fantastom,” Yesli 11/81 (1999): 280.
Anatoly Britikov, Russky Sovetsky Nauchno-Fantastichesky Roman [The Russian Soviet
science fiction novel] (Leningrad: Nauka, 1970), 13.
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questions or to save important artefacts. For example, scientists save manuscripts from the Alexandrian Library before the fire of 48–47 bc or they go to
the time and place when “Java man” became a man, in order to witness the
process.
These stories sometimes contain allusions to the ancient past, although
they do not speak about Classical Antiquity as an object of representation. For
example, a part of the novel A Million Adventures is called “Novye podvigi Gerakla” [The new adventures of Hercules].26 The story concerns the adventures
of a friendly Java man—not a Greek hero—but the first adventure is called
“Avgiyeva laboratoriya” [The Augean laboratory], and the Java Hercules uses
the same method as his ancient precursor to clean up a laboratory. In “Dzhinn
v korable” [A genie in a ship] there is a story about an expedition that was sent
to raise the fleet of the legendary “Athenian tyrant Diostur”27 from the bottom
of the sea. Diostur’s ship appeared to be a spaceship. Objects and persons in
this story often have ancient names: Zeus’s Rocks, the dolphin Medea (Mashka,
in earlier stories). Characters in “Zagranichnaya princessa” [An overseas princess] use ancient allusions in their speech: Masha advises Pashka to go into the
past to fight with Julius Caesar;28 a newly discovered planet is called Penelope,
because the discoverers were planning to return to it and wanted it to wait for
them like Ulysses’s wife;29 Svetlana compares Alice holding a snake on her arm
with Laocoon;30 and so on.
It is clear that the people of the future represented in the stories (mostly
children) have quite a broad knowledge of Classical Antiquity and ancient mythology, as well as of other disciplines. For example, the first appearance of
Pashka (Peter) Geraskin in “The Augean Laboratory” occurs in the following
manner:
Pasha Geraskin was slowly walking to the station through the coconut
alley and reading a book on the way. On the cover was written in large
letters: Myths of Ancient Greece.
“Please note,” said Mashenka Belaya snidely. “This young man wants to
learn how to clean the Augean stables.”
26
27
28
29
30
Kir Bulychev, Million priklyucheny [A million adventures], in eiusdem, Vsyo o devochke s
Zemli: Povesti, 591–890.
Ibid., 623.
Ibid., 634.
Ibid., 635.
Ibid., 805–806.
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Pasha heard that, stopped, held the page open with a finger, and said:
“I should say that ‘Hercules’ means ‘to perform feats because of the persecution of Hera.’ By the way, Hera was the wife of Zeus.”31
Bulychev’s characters, who are placed in the distant future, know ancient
history, use mythological metaphors in their everyday life, read mythologies
to deepen their knowledge, and share this knowledge with each other, even
though their first interest is actually biology. These characters reflect Bulychev’s understanding of his readers, or rather the ideal types he wanted his
readers to become.
Agent Kore
The “Kore” series was written between 1994 and 1999. Kore was conceived of
as a kind of older Alice. She is seventeen years old when we first meet her and
has reached the age of twenty-five by the later stories. This character is also a
very positive role model. She is a kind and clever person, strong, and sporty,
although perhaps not quite as educated as Alice.
Kore is a very beautiful girl. In An Attempt on Theseus it is often said that she
looks like a goddess, although she is a little bit too tall. So she is often mistaken
for a goddess—Kore, of course.
Kore’s level of education is alluded to in the first novel of the series—“Detsky
ostrov” [Children’s island]:
“The first reason,” continued Milodar, “is that I distrust you. You are a tabula rasa for me, I mean terra incognita. Do you understand?”
“Is it in Chinese?” asked Ko [Kore]. They were well-fed at the orphanage,
but taught only moderately well.
“It’s not important in what language it was said. The meaning is what is
important.”32
However, in An Attempt on Theseus, Kore knows classical languages quite well:
31
32
Ibid., 594–595.
Kir Bulychev, “Detsky ostrov” [Children’s island], in eiusdem, Na polputi s obryva, “Galakticheskaya politsiya,” 84.
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Kore remembered suddenly that she wanted to re-read the Meditations of
Marcus Aurelius and refresh her Latin [sic!], rusty because of disuse. She
went into the living room to find the book.33
It is worth observing that Marcus Aurelius wrote in Greek, which emphasises
that Bulychev’s description of Kore’s knowledge or ignorance of Latin is his
literary joke (if not his mistake). However, usually Kore is presented as clever
and able to learn. Before the trip to Ancient Greece she studies fragments of
the Parallel Lives of Plutarch, the mythologies of Nicholas Kuhn and Alexandra
Neikhardt (the most popular children’s mythologies in the Soviet Union and
today34), and The Greek Myths of Robert Graves:
Kore, being a disciplined agent, devoted herself to studies of Ancient
Greek, the language Zeus and his family spoke among themselves. She
also studied the biography of Theseus, which was interpreted in different
ways by various sources.35
However, before she begins her studies she has only a partial knowledge of the
Theseus myth:
To be honest, until then she knew only one myth about Theseus. It was
Theseus who entered the famous Labyrinth, found a wild-bull Minotaur
there and killed him, and thus became the world’s first bullfighter. Has
Prince Gustav decided to go on a vr-cruise [Virtual Reality-cruise] only
to stab the poor bull once again?36
Likewise, after her studies she only knows well the various stories about Theseus and has not checked the meaning of her own name:
“Would you be so kind as to tell us your honourable name?”
“Kore,” the girl answered honestly. And as soon as she said the name, she
cursed herself. She should have bitten her tongue. Her accidental companions tensed and became sad, so Kore knew she had made a terrible
33
34
35
36
Bulychev, Pokusheniye na Teseya, 5 (edition as in n. 5).
On Nicholas Kuhn, see the chapter by Elena Ermolaeva, “Classical Antiquity in Children’s
Literature in the Soviet Union,” in the present volume.
Bulychev, Pokusheniye na Teseya, 43.
Ibid.
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mistake. She did not know what her mistake was, because she had had
so little time, that she had not checked the meaning of her name in a
dictionary. Maybe there was some famous or little-known Kore in Greek
mythology. What if some whore was known under this name? Or a jewellery thief?37
An Attempt on Theseus: The Plot
The action takes place in the far future, when humanity lives on different planets in our galaxy, which is ruled by the Galactic Centre. Prince Gustav, a prince
of the Ragosa kingdom, which is located on a distant planet, has to make a trip
into Virtual Reality (vr) and perform certain feats in order to gain the crown.
Some people on Ragosa do not want him to achieve this goal and therefore
organise a coup against Gustav. Those forces include his aunt, Lady Ragosa;
the oracle Proval; Prince Clarence from the Dormirs clan; and Clarissa, who
is loved by both Gustav and Clarence. The Galactic Centre is concerned for
Prince Gustav’s safety due to its desire to prevent future Galactic wars, which
could be sparked because of the kingdom’s mineral wealth.
Gustav chose the fate of Theseus and a trip to virtual Ancient Greece. Usually, trips to Virtual Reality are absolutely safe, but there can be exceptions. The
InterGalactic Police (InterGPol) therefore sends its agent Kore Orvat to help
Gustav-Theseus. After entering Virtual Reality, Gustav, like others, forgets his
real identity and thinks that he is Theseus. Kore, as an exception to this rule,
remembers her true identity.
In the virtual Ancient Greece, Gustav meets all the heroes of the Theseus
myth. The centaur Chiron and the nymph Chariclo help him and Kore. At
some point Lady Ragosa (as Ariadne) and Clarence (as Pirithous) come to virtual Greece themselves to try to harm Theseus. They also remember their true
identities. Gustav experiences all that Theseus had in the myth and finishes his
quest victoriously.
After returning home the evil powers continue to fight with Gustav, but he
achieves total victory.
The World of Kore
The main difference between these two series is that the world has drastically
changed. It is no longer a gentle and peaceful world. Evil, violence, poverty,
37
Ibid., 134.
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and corruption are emphasised in every story. Unlike the “Alice” series, you can
hardly find any good person among the characters of the books. Reality is full
of lies and danger is presented at every turn.
One cannot avoid the impression that Bulychev was depicting the transformed reality around him. Russia (and especially Moscow) in the early 1990s
was a very dangerous place to live. The criminal element, successfully suppressed in Soviet times, had risen again from the underworld.
Bulychev confirmed that the external reality of the 1990s considerably influenced the character of his books and of the reality he presented in them:
There were two factors, completely unexpected and critical to future
events. First of all, the actual events in the country were so fantastic that
they surpassed even that dystopia in which we had previously lived. Secondly, the doors opened and a mighty stream of American popular literature poured into the country, the American mass cinema also. And
in an instant this stream swept from the face of the Earth our plywood
cabins.38
So once again reality was more fantastic and more impossible than that presented in science fiction. This “new crazy world” concerned not only the
real world, but also the cinematographic and literary world that crowded all
around. Pulp fiction and blockbusters were present on screens, in books, and
on the streets.
This was the time when An Attempt on Theseus was written. Most of the
characters of the novel are perfidious and evil. Even Kore’s boss Milodar, the
commissar of the InterGalactic Police, is a suspicious person, who usually appears only in his hologram, since he cares excessively about his own security.
One example of this newly represented world can be found in the description
of a football match attended by Kore and Milodar:
If, for the Argentinians, loss in this match would be only a national tragedy—the president would lose his position, bloody generals would begin their reign of terror, the players would go into exile, and the working
masses would become more impoverished—for us, for Russia, the defeat
would mean the collapse of national prestige. We Russians do not need
the second place they continually offer us. We take everything or nothing. Ivan the Terrible said so on entering occupied Kazan, riding a white
38
Bulychev, “Kak stat fantastom,” Yesli 11/81 (1999): 281.
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horse, and Marshal Zhukov repeated these words entering Berlin through
the Brandenburg Gate. In other words, “We don’t want Trinidad!”39
Plenty of jokes in this passage and, indeed, in the whole story make the text
similar to an absurdist text.
The attitude toward the reader changes a lot in these stories, too. If the heroes and readers of the “Alice” series were intelligent and kind, now many of
the heroes become perverse and the readers a little stupid, needing everything
to be explained to them. The author ceases to use ancient allusions; he explains in detail every picture that he paints:
We thought that our Soviet reader was the smartest, the most sensible,
and intelligent in the world. It turned out that the post-Soviet man was
a being just a little bit more developed than a Neanderthal, and that he
wanted to read only “cool” thrillers.40
The only peaceful and safe place presented in the novel is the village of Kore’s
grandmother Nastya. At the beginning of this novel the village is depicted as
a tranquil, rural idyll, where the inhabitants sip fresh milk and knit mittens.41
This Arcadian picture not only references standard, bucolic visions of rural life
but also the past—the time of Kore’s grandmother. This time corresponds to
the time of Igor Mozheyko’s youth (an elderly person when writing this) in the
real world, or to Alice Seleznyova’s childhood in the represented reality.
Absurd over Absurd, or How to Read An Attempt on Theseus
The world represented in the “Kore” series and the Theseus story is so different
from that in Bulychev’s other children’s stories that I personally had problems
understanding why he wrote it in such a way. The only explanation for such
use of caricature upon caricature I could find was that Bulychev purposely exaggerated in order to deny the possibility of the existence of such an absurd
world.
The reality Mozheyko experienced in the 1990s was even more illogical than
during Soviet times. There could be at least some explanation of the former.
The new reality was far beyond any explanation. As Mozheyko himself said, it
39
40
41
Bulychev, Pokusheniye na Teseya, 13.
Bulychev, “Kak stat fantastom,” Yesli 11/81 (1999): 281.
Bulychev, Pokusheniye na Teseya, 5.
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was “so fantastic that it surpassed even that dystopia in which we had previously lived.”42
Perhaps the trip into Virtual Reality was also chosen on purpose. Virtual Reality is not real. Everything is just a game. Kore is acting there as a goddess. She
can perform “miracles” and save her hero. She is a theatrical deus ex machina in
this new reality. So perhaps the Virtual Reality is like a theatre. The characters
depicted are simple, static, even boring, like terracotta masks in the ancient
Greek comedies. Visible from a distance they present heroes as stereotypical
characters from the first moments of the play.
This is in fact also true for Kore and Milodar’s reality. This world is very
strange as well. Death exists there, but it can be postponed. One can die many
times and return to life in a new body that one chooses, providing one can find
the dead bodies quickly enough. That is why Kore is so beautiful, she uses the
body that she likes the most. Milodar usually appears in a holographic body in
order to escape death totally. So this world also reminds one of Virtual Reality
or of a computer game. Kore says in “Children’s Island”: “I hate history, because
probably it never happened.”43
So perhaps nothing has happened. Perhaps it was just another dream. Perhaps all the evil around us is not true. It is just a theatre, an illusion, a delusion.
Deploying such an abundance of absurdities allowed Mozheyko to deny the
reality that he himself lived in. Making a simulacrum allows the possibility of
rejecting the object of the reference.
Returning to the Past
From the 1990s to the 2000s Bulychev used past motifs more and more. He
began a series of alternate or shadow history novels for adults—the already
mentioned “Chronos River.”44 The main plot of the series takes place at the
beginning of the twentieth century; some of the novels are set in the 1930s,
another in the 1990s. In this series, travelling to the future is possible, as the
author creates alternative historical sequences that the hero can traverse, although it is the author’s own epoch that is the future.
In the 2000s Mozheyko returned to writing popular historical books for children. As in The 7 of 37 Wonders written in 1980 he reveals the secrets of ancient
42
43
44
See n. 38.
Bulychev, “Detsky ostrov,” 90.
The series was not finished; the completed novels were published from 1993 till the author’s death in 2003 (and republished later).
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and modern history, 2001 marked the beginning of the publication of a new
series “Sekrety istorii” [The secrets of history]. Two of the first volumes refer to
ancient history.45 Others recount the history of Europe and Russia up until the
nineteenth century.
It is significant that these popular stories, written in the last years of
Mozheyko’s life, were addressed to children. The attitude of the author to his
audience changed again in this period. He returns to perceiving his young
readers as thoughtful and bright persons, even perhaps “the smartest, the most
sensible, and intelligent in the world,”46 as in his youth. Once again these readers are worthy to be told stories about the past, about wonders, about Antiquity, because there is a hope that they will understand and will create an honest
and logical world in the future.
In the last period of his literary activity Bulychev returned to a respectful
attitude to his readers. He started to believe again that the new generation of
children must be educated and he put great emphasis on it. It is also significant that these series are not fantastic or fictional. So the grotesque and absurd
world changes once again into a kind and peaceful world, able to possess the
future.
*
The example of Kir Bulychev is indicative of the entire literary process of the
Soviet Union during the last decades of its existence. Soviet culture in this period was in a mature, familiarised state and was to undergo transformation and
decline. This transition period appeared to be the hardest for the writer, who
had to face chaos in the social and cultural life in which he lived. An additional
difficulty was that for the first time there was a void in the cultural and ideological space of the Soviet society, which had to be overcome on an individual
and social level.
Analysing the works of Bulychev we should remember that science fiction
and literature for children were always thought of as the most independent
spheres of literature in the Soviet Union. Thus we should consider his texts as a
product of Soviet culture, written according to the Soviet system of values, not
as a result of ideological repression.
45
46
Kir Bulychev, Tayny drevnego mira [The secrets of the ancient world] (Moskva: Armadapress, 2001); idem, Tayny antichnogo mira [The secrets of the Greek and Roman ancient
world] (Moskva: Armada-press, 2001).
Bulychev, “Kak stat fantastom,” Yesli 11/81 (1999): 281.
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Bulychev’s fiction for children is educational. He uses his books to introduce some additional knowledge and behavioural patterns. One of the recurring motifs in his books is Classical Antiquity. We may assume that Bulychev
perceived this topic as valuable and wanted to inculcate it in his readers along
with knowledge of sciences, languages, and strong ethical values. In some measure he assumes the reader’s acquaintance with classical realities; however, his
model addressee and his expectations of the reader change with time.
It is noteworthy that at the moment of greatest despair of the world around
him, Kir Bulychev used Antiquity as the main theme of one of his novels (An
Attempt on Theseus). Antiquity is used here to build an absurd narration about
an inane world. Classical mythology is bound in the text with an interplanetary
space reality. Oversimplified characters resemble ancient comedy masks. Bulychev makes allusion to Antiquity on different levels of narration, looking for
models of overcoming the current crisis in Russian society and culture. Science
fiction and Antiquity do not contradict each other, rather, they merge to help
Bulychev and his readers face despair with hope.
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chapter 23
Graeco-Roman Antiquity and Its Productive
Appropriation: The Example of Harry Potter
Christine Walde
It is a long way from Rome to Hogwarts, so it seems. But if we take a closer look,
we see that the road from Hogwarts, like all roads, leads back again to Rome.
Studying a product of popular culture with a global reception, like J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter heptalogy, is a good way to map the cultural zone in which
the transmission and acquisition of classical languages, and especially Latin,
are taking place today, and in doing so to highlight some less obvious areas of
reception and transformation of the classics.
In these times of globalisation and technologisation, all the assumptions
we once took for granted have collapsed, and previous modes of behaviour
no longer seem appropriate. There is consequently an acute need to position
ourselves in a new, sustainable way, but in order to do so we have to take into
account the world we live in today. It may often seem that the study of classical
culture is no longer justified, but in reality there are still a great many links to
it even in our modern age.
I would like to sketch this idea using the example of Harry Potter, where
details, representation strategies, broad structures, and aspects of text reception quite clearly adopt and transform intellectual content that originates in
Graeco-Roman Antiquity.1 Thanks to the broad dissemination of Harry Potter,
1 The following chapter is a parergon of my studies on the reception of Classical Antiquity
and gave me the pleasure of viewing Harry Potter from a scholarly perspective. My general
reflections are intended as a sketch for possible future scholarship, and will hopefully be
taken up by someone who has the time and interest for a project of this kind. As far as I know,
there has been no attempt to situate the Harry Potter heptalogy in the wider context of the
great narratives of Classical Antiquity, with the possible exception of a study about allusions
by Richard A. Spencer, Harry Potter and the Classical World: Greek and Roman Allusions in
J.K. Rowling’s Modern Epic (Jefferson, n.c.: McFarland, 2015). On the appropriation and transformation of single motifs and mythological figures, see also Dagmar Hofmann, “The Phoenix,
the Werewolf and the Centaur: The Reception of Mythical Beasts in the Harry Potter Novels
and their Film Adaptations,” in Filippo Carlà and Irene Berti, eds., Imagines 3—Magic and
the Supernatural from the Ancient World (London–New York: Bloomsbury, 2015), 163–176. On
the reuse of myths of different times and cultures in Harry Potter generally, see Hans
© Christine Walde, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_025
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forms of thought characteristic of Western civilisation have been spread virtually worldwide.
Informing my remarks is, of course, the question of how these reflections on
our contemporary culture could be applied, directly or indirectly, in university
and school teaching.2
Harry Potter and His ‘Glocal’ Reception
Why Harry Potter—aside from the fact that I myself am a confessed Harry Potter
reader? Because at present we can assume a familiarity with the Harry
Potter heptalogy among a very large number of people, young and old, university educated and less highly educated, and in all regions of the world.
Harry Potter speaks to broad strata of an international public not limited
to children and young people. Certainly, the heptalogy is part of the great tradition of British children’s books such as Lewis Carroll’s Alice in Wonderland
(1865) or J.R.R. Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings (1954–1955). These, too, were
never read solely by children, in part because of the habit of parents reading
aloud to their children. Setting Harry Potter in this tradition did, to a degree,
prepare the way for it in terms of both reading attitudes and expectations, but
that does not explain its global success. In the course of my contribution I will
formulate some ideas about just what it is that facilitated or enabled the series’
‘glocal’ reception.
Harry Potter can be a link enabling conversation between generations. This
is all the more important given that the gap between generations—or, better,
age groups, which are succeeding each other at ever shorter intervals—is constantly growing; this is the result of accelerating changes in human habits that
we have experienced in the last few decades, due to the ceaseless improvement
and advance in technologies and the commercialisation of every area of life.
Ways of life and our everyday worlds are changing at immense speed and we
are losing the common ground on which different generations could understand each other. The most critical dividing line at present is probably around
Jürgen Verweyen, “Tod—Liebe—Eros. Archetypische Symbole bei J.K. Rowling,” Theologie
und Glaube 92 (2002): 315–324.
2 See, for instance, Valerie Estelle Frankel, ed., Teaching with Harry Potter: Essays on Classroom
Wizardry from Elementary School to College (Jefferson, n.c.: McFarland, 2013); and Agustín
Reyes-Torres, Luis S. Villacañas-de-Castro, and Betlem Soler-Pardo, eds., Thinking through
Children’s Literature in the Classroom (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing,
2014).
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the age of thirty: anyone older than that has not grown up with all the current
technologies and media, and their education and socialisation has probably
followed a strikingly different path. It is hard even to gauge the changes in the
structure of our society; as a result the formation and existence of many parallel societies and subcultures can be observed.3
Harry Potter has fascinated and repelled a large cross-section of the population, for various reasons, and the phenomenon has prompted a nearly unmanageable flood of scholarly studies. There is no question that this fascination
cannot be reduced simply to the series’ very successful marketing, although
this factor does need to be taken into account as well.
The principal way of encountering Harry Potter is by reading: there may be
some people who have discovered Harry Potter solely through the movies, but
the typical Harry Potter addict is the reader, who, as an additional element,
notes, or even uses, the series’ transformations in other media. The success of
Harry Potter is thus proof that reading (and writing) has not in fact been completely marginalised; rather, they continue to be the basis of every educational
process and of media competence.
That statement needs more precision: the Harry Potter heptalogy does not
just consist of books but is—to use the language of media studies—a “crossplatform product.”4 Within this cross-platform product we can distinguish a
primary area based on the reproduction of the text, i.e., books, movies, radio
plays, and audio recordings. The secondary area’s connection to the text is then
of varying degrees of closeness: it includes fan sites, paratexts such as interviews, biographies, scholarly literature, encyclopaedias, fashions, and the proliferating genre of continuations to the text (fan fiction).5 It is not yet clear to
me where exactly we should place the translations, some of which have been
substantially adapted to the cultural background of their language (perhaps
between the primary and secondary areas).6
In media studies, cross-platform products are categorised according to
their lead medium: for Harry Potter that medium is the book. In contrast to
films like Gladiator (2000), which had no distinct literary model, Harry Potter’s
3 A pressing question is which position schools and universities take in this frame.
4 On this aspect of Harry Potter, see Hans-Heino Ewers, “Die Heldensagen der Gegenwart. Die
Medienverbundprodukte sind die großen Narrationen unserer Zeit,” in Christine Garbe and
Maik Philipp, eds., Harry Potter. Ein Literatur- und Medienereignis im Blickpunkt interdisziplinärer Forschung, “Literatur—Medien—Rezeption” 1 (Münster: lit–Verlag, 2006), 297–311.
5 For issues related to fan fiction, see a recent study by Kristin M. Barton and Jonathan Malcolm Lampley, eds., fan CULTure: Essays on Participatory Fandom in the 21st Century (Jefferson, n.c.: McFarland, 2013).
6 See a recent collection of studies by Klaus Kaindl and Karlheinz Spitzl, eds., Transfiction:
Research into the Realities of Translation Fiction (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2014), 329–344.
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book-based medium brings it close to our own objects of study in school and
university and the modes in which we approach them.
A basic condition of our contemporary culture is that, in general, we no longer engage only with literature or aural or visual products in music and the
fine arts but also, right from the start, with a combination of media and their
matching target groups, or even subcultures.
By reflecting on the role and potential of media today, I would argue, we
can also throw light on how we judge and position our own objects of study,
viz. classical texts. These too—for example, the great epics and tragedies of
Graeco-Roman Antiquity—are themselves cross-platform products created in
successive stages: in addition to the text, which also has an aural reception,
there are commentaries, illustrations, musical settings, interpretations, continuations, and—according to the state of technological progress—also film versions, audio recordings, re-translations, fan sites, and fan fiction. As Stephen
Hinds has shown recently, in an illuminating article on aspects of reception of
the classics and of scholarship in the subculture of pulp fiction, the structures
adopted by fan groups and specialists in popular culture (e.g., comics, pulp
fiction, fantasy literature) often imitate—consciously or not—the genres and
practices of the scholarly community in their approach to the objects of their
interest.7 So here our own culture has made model procedures available. By
this I mean a particular way of asking questions of objects, and of organising
material, i.e., methods rather than key competences in a wider sense. We need
to increase awareness of this.
In a very short time Harry Potter has received the same interpretive attention as earlier works of the classical canon. As Harry Potter is a contemporary
phenomenon that has quickly become a classic that is complementary to our
own objects of study in classical philology, examining it is a good way to raise
awareness of and the ability to reflect upon not just the conditio humana today,
but also the millennia-long role and influence of education. Being concerned
with ancient texts, we are already accustomed to observe adaptations into other cultures and languages across a very long period of time.
Culture and Cross-Platform Products
What precisely do popular products, especially cross-platform products, tell us
about? And in what respect does this concern the reception of Classical Antiquity or the state of education? Popular products with great breadth of appeal,
7 Stephen Hinds, “Defamiliarizing Latin Literature, from Petrarch to Pulp Fiction,” Transactions of the American Philological Association 135 (2005): 49–81.
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i.e., appeal that is international and cross-generational, can tell us about the
cultural, social, and political status quo of our times, and they also create ‘realities’ that are themselves a medium of communication; this is because they
provide a basis for consensus among large sections of the population and, in a
sense, make visible the substrate of our culture. The French anthropologist and
philosopher Michel Foucault counts “entertainment” as one of the “archives”
of a society, which provide a rich and heterogeneous “reservoir” of social competences, forms, symbols, techniques, and so on, through which we as agents
are able to communicate with one another. These archives reveal the dominant norms, ideas, and identities in a state, society, or region.8
Popular culture, in particular, is instructive in this context, because it reflects widespread cultural themes and assumptions more than elite discourse
does, as the latter, in principle, does not need to aim for consensus.9 A special
case is, in my opinion, cultural content that derives from Graeco-Roman culture, especially when it is not necessarily identical to what is taught at school
and university. If we want to draw a realistic picture of the reception and transformation of the classics, we need to extend our view to these areas.10
It may therefore be illuminating to ask, in relation to a work like Harry Potter
with an international reception, first, whether classical material is present at all
and, second, what its function and effect may be. If we expand our horizons in
this way, we will see that, in numerous transformations and re-compositions,
the classics still have a major presence—whether explicitly or implicitly—
and that, specifically in Harry Potter, we can observe a transfer of Western
culture into other cultures, at various levels. To study a process of this kind,
we will need to inquire into the points of view both of the public and of the
producers.
Romano-Greek Literature as a Laboratory
My thesis is that the literature and culture of classical Rome (and indirectly Greece) presents itself as a great ‘laboratory’ of ideas, motifs, stories, and
8
9
10
Michel Foucault, L’archéologie du savoir (Paris: Gallimard, 2002; ed. pr. 1969); cf. Daniel
H. Nexon and Iver B. Neumann, eds., Harry Potter and International Relations (Oxford–
Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), see the “Introduction,” 1–23.
Nexon and Neumann, “Introduction” to Harry Potter and International Relations, 15.
Christine Walde, “Vorbemerkungen,” in eiusdem, ed., Die Rezeption der griechisch-römischen Literatur. Ein kulturhistorisches Werklexikon. Der Neue Pauly—Supplemente, Bd. 7
(Stuttgart: Metzler, 2010), vii–xvii (English version: Leiden–Boston: Brill, 2012, ix–xix).
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narrative structures, which, after the collapse of the Imperium Romanum as a
political unit, has continued to function up to the present day through continuous focus on myth and through the appropriation and hence transformation of
its literary-hermeneutic legacy. Rome’s favourable societal and cultural conditions allowed the development of a complex of cultural activity that paralleled
human creativity itself in its ability to create meaningful new connections out
of heterogeneous materials. This gave impulses for a production of fantasy and
thought which has not yet come to an end. Roman culture was characterised
by constant hybridisations and by the appropriation of intellectual and cultural goods across linguistic boundaries; within Roman society, too, there was
no hard line between high culture and popular culture.11
Both myth (that is, the experience of generating new myths) and the ethnic
and cultural diversity and breadth of the Empire enabled further productive
additions and expansions. The parameter shifts of the interpretatio Romana
made it possible to appropriate content from other cultures; at a local level, we
can also see movements in the opposite direction, which are less obvious for us
today but which must nonetheless have occurred.
These mechanisms and approaches were sustained in the subsequent national literatures and they continue to form a core part of our culture today.
Harry Potter, a modern myth, whose formation and final definition we ourselves were able to follow in the years 1997–2007, is an especially good example
of the ongoing work in the cultural laboratory, precisely because the series
owes a great deal to successful strategies of thought and narration found in
Western culture, and especially in classical Rome. The fact that these strategies
relied, in their original setting, on consensus or acceptance across very different readerships is thus one of the elements that explains the success of the
Harry Potter series.
Cross-Platform Products and the Need to Make Up Stories
Successful cross-platform products based on a story take their bearings, with
a high degree of inevitability, from the great narratives of our Western culture,
especially ancient epic.12 These narratives, together with other areas, offer
a reservoir of topics and motifs that reappear in ever new combinations and
11
12
Cf. Christine Walde, “Roman Dreamworks,” in Wim Verbaal, Yanick Maes, and Jan Papy,
eds., Latinitas perennis, vol. ii: Appropriation and Latin Literature (Leiden–Boston: Brill,
2009), 13–40.
Cf. Ewers, “Die Heldensagen der Gegenwart,” 297–311.
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extensions. Once you know a certain number of stories, if you are blessed with
the necessary imagination, you will be able to invent new stories from this
base. For the stock of stories and narrative structures is in the end extremely
limited, as has been demonstrated by folktale research. Present-day popular
culture’s increasingly heavy reliance on this tried-and-tested stock of narratives is due to the fact that the invention of new material falls far short of the
quantity needed for commercial and other reasons. This need for variation, for
pseudo-originality, ultimately leads to the continuation of classical, and especially Roman, literature in a manner and quantity that few would guess.
The so-called popular products vary and fine-tune stories and structures
and other aspects of our literary-hermeneutic inheritance, and they do so in a
more obvious way than do the works of so-called high culture, whose authors
work in a more experimental and oppositional way, even at the cost of reaching only a recherché readership.
Characteristics of a Successful Narrative
So let us ask: what are the characteristics of a successful narrative or group of
narratives that offer—indeed, must offer—a range of points that will allow
people to interpret and connect with them? The interplay of these factors, a
selection of which is cited here, makes their laboratory-like nature especially
noticeable, because all epics, if taken together, are serial in character:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
A remarkable story with a hero with whom we can identify. This story is
generally marked by dichotomies, that is, the ‘good’ hero is opposed to a
‘bad’ character (in all possible degrees).
A world is designed which is complete in itself and infinitely extensible.
Lacunae, the potential for continuation, and a serial character are made
possible by myth (content) and structural forms (literary realisation).
Generic hybridisation and a diverse range of characters.
Certain major themes—death, grief, violence, love, friendship—which
make direct identification possible.
Specific ingredients that give the narrative its unique character.
The Aeneid as a Successful Narrative or Super-Epic
Harry Potter’s structure and ‘mechanics’ become clear when we compare it
with a classical epic that, like Harry Potter, has been able to appeal in quite
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a unique way to a public located in different periods and cultures: I mean of
course Virgil’s Aeneid. The Aeneid, too, which inserts itself as the keystone of
the epic cycle in a centuries-old literary tradition, is a literary work of art, carefully composed from the first to the last syllable with a goal-directed plot; it
combines inherited narrative forms and representation strategies with great
virtuosity and transports them into a new dimension.
The Aeneid exhibits a mixture of genres: it is a hybridisation of different
forms of epic, tragedy, aetiological poetry, elegy, encyclopaedic learning, and
history writing, to name only a few of its points of reference. It combines fantastic elements with aspects of the real world of its public. Its meaning unfolds
between two levels of action or worlds—the world of gods and the world of
humans—which are in part permeable, primarily from the divine side. There
is also a poetic geography which adds other worlds to those of the gods and
the figures of the plot, some of which are literary-mythological, like the Cyclops, or linked to constants of human life and given a literary coding, such as
the Underworld, or—just as important—the virtual realm of memories and
prophecies. As well as the real, human cast of characters in the various levels, there is also a cast drawn from mythology and folklore—gods, nymphs,
personified winds, Amazons, Faunus, and so on—who are integrated into the
human world. In addition, groups of figures that are generated genealogically
play a major role, giving the events a biographical depth.
Though the humans in the story understand each other without difficulty,
they nonetheless represent different ethnic and linguistic groups. Further, they
connect in a subliminal-direct way with the real world, or at least that of the
poem’s first public.
An important point for the poem’s uninterrupted reception is the special
nature of the hero Aeneas, a second-rank Homeric hero13 who in the Aeneid
becomes responsible for a mission on behalf of a larger group of people. Virgil
equips him with a series of characteristics of earlier literary heroes and antiheroes, such as Achilles, Hector, Jason, and Odysseus, but he is not merely the
sum of these parts; rather, as prefiguration of an ideal Roman he represents a
model of a distinctive stamp. Aeneas, through the irrevocable loss of his home
city Troy, has suffered a grave personal trauma, which he shares with others.
Part of his mission is to productively work through memories and the painful
experiences of love, death, and grief through which he has lived. This search
13
I know that this statement is a provocation to some scholars, but the Homeric Aeneas
[Aineas] is definitely not on the same level as Hector and Achilles. Yet, being second-rank
in this case still denotes a very high rank.
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for his own destiny is made easier by a series of prophecies, which, together
with the journey motif, make the events dynamic and goal-directed.
The totality of the worlds invented here and the numerous interpretations
permitted by the epic’s reference to the Imperium Romanum, allowed it to
appeal continuously—for more than two thousand years—to heterogeneous
publics and, as it were, to develop in stages into a cross-platform product.
Scholarship, a special kind of fan group, is one of its subcultures.
Harry Potter as a Tradition-based Narrative14
Armed with this sketch of a classical narrative, let us now return to the Harry
Potter heptalogy. Of course, this, too, is animated by a remarkable story and a
hero with whom we can identify. This story, as obvious as it is ingenious, may
at first seem to have little to do with the inherited narratives.
A young boy who is growing up with unsympathetic relatives, his aunt,
uncle, and their awful son, on his eleventh birthday discovers that the ‘narrative’ he had hitherto been told about the early death of his parents, comes nowhere near the truth. They were in fact magicians, ‘a witch and a wizard’ who
lost their lives in the struggle against an evil magician, Lord Voldemort. But
Voldemort was unable to kill his intended victim, the baby Harry, and so lost
his power and human form. As a memorial of this rather unexpected course
of events, Harry has a scar on his forehead in the shape of a lightning bolt,
which immediately reveals his identity to all witches and wizards and which
also imposes duties on him. Long before he discovered his true origins, he had
already noticed that he had unusual abilities, although he could not explain
them. Now he learns that these are ‘natural’ magical powers, which in the following years are to be trained in a controlled way at Hogwarts, one of the three
world-famous schools for witches and wizards.
In each successive volume, the readers experience along with Harry and
his close friends Ron and Hermione a time-limited, but goal-directed and dynamic plot unit, namely a school year; each unit also features an episode that
relates to the growing power of Lord Voldemort. There are both indirect duels
and real single combats between Harry and the Dark Lord, through which he
14
See the discussion by Ernelle Fife, “Reading J.K. Rowling Magically: Creating C.S. Lewis’s
‘Good Reader’,” in Cynthia Whitney Hallett and Debbie Mynott, eds., Scholarly Studies in
Harry Potter: Applying Academic Methods to a Popular Text (Lewiston, n.y.: Edwin Mellen
Press, 2005), 137–158.
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progresses, not without challenges, until he succeeds in killing Voldemort in a
spectacular single combat in the final volume.
The Time Structure and Poetic Geography of Harry Potter
The coordinates in time and space of the Harry Potter series are marked by dichotomies. They exhibit transpositions of the fantasy world into our own time,
which are not dissimilar to the mixture of temporal levels in the Aeneid. Their
distinctive charm is that this boarding-school story takes place in our own era,
although parameters are shifted in the direction of the world of the wizards.
Harry Potter was born in 1980 and he starts boarding school at Hogwarts in
1991. We can deduce this from the “Deathday Party” of Nearly Headless Nick, a
ghost who celebrates the 500th anniversary of his death in the second volume.
He states that the year of his death was 1492 (presumably not by chance the
year of the discovery of America).15 The heptalogy ends in 1998. The first, dramatic appearance of Voldemort as a Dark Wizard was in 1942 (50 years before
1992). Dumbledore beat the Dark Wizard Grindelwald in 1945.16 In essence, our
own historical periodisation is adopted by the world of the wizards, but it is
then also relativised or set into a different continuum: Ollivander’s business of
manufacturing magic wands has been in operation since 382 bc.17 The famous
alchemist Nicolas Flamel is 665 years old.18 Elements appear from all eras of
our culture, not least because magic is presented as a millennia-old science of
experience. The names point to all periods and cultures, with no preference for
a particular period, though fantasy literature usually favours the Middle Ages
as a frame of reference, as seen, for example, in Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings.
This framework in time and space is filled in by the fine structures of the
narrative: we are presented with a chronological narrative with pro- and retrospective views, prophecies, and memories. The dimension of the journey, with
a goal set by destiny—Italy in the case of the Aeneid—finds its equivalent in
Harry Potter in two parallel developments: the growing power of Voldemort
and the changes in Harry himself as he grows up.
Like the classical narratives, Harry Potter presents us with a poetic world
that is complete in itself but infinitely extensible: it is divided into the world of
15
16
17
18
J.K. Rowling, Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets (London: Bloomsbury, 1998), 146.
As we also learn from the first volume, J.K. Rowling, Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s
Stone (London: Bloomsbury, 2000; ed. pr. 1997), 114.
Ibid., 92.
Ibid., 238.
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the Muggles, i.e., our world (so a reference to reality is present), and the world
of the wizards, each of which is complete in itself but permeable by the other;
that is, individual characters form an overlapping factor, but the worlds exist
each for themselves and do not in principle have to perceive each other. The
two worlds have remarkable similarities (the calendar has the same holidays,
e.g., Christmas, and most things are done by shifting parameters of our contemporary world), but there is the difference that the world of the magicians is
populated by a mythological cast of astonishingly broad cultural composition
(nymphs, trolls, unicorns, centaurs, giants, gnomes, dragons, and so on).
Already in the first volume, Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone, the
wizard street Diagon Alley, a kind of magical enclave in the middle of real-life
London but invisible to Muggles, dramatises spatially the division between the
worlds. The core area of the poetic geography is thus Britain, but here it stands
for Western culture as a whole.19 Within the wizards’ world, there are also areas
to which entry is barred, such as the Forbidden Forest, which itself has different zones. The major dichotomy between the wizards’ world and the world of
the Muggles is then supplemented by a third world, namely the realm of the
giants, which stands in opposition to both worlds.20
There are similar designs of poetic worlds in classical epic, as we have shown
with the example of the Aeneid, where the real world is set opposite the Underworld. Of highest importance are the poetico-allegorical landscapes in Ovid’s
Metamorphoses such as the mythical forests and groves or the realm of Invidia
and the House of Sleep. In Harry Potter similar counter-worlds are crossed with
the Middle Ages and mystery. Nonetheless, the nearest structural equivalent is
the parallel world of gods and humans in classical epic.
The Plot and Hero of Harry Potter
The appeal of the story thus created lies in various constellations. Harry Potter
is a young hero, indeed a child hero, who stands up for himself at this young
19
20
Readers of different countries and cultures may perceive this in very different ways. For
the European audience the reference to modern Great Britain is obvious enough and will
even contribute to the readers’ pleasure. (Who does not love British television series or
movies?) Non-European readers might see the Muggles as proponents of Western civilisation in general.
Harry is a wanderer between different worlds, his own world and several fantastical
worlds, the Underworld, the magic forest, the virtual realm of memories. Again, we do
not deal with simple dichotomies. Cf. Gundel Mattenklott, “Harry Potter—phantastische
Kinderliteratur. Auf den Spuren eines globalen Erfolgs,” Stimmen der Zeit 221 (2003): 46.
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age and—with the help of others—succeeds against a far more powerful
enemy. His striking final victory brings his career as a hero to an end. The concept of the child hero/divine child as we know it from classical literature, especially that from the Hellenistic period,21 is here being varied: there we find
literary texts in which heroes or gods who prove themselves ‘later’ as adults
are depicted as children; they address the question of whether the heroes’
later greatness was already evident in their childhood. It is Harry’s myth that
Voldemort could not kill him, that the lightning bolt ricocheted back onto the
attacker and left the boy with only a scar on his forehead. Through this destiny, Harry joins the ranks of divine children who survived a lightning bolt22
that killed their mother, such as Asclepius/Aesculapius and Dionysus/Bacchus, but also those who themselves thwarted a murder attempt when they
were children. From classical mythology we also know the motif of ‘growing
up in conditions that run contrary to one’s own nature, or conceal one’s origin’: I mention, e.g., Achilles, who grew up as a girl; or Romulus and Remus,
who, although they grew up among shepherds, reveal their aristocratic descent.
All these heroes exhibit unusual qualities even before they discover their true
origins. Through the motif of the scar as a sign by which he is recognised, Harry is linked to Odysseus. He is also a reworking of the many young heroes of
epic, like Patroclus in the Iliad or Pallas and Lausus in the Aeneid, who challenge older, battle-hardened heroes to a fight, but get killed by them.23 The intertextuality with these texts becomes especially forceful whenever Harry and
Voldemort come into direct or indirect confrontation. Especially Voldemort,
who himself stands for the model reader of the inherited narratives, expects the
usual outcome, namely his own victory. To this extent Harry—viewed structurally—fills a gap in the schema of heroic figures. However, such ‘new formations’
21
22
23
On the Hellenistic tradition, cf. Annemarie Ambühl, Kinder und junge Helden. Innovative Aspekte des Umgangs mit der literarischen Tradition bei Kallimachos, “Hellenistica
Groningana” 9 (Leuven: Peeters, 2005 = Diss. Basel, 2004). Articles comparing Harry
Potter to mythical and fairy-tale children abound, cf. e.g., Mattenklott, “Harry Potter—
phantastische Kinderliteratur,” 39–51, who sees Harry Potter as the divine child (archetype sensu C.G. Jung) and compares him to the biblical Moses; Mary Pharr, “In medias
res: Harry Potter as Hero-in-Progress,” in Lana A. Whited, ed., The Ivory Tower and Harry
Potter: Perspectives on a Literary Phenomenon (Columbia–London: University of Missouri
Press, 2002), 53–66; and M. Katherine Grimes, “Fairy Tale Prince, Real Boy, and Archetypal
Hero,” in Whited, ed., The Ivory Tower and Harry Potter, 89–122.
According to ancient tradition, human beings hit by lightning are marked as special. Cf.
for an astute overview, Wolfgang Speyer, “Gewitter,” Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 10 (1978), 1123–1128.
Cf. also the young heroes Euryalus and Nisus in Aeneid 9, who are brave but bound to fail.
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only work if the model is recalled by citation and then varied. Naturally, Harry
has fewer similarities with the great warrior heroes than with those who must
accomplish tasks or single feats. There are obvious similarities to Heracles/Hercules (the motif of athloi in the seventh volume, where Harry has to hunt down
the Horcruxes), with Perseus (he saves Ginny Weasley/Andromeda from the
basilisk/Medusa in Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets), and Theseus (confrontation with a labyrinth in Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire).
Like Hercules, Harry, despite his outstanding role, is a subordinate hero who
does not have much freedom in his actions. Like Hercules he gains little—
apart from survival—from his accomplishment of individual athloi; indeed, in
Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix, he is even marginalised on account
of these achievements. Harry is also given a trait that was linked to magical
powers in the classical world: the ability to communicate with snakes.24
This collection of characteristics shapes the character of Harry, though it
cannot be reduced to them; it is given more specific features by shifting internal parameters. Not only is the cast multiplied genealogically and ‘socially,’25
Rowling has also expanded the work’s identification spectrum for its public
by giving the main hero important but ultimately secondary heroes at his
side, on the pattern of Alexandre Dumas’s The Three Musketeers (1844), or the
companions of the classical heroes, or, like the Argonauts, a group of heroes.
Consequently Harry, in contrast to Ron and Hermione, who are described in
full detail, in fact remains relatively unspecific, even though the narrative is
undoubtedly focused on him.
Like the cast of characters in the great narratives, Harry Potter is marked by
dichotomies, and at all levels: Harry’s friends and classmates, the teachers, the
women. Thus, for example, in the same age group Harry is opposed to Draco
Malfoy, but inter-generationally to Lord Voldemort, with these two characters
even sharing many of the same characteristics (origin and abilities).26 In the
dichotomy of good wizards versus bad wizards, however, Dumbledore and
Voldemort also form a pair of opponents. Repeatedly, we find single combats
and various clementia scenes, and finally the great duel between Harry and
Voldemort, just as the Aeneid ends with the decisive fight between Turnus
24
25
26
Cf. on serpents and magicians, Michael Martin, Magie et magiciens dans le monde grécoromain (Paris: Editions Errance, 2005), 157–158.
Because the overall context is a boarding school this multiplication of characters is very
easy and convincing (teachers, students, exchange students, etc.).
As we find out in the sequence of volumes, Severus Snape and Harry on the one hand, and
Dumbledore and Voldemort on the other, have a lot in common and form special pairs,
too.
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and Aeneas. However, the opponents do not present a complete polarisation
of ‘good’ or ‘evil’: there are grey areas and overlaps, as the evaluation of what
is ‘good’ and what is ‘evil’ is at times merely a matter of narrative focus or
interpretation.
Like Aeneas (to whom Rowling’s hero is structurally the most similar), Harry
Potter is a relatively dull hero,27 that is, though he is the focus of interest, he
is not outstanding in all spheres of life—indeed he often falls short. This representation strategy makes his potential as an identification figure quite independent of a given culture and period. The figure of Harry could therefore not
be ‘overloaded’ with individual traits, because he bears a destiny and a mission that is related to his family, but which also has an exemplary importance
for the whole wizard community. Not least, Harry’s story is that of revenge on
the murderers of his parents (and other good wizards), revealing tragic motifs,
which, as is well-known, have an especially strong effect on the public. Not
without reason does the gloomy seventh volume have the motto from Aeschylus’s Libation Bearers (vv. 466–478), telling how revenge and rescue lie in the
hands of children whose own life is in danger.
Harry accepts this revenge mission, of which he at first knew nothing, although it had been prophesied long before his birth. He must by his own choice
act on the destiny that has been allotted to him, because the message of Harry
Potter as a whole is that it is human decisions that form a person’s essence and
character.28 The young hero has his friends and other ‘good’ wizards at his side,
so his revenge also becomes an action by a larger group. To that extent Harry’s
family history acquires a social dimension, in which civil courage, friendship,
solidarity, and education are celebrated as the highest virtues. Here, it at first
appears that the moral presented is independent of any given culture, a kind of
transcultural value substrate that indicates an ideal of human behaviour and
the difficulties associated with it. If we look more closely we see that, with an
apparent elimination of obvious Christian intellectual content, it is in fact the
Western canon of values, as fixed above all by the Romano-Greek tradition.29
This presentation of an apparently neutral world view, achieved by drawing on
the classical tradition, has facilitated the international reception of the work.
27
28
29
In the Aeneid, Aeneas’s outer appearance is never specified apart from very general remarks about his outstanding male beauty.
Cf. Rowling, Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone, 125 (and in almost every subsequent
volume): the Sorting Hat as an equivalent of an oracle consultation.
On the political implications of Harry Potter in the context of contemporary British society, cf. Andrew Blake, The Irresistible Rise of Harry Potter (London: Verso, 2002).
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Lacunae and the Potential for Continuation: A Literary
and Mythological Laboratory
As all seven volumes (even the final one) strictly follow the course of a school
year, the same scenes recur repeatedly, such as the departure from Platform
9¾, the arrival at Hogwarts, banquets/meal scenes, sporting competitions
(keyword: ‘quidditch’), and so on. Each volume also contains a task/athlon for
Harry and a fight/duel.
Critics have regarded these repetitions (or, as I would put it, parallel structures) in the series as a fault, even as revealing a lack of literary artistry, claiming
that they prompt intense boredom and emphatically demonstrate that Rowling’s imagination does have its limits after all. These criticisms overlook the
fact that this is a reuse of epic structural forms, the repetition of type scenes,
found in the whole of classical epic and in other, even postclassical genres.
This seriality and repetition constitute what I call the ‘laboratory character’ of
ancient epic.30 Walter Arend, in his dissertation on the type scenes in Homer,31
listed the following scenes as typical in Homeric epic: arrival, departure, messenger scenes, dreams, decision scenes (i.e., ones in which someone makes a
decision), banquets, aristeiai/duels, which are also both repetitive and varied
at the level of language. In the course of the literary tradition other type scenes
were of course added. This repetition on the one hand guarantees that the
stories are optimised, while on the other hand it makes different heroes and
story plots comparable with each other. It also prompts both satisfaction and
expectation on the part of the public. This recognition effect is ultimately what
moves emotions and reactions: the reader is gripped by the interplay between
recognition of the familiar and perception of differences to other stories and
heroes. All the original structural forms, expanded to include other more contemporary and individual scenes, are present in Harry Potter, making direct
comparisons with other heroes possible. Beyond the mere description of such
structures, we can also easily see their connection to the ways classical texts
function:32 in contrast to the modern aesthetic, they are not committed to the
ideals of original genius and innovation.
30
31
32
Cf. my use of laboratory for literary production, see the bibliography in notes 10 and 11.
Die typischen Scenen bei Homer (Berlin: Weidmann, 1933 = Diss. Marburg, 1930).
Cf. my suggestions in the Appendix, concerning passages and aspects of classical literature and Harry Potter which could be compared.
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Ingredients: Divination and Magic
This rough structure, formed from time scheme, poetic geography, and a constellation of heroes, is made more fluid by memories and prophecies that give
the action a goal-directed dynamic. This kind of dynamic is a structure special
to myth, for myths are always constructed from the end backward; in a sense,
they are circular, as the end of a myth refers back to its beginning. The end of
the last, the seventh, volume of Harry Potter sends the reader back to the beginning to discover on a second reading the harmonious completeness of the narrative, in which everything is prepared and meaningful, down to the last detail.
This form of narrative was made possible, i.a., because in Classical Antiquity,
and here again especially in Rome, a literary system of reference was formed
that matched the contemporary practices of divination (of reading signs) and
foretelling, all founded upon a deep belief in determinism. Of course the belief
that it is possible to see into the future or even control the world through magical practices has today been by and large discredited, but it perhaps remains
present as a wish paradigm, apart from the omnipresent and mainly silly ‘prognosis’ (e.g., of outcome of elections, calculation of life expectancy, weather
forecasts, etc.). If we look beyond literature to try to find what Rowling’s frame
of reference may have been, we encounter things that display a high level of
reception and transformation of the classical tradition, but which at the same
time belong to spheres that (in high culture or the discourse of rationality)
may be regarded with a certain disdain: techniques of divination, astrology, the
interpretation of dreams, and, not least, magic. Interestingly, these are spheres
that in the classical world belonged in a self-evident way to the culture’s imaginaire, especially in Rome, where there was a state-sanctioned system of divination: I need only refer to Cicero’s (admittedly critical) work De divinatione, or
other reference works. In literature, foretelling, prophetic dreams, and the like
play a crucial role as a literary system of reference.33
Even a brief glance at contemporary esoteric writing throws up some surprises. Especially in the United States, there has been a rise in neopaganism,
a faith that seeks to go back beyond Christianity to draw on the classical religions and techniques of living. By chance I came across Llewellyn’s 2008 Magical Almanac: Practical Magic for Everyday Living (2007)—and in a very proper
33
As an example of articles related to the role of prophecy, see Gregory Bassham, “The
Prophecy-Driven Life: Fate and Freedom at Hogwarts,” in David Baggett and Shawn E.
Klein, eds., Harry Potter and Philosophy: If Aristotle Ran Hogwarts (Chicago, Ill.: Open
Court, 2004), 213–226.
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British bookshop in Rome, which nevertheless must have had customers who
ordered it. It is hard to classify this book: ‘popular’ does not apply to the content, because it requires a higher level of understanding than, for example, a
newspaper horoscope. Whether this kind of product is intended for a serious
and/or amused public/subculture with some higher level of magical/intellectual knowledge, is hard to tell. A glance at the table of contents and list of contributors34 shows the same hybridisation of cultural relics of sundry cultures
and ages as does Harry Potter:
[…]
Labyrinth by Emily Flak……………………….......................…79 […]
The Myth and Meaning of Pegasus by Ember Grant……154
Mystery Cults by Bryony Dwale……………….......................158 […]
The Gifts of Pandora by Gail Wood……………....................282 […]
Gods of Sleep by Janina Renée……………….....................…369.
There is also a calendar section (pp. 176–234) indicating the holidays for
witches and wizards: among them the Carmentalia (January 11), the Parentalia
(February), and other Roman feasts, as well as Celtic feasts, Christian holidays,
Carnival, Yuletide, and the birthdays of famous people such as Martin Luther
King Jr. and Abraham Lincoln. Certainly, to the rational academic this might
seem a curious, and to a certain degree amusing, mixture of lifestyle advice
and ill-understood cultural studies, but one would miss the wider implications
of such products. More likely than not the Magical Almanac is written by academics providing us with a secondary use of their knowledge as does Rowling
with Harry Potter. Even if the dividing line between (serious) magic and fantasy is thin, we become aware of the non-academic use of classical thoughts
and motifs, far from our experience with high culture, which seems to be present not only in children’s books. Nonetheless, magic-inspired products are still
based on the traditional principles of magic, which are reckoned universal
laws, and therefore are tradition transmitters:35
1.
2.
Connection between cause and effect.
Responsibility for all our actions (the ethics of magic).
34
Llewellyn’s 2008 Magical Almanac: Practical Magic for Everyday Living, [ed. Ed Day],
(Woodbury, Minn.: Llewellyn Worldwide Ltd., 2007), 3–14.
Cf. Llewellyn’s 2008 Magical Almanac, 246–251.
35
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4.
379
The law of the power of attraction and of the manipulation of energy
fields.
The law of unlimited resources, present in the cosmos and accessible to
all.
These magical writings mix and superimpose the magical practices of many
cultures, but they privilege Graeco-Roman—and especially Roman—Antiquity and the Renaissance. Much of this seems to be the result of wide acceptance
of Ovid’s Metamorphoses (Pomona, Vertumnus, and Morpheus). Roman feast
days, prayer formulae, herbalism, astrology, alchemy, divination, peri diaites are
adapted to present-day life and combined with Ayurveda and modern technology. These are hybridisation phenomena of a kind already manifested in
Roman culture itself.
It is precisely in this rather exotic sphere, which most readers might well assign to fantasy, that our cultural inheritance becomes visible in Harry Potter, for
example in names and practices. To take a simple example: the “Witches and
Wizards” trump cards36 that Harry and his friends collect and swap include
not only Dumbledore and other “contemporary” wizards, but also Agrippa (sc.
of Nettelsheim), Ptolemy, Paracelsus, Circe, Merlin, and Morgana. The whole
Western tradition of magic is invoked, especially that of the Renaissance,
which in turn had tried to reconstruct the magic of Classical Antiquity. I shall
merely name Giordano Bruno’s De vinculis in genere (1586–1591) and various
works of Marsilio Ficino (In Convivium Platonis de amore commentarius, 1469),
Latin texts that give magic a central place in the canon of the sciences, in the
context of rhetoric’s influence on the emotions.37
Rowling uses a concept of magic that is oriented toward Classical Antiquity and the Renaissance, as she acknowledges no link between magic and
Satanism; she adopts the concept of white and black magic (i.e., good and
evil, according to the intention of the magician); she assumes both ‘natural’
and trained magic powers. Classical magic involved a high degree of techne, of
craft. Verbal performance, i.e., rhetoric, is given a decisive role. In her school
of wizards, Rowling takes the concept of magic as a learnable art to its logical conclusion. This reference back to Classical Antiquity and the Renaissance
makes it no surprise that, precisely in this sphere, the use of Latin is prominent,
36
37
Cf., e.g., Rowling, Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets, 113, 115.
On magic in the Renaissance in general, see Ioan P. Culianu, Eros und Magie in der Renaissance, trans. Ferdinand Leopold (Frankfurt am Main–Leipzig: Insel, 2001; ed. pr. in French
1984).
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functioning as, so to speak, a dominant archaism. Latin as a sacred language38
is the group code that distinguishes the wizards from the Muggles, sketching
an ‘elitist’ idea of getting an education. This is all the more remarkable as the
knowledge of Latin is somehow just assumed, for every wizard uses or understands the Latin incantations, though they are not taught Latin anywhere in
the book.
Rebus sic stantibus it would not be entirely wrong to class Harry Potter as
neopagan, but the overall effect is not a call to take up the magical-esoteric
arts.39 Instead, if the German press reports40 are to be believed, Harry Potter
makes children want to learn Latin. Because Rowling has suppressed the Christian elements, at least at the surface level of the text, and has returned to a classical notion of magic, her creation works without difficulty in other cultural
settings too.
Concluding Observations
The provocative thesis can be made that, beyond the humanistic-canonical
tradition of reception of the classics, in Harry Potter we find links to classical
material, some explicit, some communicated subliminally. In fact, the products of mass culture, with their tradition-based strategies of telling stories and
capturing attention, are probably transmitting more of ‘the classics’ than the
whole of contemporary high culture. So there is a displacement/shift in the
transmission of the classics, which are no longer tied to educational institutions. The question arises of how we, as committed readers or scholars of the
classics, can engage with this transmission of knowledge, by which I of course
do not mean we should all take up magic and divination. But we should still
ask ourselves: what kind of classics do we regard as legitimate classics?
We live in a post-canonical era, if there ever was a canonical one; our
perspective may be skewed by our work in school and scholarship. The
38
39
40
Magic incantations often use archaic vocabulary or words taken from foreign languages.
On this phenomenon, cf. Fritz Graf, Gottesnähe und Schadenszauber. Die Magie in der
griechisch-römischen Antike (München: Beck, 1996), 44–45.
On Harry Potter’s religious influence in America, see Peter W. Williams, “Popular Religion
and Pluralism, or, Will Harry Potter Be Left Behind?,” in Charles L. Cohen and Ronald L.
Numbers, eds., Gods in America: Religious Pluralism in the United States (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2013), 266–282.
Cf., e.g., “Potter erweckt Latein zum Leben,” Frankfurter Rundschau, Aug. 17, 2012, and all
the feeble attempts (infinite number of Internet sources) to save school Latin with Harry
Potter.
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canonisation of our texts, which was definitively set in place in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries, was never an appropriate way to approach Roman
literature, and was anyway at odds with a holistic view of ancient culture, such
as that promoted by German Altertumswissenschaft at almost the same time.
In that research paradigm, literature was just one field of testimonia among
many. Canonisations evaluate and limit the history of enthusiasms, but there
have also been subcultures outside the schools and universities in which classical material has played a direct or indirect role, though these are hard for us
to gauge now.
My concern is, first, to correct an imbalance caused by blind spots in our
perceptions: we will produce false findings if we only search (so-called) high
culture for traces of the classical world, insofar as the term ‘high culture’ is apt
at all. For example, contextualising Harry Potter leads us to (from the academic
standpoint) the marginal sphere of magic and various neopagan phenomena.
It would not be an exaggeration to argue that, through its dissemination
in various media, classical material today has a wider distribution than ever
before, but at the cost that very few members of its public are aware of this.
For example, in Harry Potter whenever the fantastic is deployed, elements of
classical and mediaeval mythology or Renaissance learning appear in greater quantity. What the public perceives as something richly imaginative is in
fact—and I do not mean this pejoratively—a store of learning, a recollection
of one’s own cultural heritage. It is not always possible to decide whether this
is a matter of cultural sediments or a conscious use, but in Rowling’s case it is
perhaps explicable by the fact that she graduated in Classics at the University
of Exeter and is obviously very well-read. The intertextuality (the consciousunconscious calling up of discourses) and the educational richness are here at
work largely on the production side, where an individual’s education is given
a secondary use.
This secondary use of educational content guarantees high quality and excitement, which grips the public but only rarely prompts true ‘recognition,’
for the series also relies on shifting the parameters of modern text groups like
fantasy or the boarding-school novel.41 In fact, there is no need to recognise
the lavish presence of educational content to enjoy Harry Potter. Ultimately,
41
Certainly, Rowling’s use of intertextuality is obvious, but its recognition does not send us
back to rereading or reassessing the books/pictures, etc., evoked. Nonetheless, this recognition enhances the readers’ delight, but also reminds us that Rowling reuses cultures and
artefacts as an (admittedly well-exploited) quarry of images and motifs. This is possible
because these images and motifs do not have a Sitz im Leben proper in our culture, but are
only cultural relics reusable in any given context (a similar procedure is to be observed in
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the series evokes culturally coded modes of perception that do not need to be
consciously noted. Through Harry Potter these are now being transported into
other cultures.
Today, the classical world has in many respects achieved the status of fantasy. This is a potential starting point for us. The Harry Potter heptalogy offers
an opportunity to actively take possession of one’s own cultural inheritance
through a retrospective search for clues. Particular aspects of a popular product allow us to regain past realities, without spoiling the fun of Harry Potter.42
Appendix to Note 32:
Links between Harry Potter and the classics taught in schools and universities
(a small selection):
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
42
Divination and critiques of divination; divinatory systems of reference in
classical literature.
1a. Magic (allows the use of texts from all Latinitates).
Epic structural forms and optimised story structures.
Culturally specific translations or illustrations (an introduction to the issue of equivalent phenomena concerning the Aeneid).
Reflection on ‘cross-platform products’ and their ‘subcultures.’
‘Rhetoric’ (figures and tropes).
Analysis of Latin passages / the question of how these are dealt with
within the Latin translation.
The Underworld and the finale of The Goblet of Fire or The Order of the
Phoenix in comparison to classical texts (Odyssey, Aeneid, etc.).
Mirrors and images of the self. Aeneas sees himself on the temple images of the Juno temple (Aen. 1); Ovid’s Narcissus (Met. 3); Harry and the
Mirror of Erised (Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone, 210 ff., see also
Dumbledore’s explanation, p. 231); and texts on mirrors (e.g., Sen. Nat.
Quaest., Mediaeval vanitas-texts).
‘Metamorphoses’: the animagi in contrast to the shapeshifters or simple
metamorphoses in Ovid’s Metamorphoses.
Werewolf stories (Petronius, Pliny, and Harry Potter and the Prisoner of
Azkaban).
the literature of Late Antiquity after the knowledge of Greek was restricted to a minority
only).
The present chapter was translated from German into English by Orla Mulholland, Berlin.
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12.
13.
14.
383
Psyche in the house of Amor (invisible household ghosts).
Aristeiai.
Mythological characters (sibyls, centaurs, basilisks, sirens, Cerberus,
Phoenix, etc.).
Poetic worlds and allotopia.
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chapter 24
J.K. Rowling Exposes the World to Classical
Antiquity
Elżbieta Olechowska
A classicist, especially one interested in the reception of Antiquity, views
the Harry Potter novels as an incredibly promising means to increase popular awareness of the classical themes lurking behind every corner of this enchanting narrative. I will attempt first to document this belief by analysing
the wider context provided by all concerned publics, from reviewers, critics,
scholars, and translators to rank-and-file readers of all ages, as well as movie
viewers, Internet surfers, users of all secondary products such as video games,
and marketers who orchestrate this symphony of willing players. Promotion
of Antiquity appears to be a by-product riding on Harry Potter’s popularity.
Still, the unprecedented, wide appeal generated by the novels ensures not
only that readers, viewers, gamers, fanfic writers and the like learn something
(more) about Graeco-Roman Antiquity but also that they view it as part of
their historic cultural past and a way to understand the world today. In the Potter universe, classical mythology is not a collection of fairy tales: it is as real and
powerful as magic but, like magic, accessible only to the initiated. My second
goal is to discuss and reflect on the classical elements in the novels viewed as
school stories and according to the particular role each element is designed to
play; I will also attempt to explore how they function, if at all, in the audiovisual sphere of today’s popular culture and whether the influence of Rowling’s
classical fascination can be detected there.
Scholars and Readers
The Harry Potter phenomenon, now late in its second decade, has produced a
record amount of secondary literature,1 of uneven quality and nature; most of
1 See the massively impressive online bibliography compiled in 2004 and regularly updated
by Cornelia Rémi at http://www.eulenfeder.de/hpliteratur.html (accessed May 31, 2016). Divided into Symposia (with predominantly obsolete links), Sources (J.K. Rowling’s novels), and
Scholarship (an alphabetical list of supposedly everything published to-date on the subject),
© Elżbieta Olechowska, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_026
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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it has been written either from the perspective of enthusiastic fans or people
cashing in on the wave of cross-generational frenzy (or some combination of
both), rather than from the point of view of serious research. Even publications with justified claims to scholarship have usually taken the form of collected essays by multiple authors, bringing together a variety of minor and
fairly disparate contributions, some of which were based on incomplete evidence as they were written before all seven novels appeared.2 Harry Potter still
awaits his academic opus magnum, if not as an adult literary masterpiece, then
as a magnificent example of literature for children, and the point of origin of
a cultural explosion. The grounds for such an opus have already been laid out
it is a monument to Harry Potter’s popularity rather than a research instrument, as it contains
a mix of scholarship, ma and ba theses, and university and even secondary school students’
papers. It has not been updated since February 2015 and the only book entirely devoted to
connections of the novels to Classical Antiquity published in June 2015, Richard Spencer,
Harry Potter and the Classical World: Greek and Roman Allusions in J.K. Rowling’s Modern Epic
(Jefferson, n.c.: McFarland, 2015), is not listed. It is curious, and to a classicist incomprehensible, that Harry Potter literature published in German, French, Italian, or Spanish is largely
ignored by scholars from English-speaking countries. On the other hand, the sheer volume of
Potteriana in languages other than English and the diversity of these languages tends, if not
to defeat, at least to discourage a serious scholar.
2 To my knowledge, only one such early collection of papers (2003) has been updated and a
second edition published since the whole series came out: Elizabeth E. Heilman, ed., Critical Perspectives on Harry Potter (New York: Routledge, 22009). The editor of another 2003
collection, Giselle Liza Anatol, Reading Harry Potter: Critical Essays, “Contributions to the
Study of Popular Culture” 78 (Westport, Conn.: Praeger), published a second volume in 2009,
and called it Reading Harry Potter Again: New Critical Essays (Santa Barbara, Ca.: abc-Clio).
See also a recent, illuminating discussion of the existing scholarship devoted to literature
for children by Pat Pinsent, Children’s Literature, in the series “Readers’ Guides to Essential
Criticism” (London: Palgrave, 2016), 73–74. Some other collections of essays include Cynthia Whitney Hallett and Debbie Mynott, eds., Scholarly Studies in Harry Potter: Applying
Academic Methods to a Popular Text (Lewiston, n.y.: Edwin Mellen Press, 2005); Valerie Estelle Frankel, ed., Harry Potter, Still Recruiting: An Inner Look at Harry Potter Fandom (Hamden, Conn.: Zossima Press, 2012); Lori M. Campbell, ed., A Quest of Her Own: Essays on the
Female Hero in Modern Fantasy (Jefferson, n.c.: McFarland, 2014); Weronika Kostecka and
Maciej Skowera, eds., Harry Potter. Fenomen społeczny—zjawisko literackie—ikona popkultury [Harry Potter. Social and literary phenomenon—pop culture icon] (Warszawa: sbp, 2014);
Corbin Fowler, ed., The Ravenclaw Chronicles: Reflections from Edinboro (Newcastle upon
Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014); Tobias Kurwinkel, Philipp Schmerheim, and
Annika Kurwinkel, eds., Harry Potter Intermedial. Untersuchungen zu den (Film-)Welten und
Joanne K. Rowling, “Kinder- und Jugendliteratur Intermedial” 2 (Würzburg: Königshausen
und Neumann, 2014).
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in important studies of genre and target readers, which highlight the novels’
distinctive blend of epic fantasy, Bildungsroman, and school story, as well as its
powerful charm for crossover publics.3
The Harry Potter generation, from the outset, composed itself of three different age groups: children, their parents, and some grandparents thrown in
for good measure. This will create an echo-effect a generation later, when the
offspring of the children learn to read. This echo will be only a scant reflection
of the initial extraordinary experience and will not recreate the same sense
of belonging to a global reading and viewing community, or launch the same
revolving cycles of anticipation, euphoria, and lassitude. Yet, even a fraction
of the original readership will still translate into millions of new fans who
will keep the delight alive. On the other hand, J.K. Rowling has not yet had
her last word; she achieved things that would have been considered impossible twenty years ago and there is no reason why she should not surprise the
world again. When we look at Harry Potter events scheduled for 2016, we get a
glimpse of marvels: without going into the intricacies of the eighty teams competing in the World Quidditch Cup 8 in Rock Hill, North Carolina, in April4—
I really cannot wrap my mind around that—the opening of Harry Potter and
the Cursed Child at the Palace Theatre in London’s West End5 in July, and
on November 18 the premiere of the new movie Fantastic Beasts and Where
to Find Them written for the screen by Rowling and directed by David Yates.6
More on the movie below. The twenty-first century knows massively popular books, films, television series and their authors who cannot let go of their
creations, and their fans who want more. The phenomenon of readers’ pressure is also not entirely new in popular literature: we all know of Conan Doyle
vainly trying to kill off Sherlock Holmes and Agatha Christie having to resurrect Poirot.7
3 See Karin E. Westman’s excellent analysis, “Blending Genres and Crossing Audiences: Harry
Potter and the Future of Literary Fiction,” in Julia Mickenberg and Lynne Vallone, eds., Oxford
Handbook of Children’s Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011; paperback 2013),
93–112.
4 See https://www.usquidditch.org/events/special/world-cup/ (accessed June 16, 2016).
5 See http://www.harrypottertheplay.com/ (accessed June 16, 2016).
6 See http://www.warnerbros.com/fantastic-beasts-and-where-find-them (accessed June 16,
2016).
7 See David Sims, “In Constantly Tweaking Harry Potter Universe, J.K. Rowling Risks Falling
into George Lucas’ Trap,” The Atlantic, Sept. 3, 2015, http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2015/09/jk-rowling-harry-potter-fanfiction-george-lucas-star-wars/403669/
version=meter+at+2&module (accessed June 16, 2016); and Sarah Lyall, “Potter Everlasting,”
New York Times, June 5, 2016, AR1.
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Incensed Critics: Harold Bloom and A.S. Byatt
The importance of J.K. Rowling’s novels for children and their massive popularity goes well beyond the scope of traditional literary criticism and is difficult to pin down and dissect for both the academic and the literary world. The
notorious,8 vitriolic reviews and comments by, among others, Harold Bloom
(2000, 2003, and 2007),9 a celebrated Yale professor, and A.S. Byatt (2003),10
an outstanding British short-story writer and novelist, provide a good example
of these frustrations. Both critics speculate on the reasons why millions upon
millions of people buy Harry Potter novels in spite of their perceived lack of
literary value,11 a largely rhetorical exercise, as there is no point in crediting
market forces with artistic discernment.
8
9
10
11
See, for instance, Mary Pharr, “In medias res: Harry Potter as Hero-in-Progress,” in Lana
A. Whited, ed., The Ivory Tower and Harry Potter: Perspectives on a Literary Phenomenon
(Columbia–London: University of Missouri Press, 2002), 53; and J. Steve Lee, “There and
Back Again: The Chiastic Structure of J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter Series,” in Travis Prinzi,
ed., Harry Potter for Nerds: Essays for Fans, Academics, and Lit Geeks ([sine loc.]: Unlocking Press, 2012), Kindle edition, 760. The best review of the early criticism is provided by
Westman, “Blending Genres and Crossing Audiences,” 105–108.
Harold Bloom, “Can 35 Million Book Buyers Be Wrong? Yes,” Wall Street Journal, Nov. 7,
2000, a late review of The Sorcerer’s Stone; idem, “Dumbing Down American Readers,” Boston Globe, Sept. 24, 2003, http://www.boston.com/news/globe/editorial_opinion/oped/
articles/2003/09/24/dumbing_down_american_readers (accessed Dec. 10, 2015), where he
expresses outrage at Stephen King being awarded a literary prize and having praised Rowling; Harold Bloom, “A Life in Books,” Newsweek, March 12, 2007, www.highbeam.com/
doc/1G1-160179731.html (accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
A.S. Byatt, “Harry Potter and the Childish Adult,” New York Times, July 7, 2003, a review
of Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix. See also Charles Taylor’s scathing response
the following day, “A.S. Byatt and the Goblet of Bile,” Salon.com, July 8, 2003, www
.salon.com/2003/07/08/byatt_rowling (accessed Dec. 10, 2015). See also Steven Barfield,
“Of Young Magicians and Growing Up: J.K. Rowling, Her Critics, and the ‘Cultural Infantilism’ Debate,” in Cynthia Whitney Hallett and Debbie Mynott, eds., Scholarly Studies in
Harry Potter: Applying Academic Methods to a Popular Text (Lewiston, n.y.: Edwin Mellen
Press, 2005), 175–197.
The issue of the Harry Potter books’ literary merit and indeed the literary merit of any
commercially successful book was discussed among many others by Lana A. Whited in
the introduction to The Ivory Tower and Harry Potter, 6–8. See also Jack Zipes, “The Phenomenon of Harry Potter, or Why All the Talk?” in his Sticks and Stones: The Troublesome
Success of Children’s Literature from Slovenly Peter to Harry Potter (New York: Routledge,
2001), 170–189, who explains Rowling’s success (with only four books published) in terms
of “an induced experience calculated to conform to a cultural convention of amusement
and distraction,” 172.
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Professor Bloom, who wrote his review in the Wall Street Journal, does not
like bestseller lists: for him the New York Times “leads and exemplifies the
dumbing-down”12 of American society; he predicts and regrets the fact that
Harry Potter will find its way into universities. Seven years later, asked by Newsweek about his favourite books, Bloom made a comment on the continuing
unprecedented sales of the Harry Potter books, calling it proof of “the world’s
descent into sub-literacy.”13
Philip Hensher, a well-known British novelist and literary critic, wrote in
the Independent, a month or so before the Byatt review in the New York Times,
that the numbers of copies sold at the time and the numbers of readers were
unimportant; what mattered was how they would score in a hundred years. He
attacked the publishers, deploring their irresponsible and mercenary predilection for instant bestsellers, as opposed to solid earners, books bringing a smaller but steady income over twenty or thirty years.14 Well, it is not yet a hundred
but it is roughly twenty years since Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone was
published. On December 27, 2015, the series placed second on the New York
Times’ bestseller list in the category of children’s literature (created in 2000
when Rowling’s fourth book was again expected to push all adult titles down
or off the list).15 Once all the books were published, there were even weeks like
that of May 11, 2008, when Harry Potter disappeared from the list entirely, but
come Christmas, he was back again, year after year, naturally with a smaller
impact, but quite inexorably.16 The book reviewers and literary critics, usually
authors themselves, feel frustrated and threatened by bestseller lists, although
they are well aware that the lists are a marketing tool for the revenue-oriented
12
13
14
15
16
Unbeknownst to Bloom, who probably does not read the New York Times he despises,
William Safire almost a year earlier quipped on Harry Potter’s adult readership: “[…] this
is not just dumbing down; it is growing down”; see his “Besotted with Potter,” New York
Times, Jan. 27, 2000.
Bloom, “A Life in Books.”
Philip Hensher, “Harry Potter and the Art of Making Money,” Independent, June 19, 2003.
Dinitia Smith, “The Times Plans a Children’s Best-Seller List,” New York Times, June 24,
2000. On the issue of bestseller lists, see the discussion by Rebekah Fitzsimmons, “Testing
the Tastemakers: Children’s Literature, Bestseller List, and the ‘Harry Potter Effect’,” Children’s Literature 40 (2012): 78–107.
See Dwight Garner, “Ten Years Later, Harry Potter Vanishes from the Best-Seller List,”
New York Times, May 1, 2008, online: http://artsbeat.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/05/01/ten
-years-later-harry-potter-vanishes-from-the-best-seller-list/?_r=0&pagewanted=print; on
Dec. 21, 2008 it is # 2; Dec. 19, 2010 # 3; Dec. 18, 2011 # 5, cf. http://www.nytimes.com/best
-sellers-books/2013-11-17/series-books/list.html (both links accessed Sept. 3, 2014).
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publishing industry. Their multiplication and attempted manipulation are not
designed to reward artistic merit, but rather to increase sales based on a “bandwagon effect.” They measure commercial success and target the buying public,
whether in adult or children’s literature lists.
Byatt, almost three years after Bloom’s review and after millions more Harry
Potter copies had been sold, evidently did not spurn or blame the New York
Times but rather quoted examples of children’s authors who were, in her opinion, much more original than J.K. Rowling, deploring the modern “substitution
of celebrity for heroism.” She joined Bloom in lamenting the “levelling effect
of cultural studies, which are as interested in hype and popularity as they are
in literary merit, which they don’t really believe exists.” This highly rhetorical
lament reduces the issue ad absurdum: if cultural studies do not believe in
the existence of literary merit, how can they be interested in it as much as
in hype and popularity, which unquestionably do exist? The critic goes on to
include Harry Potter among Roland Barthes’s “consumable books” and complains that they have “little to do with the shiver of awe” created by John Keats’s
Ode to a Nightingale17—a sublime reflection on imagination and mortality—
dismissing out of hand the millions of children for whose consumption these
books were written and who, having shivered in awe and delight reading Harry
Potter, may later in life shiver some more reading Keats, or… Stephen King,
who, as an unashamedly bestselling writer, has no qualms admitting to having read and hugely enjoyed the books, and whose article helps put things
in a rational perspective.18 The same is true of John Leonard’s witty and critical, but also fair and sympathetic review of Harry Potter and the Order of
the Phoenix, which gave short shrift to Rowling bashers, whom he called
“nitpickers,” “furballs,” “world-weary and wart-afflicted,”19 without actually
citing Bloom, Hensher, and Byatt. Faced with the Harry Potter phenomenon,
they all felt compelled to follow the classic defensive move of preaching to
the choir.
17
18
19
Vv. 69–70: “Charm’d magic casements, opening on the foam / Of perilous seas, in faery
lands forlorn.”
Stephen King, “Wild About Harry: The Fourth Novel in J.K. Rowling’s Fantastically Successful Series about a Young Wizard,” New York Times, July 23, 2000, http://www.nytimes
.com/books/00/07/23/reviews/000723.23kinglt.html (accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
John Leonard, “Nobody Expects the Inquisition,” New York Times, July 13, 2003, http://www
.nytimes.com/2003/07/13/books/nobody-expects-the-inquisition.html?pagewanted=all
(accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
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Mass Readership and Transmedia Convergence Network
It is not the first time a book for children has attracted significant numbers
of adult readers. The nineteenth century witnessed the phenomenon of unapologetic crossover reading,20 among others, in the case of Charles Kingsley,
Lewis Carroll, Mark Twain, and the authors of school stories—for both genders.21 Adult readers of Harry Potter novels are mostly parents but also other
grown-ups who read for their own pleasure.22 Yet, never before has an author
connected with children on such a scale. By using her exceptional charisma
and authentic grasp of children’s psyche, combined with a variety of marketing mechanisms, Rowling kept up readers’ interest between the successive volumes through communication of news from her website on the progress of
writing, and giving away selected plot twists and information on the destiny of
the characters. The New York Times online archives list 299 articles about Harry
Potter to date (Dec. 27, 2015) and when all the publishing and cinematic frenzy
is over, there is always something new to keep the fans happy and excited: longdelayed and anticipated electronic editions, theme parks, numerous related
interviews, the Pottermore website, Rowling’s long-standing commitment to
helping children in need, and the already mentioned Harry Potter play in London’s West End, initially scheduled to open in 2014, but then divided into two
parts and moved to July 2016 at the Palace Theatre, under the title Harry Potter
and the Cursed Child.23
20
21
22
23
See David Rudd, “The Development of Children’s Literature,” in eiusdem, ed., The Routledge Companion to Children’s Literature (London: Routledge, 2010), 10, where he mentions critics who view dual audiences as occurring to the detriment of children readers,
e.g., Julia Eccleshare, “The Differences between Adult and Child Fiction,” in Pat Pinsent,
ed., Books and Boundaries: Writers and Their Audiences (Lichfield, uk: Pied Piper Publishing, 2004), 213. For a full discussion of crossover reading, see two studies by Rachel
Falconer: The Crossover Novel: The Contemporary Children’s Literature and Its Adult Readership (New York: Routledge, 2009); and “Young Adult Fiction and the Crossover Phenomenon,” in Rudd, ed., The Routledge Companion to Children’s Literature, 87–99.
See Kimberley Reynolds, Children’s Literature: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2011), 17–18.
Ron Charles, a Washington Post book critic scandalised over shrinking readership figures
somehow implied that they were to be blamed on Harry Potter and adult readers suffering from “a bad case of cultural infantilism,” see his “Harry Potter and the Death of Reading,” Washington Post, July 15, 2007, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/
article/2007/07/13/AR2007071301730_pf.html (accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
See http://www.harrypottertheplay.com (accessed Dec. 27, 2015). Amazon made the
script of the play available for pre-order more than a year before the theatrical premiere.
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On May 13, 2014, Warner Bros. announced a November 2016 release of a first
movie in the planned trilogy about the adventures of Newt Scamander, the alleged “author” of Fantastic Beasts & Where to Find Them,24 written by Rowling
and eagerly discussed in the press since March of the same year.25 The movie
is supposed to follow the pattern of Peter Jackson’s three-part Hobbit and will
be produced by David Heyman, a veteran of the Harry Potter movies. The story begins in New York in 1920 and continues until 1927, the date Scamander’s
book was “published.”
Rowling created a propitious, nurturing ground for the birth of a transmedia
convergence network,26 where traditional books, audio-books, e-books, movies, computer games, companion websites, fan fiction, author’s interviews, and
public appearances intermingle for the good of those who not only love the
story but have now become part of it. A convergence network works in many
directions. From the perspective of the creative process, it can be argued that
once movie production was underway, it must have influenced the writing of
the remaining novels. The 1999 sale of film rights to Warner Bros. for the first
four books happened before the publication of Harry Potter and the Goblet of
Fire, the first book to exceed six hundred pages, doubling the length of each
of the three previous books.27 The number of pages is not the only noticeable
change in the Goblet of Fire. While, as with any Bildungsroman, the evolution
of the hero’s character and the growing-up process dictate a change of tone,
the difference in the atmosphere, especially in the Order of the Phoenix, may be
due to Rowling’s involvement in the movie production. Experiencing the first
two movies during the book publication hiatus (2001–2002) presumably influenced the writing of Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince (2005) and Harry
Potter and the Deathly Hallows (2007). For that matter, reading along the way
even a small fraction of the novels’ reviews—even barely skimming only those
that count—must have impacted the writing, too. And this is another unique
aspect of Rowling’s position: she continued producing book after book against
the background of a constant chorus of critics, some chanting praises, others
weeping and gnashing their teeth. Her writing certainly improved with every
24
25
26
27
One of the alleged Hogwarts textbooks published in 2001.
See, e.g., Brooks Barnes, “Warner’s c.e.o. Is Bullish on the Big Screen,” New York Times,
March 29, 2014, http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/30/business/media/warners-ceo-isbullish-on-the-big-screen.html?_r=0 (accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
Reynolds, Children’s Literature, 66–70.
The Order of the Phoenix, The Half-Blood Prince, and The Deathly Hallows all maintain the
same length of around 600 pages.
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novel but it is unclear whether this was due to scolding critics or to growing
experience and her own, natural creative development.
The reach of the transmedia convergence network also goes significantly
beyond distribution and readership commanded by the books that are at its
origin. It is a powerful machine for global propagation of the novels’ message.
Part of this reflects Rowling’s repeatedly declared fascination with Classical
Antiquity, which feeds her use of language, narrative, and structural ideas, and
contributes to the scope of the novel and the development of the characters.
Combined marketing and dissemination timelines28 for Harry Potter books,
electronic versions, movies, dvds, video games, news from Pottermore, and
the author’s public appearances demonstrate that no single narrative platform
may be discussed in isolation as they intensify each other’s influence. Certain
motifs also achieve greater exposure on different platforms, e.g., spells and
charms function as action drivers in videogames and gain prominence through
repeated usage. The scheduling of events has been relentless in a constant barrage of exciting moments and reminders keeping the recipients’ attention focused: the anticipation almost as pleasurable as the actual fulfillment.
Harry Potter Novels as a School Story
Harry Potter is obviously a school story, that most English of literary genres.29
Hogwarts, with its millenary history, appears to be a deeply traditional boarding
28
29
For a discussion of the novels’ bestseller status from the point of view of marketing strategy, see Susan Gunelius, Harry Potter: The Story of a Global Business Phenomenon (New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).
See a discussion of the novels’ affinity to school stories by David K. Steege, “Harry Potter,
Tom Brown, and the British School Story,” Whited, ed., The Ivory Tower and Harry Potter, 156, as well as a comparison with other stories about schools of magic (especially
Jill Murphy’s Adventures of the Worst Witch, 1974–1982, and Anthony Horowitz’s Groosham Grange, 1988) by Pat Pinsent, “The Education of a Wizard” in the same collection,
27–50; Karen Manners Smith, in her paper “Harry Potter’s Schooldays: J.K. Rowling and
the British Boarding School Novel,” in Anatol, ed., Reading Harry Potter, Kindle edition,
6, provides an overview of the concept of the public school and of the genre. The school
story’s narrow interpretation by Eric L. Tribunella, “Tom Brown and the Schoolboy Crush:
Boyhood Desire, Hero Worship, and the Boys’ School Story,” in Mickenberg and Vallone,
eds., The Oxford Handbook of Children’s Literature, 455–473, begs for a more comprehensive treatment of the genre expected in this type of publication. Christopher Hitchens, in
“The Boy Who Lived,” New York Times, Aug. 12, 2007, http://www.nytimes.com/2007/08/12/
books/review/Hitchens-t.html?_r=1& (accessed Dec. 10, 2015), sees in the snobbism and
escapism of the school story genre, the reason for Rowling’s huge popularity; he quotes
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school but with a modernised feel: its coeducational and highly diverse student body come from all walks of life but are still all wizards and witches. In
Hogwarts nobody seems to know much about cell phones, computers, or any
of the electronics highly praised in the Muggle world by Harry’s cousin Dudley; instead, there is an Owlery with a most efficient mail service provided by
hundreds of Athena’s birds.
The traditional motifs of an English school story are present in the Harry Potter novels: students break school rules and try to get away with it; students are
divided into friends and foes; students interact with each other as well as with
their teachers in stereotypical ways; there are traditional types of teachers and
customary subjects (Latin teachers and Latin as a subject are part of these traditional motifs, but not at Hogwarts, where nobody studies Latin while everyone
uses it in spells, passwords, mottos, etc.); there are other authority figures, in
particular, student-run systems of government (head boys and head girls, prefects, etc.); there is an all-knowing and benign head of school; sports and games
(including matches with other schools) play an important role, as does division into houses and the rivalry between them and the house points as punishments and rewards; time is divided according to the division of the school year
(the beginning of the year, the holidays, exams, the departure for home, etc.);
finally, the school building and grounds (and their secret places) are the primary setting for the story, but allusions are also made to the local community
and to higher educational authorities—the school board, the Ministry, outside
inspectors, and examiners.
Karin E. Westman, in her contribution to Lana A. Whited’s collection The
Ivory Tower and Harry Potter: Perspectives on a Literary Phenomenon, wrapped
up the discussion on identifying the real world that the Harry Potter novels
reflect,30 concluding that it was the United Kingdom of the early 1990s onward,
and that the world of wizards mirrored the British reality of that period, often
in a comical manner. The comprehension and reception of this message read
30
George Orwell’s essay “Boys’ Weeklies,” Horizon, March 1940, as evidence (without mentioning Frank Richards’s “Replies George Orwell” in Horizon, April 1940). See also Pat Pinsent’s entry, “School Story,” in Rudd, ed., The Routledge Companion to Children’s Literature,
238–241; Pinsent mentions a Dutch and a German example of a school story but seems
unaware of any occurrences of the genre in other languages. The Routledge Companion,
like most such publications (in contradiction with their titles), deals almost exclusively
with children’s literature written in English. Pinsent also briefly mentions school story
criticism when discussing genres in her Children’s Literature (London: Palgrave, 2016),
19–20.
See her “Specters of Thatcherism: Contemporary British Culture in J.K. Rowling’s Harry
Potter Series,” in Whited, ed., The Ivory Tower and Harry Potter, 305–328.
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in English outside of the uk31 and in translation by people from different cultures may vary considerably from region to region.
A good example of such diversity of reception is provided, for instance, by
the huge popularity of Rudyard Kipling’s Stalky & Co. in Poland shortly before
and after wwii. Education in patriotic and community ideals, combined with
an antagonistic and critical attitude toward teachers whom students had to
outsmart, was a significant part of the school ethos in Poland during the period of the country’s partition between Russia, Prussia, and Austria (1772–1918),
when some teachers and the school administration were imposed upon by
foreign rule.32 Kipling’s ideals, which would soon become outdated in the uk
and viewed as imperialistic and paternalistic,33 resonated quite differently in
Poland before wwii, strongly appealing to people who had recently regained
their independence and were striving to unite in a heroic effort to recover from
a century and a half of occupation. The same patriotic ideals helped the country to endure wwii, becoming again, once the war ended, even more cherished
and important for people faced with another loss of sovereignty, this time in
the form of fake autonomy under a Soviet regime.
Roman virtues (republican rather than imperial) are models for patriotic
ideals in Kipling’s Stalky & Co., in which the Latin teacher, Mr. King, figures
prominently. Similarly, a popular Polish school story Wspomnienia niebieskiego
mundurka [Recollections of a blue school uniform], written by Wiktor Gomulicki (1848–1919) and published in 1909, when Poland was still partitioned, also
features a Latin teacher, who although undistinguished and even sadistic, fortunately improves under the guidance of a wise headmaster. Gomulicki’s stories gained considerable popularity in Poland; regrettably, he was no Kipling
and his sentimental, moralising, and predictable narratives cannot compete
with the charm and wit of Stalky & Co.
31
32
33
The us publisher Arthur Levine decided that young readers might not understand Rowling’s
vocabulary and not only changed the title of the first book but Americanised approximately
eighty British expressions and changed punctuation. See Diana Patterson, The Nameless World of Harry Potter (June 1, 2005, Accio website), 3, now at https://www.yumpu
.com/en/document/view/38913457/the-nameless-world-of-harry-potter-accio-2005
(accessed Aug. 27, 2016).
The Ministry of Magic’s takeover at Hogwarts under Dolores Umbridge in The Order of
the Phoenix resonates differently for Polish readers and for all those whose cultural and
historical experience includes similar oppression.
See M. Daphne Kutzer, Empire’s Children: Empire and Imperialism in Classic British Children’s Books (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), Ch. 2: “Kipling’s Rules of the Game,”
14–36.
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The trio of Rowling’s main characters, Harry, Hermione, and Ron, could
easily be compared to Kipling’s Stalky, Beetle, and McTurk. Harry is a leader,
like Stalky, Hermione is a well-read intellectual type like Beetle, and Ron, like
McTurk, comes from an old family and knows a lot about their world. While
the Hogwarts trio are not in an army class preparing to serve the Empire, later
circumstances require that they form their own fighting force, Dumbledore’s
Army, take up resistance against the Ministry, and finally fight and prevail in
the war with Voldemort and his supporters.
In the tradition of the English school story, the Harry Potter novels contain
important echoes of Classical Antiquity. It is a school story enlivened with
magic, reminiscent of Edith Nesbit, even in its classical references and motifs.
Nesbit is the author whom Rowling most admires and to whom she would like
to be compared.34 Children in Kipling’s Stalky & Co., in Nesbit’s novels, and in
the Harry Potter saga have in common a predilection for mischief, admiration
for “stalkiness,”35 disregard for rules, rivalry between houses, and relentless
warfare against teachers they dislike.
References to Classical Antiquity in school stories mirror the importance
of classical languages in British education and add authority, credibility, and
lineage to the hidden magical side of the universe revealed in the Harry Potter novels. The first, obvious, and immediately visible level at which classical
references occur is language. The second level, that of theme, varies from selfevident, as in the case of mythological creatures, to something that needs to
be revealed and uncovered by older, well-read, and attentive readers. This level
includes symbols, values, patterns, characters, and structure.
The Language36
Let’s begin with the language as it greets the reader, whether it is in the original
English or in translation. Even before the actual story unfolds, the Hogwarts
34
35
36
See her interview for The Guardian, with Decca Aitkenhead on Sept. 22, 2012, after the
publication of Casual Vacancy. Video online: http://www.theguardian.com/books/2012/
sep/22/jk-rowling-book-casual-vacancy; see also David Rafer, Mythic Symbols in Harry Potter (June 1, 2005, Accio website), 1, now at http://tranb300.ulb.ac.be/2012-2013/groupe232/
archive/files/dd0ccee051edf98928acf90fb78bd9d9.pdf (accessed Aug. 27, 2016) and on
similarities of opinion between Kipling and Nesbit, see Kutzer, op. cit., 63–76.
Strategic skills, cleverness, resourcefulness, foresight—all these features combined are
the source of the nickname of the leader in Stalky & Co.
See a comprehensive, imaginative, and sympathetic discussion by Isabelle-Rachel Casta,
“petrificus totalus! Langue du sacré, langue du secret. L’usage des langues anciennes—ou de leur fac-similé—dans Harry Potter et la «bit lit» en général,” in Mélanie
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coat of arms drawn on the title page of all seven novels, in both print and electronic editions, warns (in Latin) of the danger of tickling sleeping dragons.37
The current seventy-eight38 language versions display one original element
which has not been interfered with by translators and is identical for all: Latin
spells, curses, and slogans. All of the half-a-billion odd copies sold since the
publication of the first volume, each usually read by multiple readers, carry an
indisputably powerful message across diverse world cultures: Latin is a magical language. In one of her interviews, Rowling added a nuance to this claim
when she answered the question: “Do you speak Latin?”
Yes. At home, we converse in Latin. Mainly. For light relief, we do a little
Greek. My Latin is patchy, to say the least, but that doesn’t really matter because old spells are often in cod Latin—a funny mixture of weird
languages creeps into spells. That is how I use it. Occasionally you will
stumble across something in my Latin that is, almost accidentally, grammatically correct, but that is a rarity. In my defence, the Latin is deliberately odd. Perfect Latin is not a magical medium, is it?39
A classical scholar for whom “perfect Latin” is as magical as any language can
get, if not more, may shudder at this last outrageous sentence and may be reluctant to forgive the arrogance of a self-professed “patchy” Latinist. That being
said, Rowling clearly is not making a serious statement here about the language as such, but rather about her purely instrumental use of it, within the degree of her individual competence and with a young reader in mind. She also
obviously appreciates how adult readers, a number of whom will have acquired a smattering of Latin at school or university,40 may have fun recognising
37
38
39
40
Bost-Fievet et Sandra Provini, eds., L’Antiquité dans l’imaginaire contemporain. Fantasy,
sciencefiction, fantastique (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2014), 359–374.
“Draco dormiens nunquam titillandus.”
As of Dec. 27, 2015, see at: http://www.jkrowling.com/en_GB/#/works/the-books.
Speaking to Lindsey Fraser at the Edinburgh Book Festival, on Aug. 15, 2004, http://www
.accio-quote.org/articles/2004/0804-ebf.htm (accessed Aug. 31, 2016).
Learning Latin, while now sadly elitist all over the world, appears to be regaining popularity in English-speaking countries; in the United States, Latin is currently the third most
popular currently taught foreign language, see Judith Hallett, “Raising the Iron Curtain,
Crossing the Pond: Transformative Interactions among North American and Eastern
European Classicists since 1945,” in David Movrin and Elżbieta Olechowska, eds., Classics
& Class: Greek and Latin Classics and Communism at School (Ljubljana–Warsaw: Faculty
of Arts, University of Ljubljana–Faculty of “Artes Liberales,” University of Warsaw–
Wydawnictwo DiG, 2016), 308.
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the oddness and trying to explore it. Rowling herself studied Classics at
university (instead of the German classes she was supposed to take within
her degree of Modern Languages), or, as she says, “scuttled off the classics
corridor,”41 where her main interest seems to have been focused on mythology
rather than languages. In her 2008 commencement speech at Harvard University, Rowling not only talked about studying Classics against the practical approach advocated by her parents and without their knowledge, but quoted first
Plutarch (“[…] what we achieve inwardly, will change outer reality”) and then,
at the end of her speech, Seneca (“As is a tale, so is life: not how long it is, but
how good it is, is what matters.”42), judging classical wisdom relevant for the
twenty-first-century alumni.
Even if the frequent and no doubt intentional resemblance to English makes
Rowling’s Latin easy to grasp or decode for English speakers, readers want to
know what the Latin words mean exactly. In response to this need, dozens of
websites listing and explaining incantations and the significance of the names
they use sprouted online.43 In addition, numerous, largely unauthorised, companion books are devoting separate sections to Latin words and the classical
roots of themes and characters. Translators into other languages have been
faced with the significant challenge of rendering the sense not only of the fantastic plot but also of its cultural background and classical references. In Europe and the Western world, these may be easier to grasp, but in other regions
they present problems. While there is no Sacrosanctum Concilium to regulate
translations of Rowling’s text, Warner Bros.’ 1999 purchase of marketing rights
to the Harry Potter franchise allowed the conglomerate to impose certain restrictive measures,44 such as a prohibition against translating the “meaning” of
names or changing any names, a practice followed by some translators of the
first three volumes and judged unfortunate from the marketing perspective.
41
42
43
44
See Rowling’s commencement speech at Harvard University, June 5, 2008. Video online:
http://www.ted.com/talks/jk_rowling_the_fringe_benefits_of_failure (accessed Dec. 10,
2015).
Sen. Luc. 77.20: “Quomodo fabula, sic vita: non quam diu, sed quam bene acta sit, refert.”
Fabula translates better as play and not tale, but there is no need to be difficult, it is the
spirit that counts here.
See a list of Harry Potter websites at http://harrypotter.wikia.com/wiki/List_of_Harry
_Potter_fan_websites (accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
The formula: “Harry Potter characters, names and related indicia are trademarks of and
© of Warner Bros. Ent.” appears on the copyright pages of all post-2009 editions. Gili BarHillel, the Hebrew translator of Rowling’s novels, complains bitterly of Warners Bros.’
cavalier treatment of translators; see Gili Bar-Hillel, Harry Potter and the 800 lb Gorilla, at
https://gilibarhillel.wordpress.com/2012/03/28/hpwb/ (accessed June 16, 2016).
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Two millennia of using Latin as the language of the Roman Catholic Church
and its historical role in Christian cultures naturally create, especially among
older adult Catholic readers, a feeling of affinity with the books, since they
have been exposed in some measure to the traditional liturgical language,
whether they belong to the elite who understand it or to the multitudes who
do not. The latter, in particular, readily agree with the slogan “quidquid Latine
dictum sit, altum videtur”—whatever is said in Latin seems profound. As good
a reason as any to reach for Latin when wishing to highlight important and
magical moments, or stress superior intellectual sophistication.45 For a significant proportion of the hundreds of millions of Harry Potter’s young readers,
wherever they live, this may have been their first direct contact with the language of the Romans.
A recent news story documents the degree of familiarity with the novels’
characters as far away as China and Japan, and at the same time illustrates the
enduring cultural differences between Europe and the Far East. The Chinese
ambassador to the uk wrote to The Daily Telegraph on January 1, 2014, criticising the Japanese prime minister for visiting the Yasakuni Shrine where Japanese soldiers who died in wwii are honoured. He accused the prime minister
of offending his Asian neighbours and raising “the spectre of militarism,” he
also called the shrine a horcrux and militarism Japan’s Voldemort. The Japanese ambassador to the uk responded in the Telegraph, calling China a Voldemort of the region, to which a spokesman for the Chinese embassy reacted,
stating: “Like Voldemort, militarism in Japan has revived from time to time. It
is now leading Japan on to a perilous path […].”46 Both diplomats clearly knew
their Rowling but still failed to grasp why such remarks might have shocked
British readers as inappropriate or simply ridiculous. The master villain gained
a foothold in the imagination of Chinese and Japanese adult readers who seem
to have accepted the character as a universal symbol of evil. While the ambassadors did not demonstrate an actual familiarity with classical motifs and
Latin spells, they could hardly have avoided being exposed to them as well.
45
46
Many examples in the press show that people whose Latin is even patchier than Rowling’s
use Latin expressions and—contrary to journalistic principles—do not bother to verify
their usage. See an article in The Guardian about the dismissal of the first New York Times
female executive editor (“Jill Abramson Forced Out as New York Times Executive Editor,” The Guardian, May 15, 2014), where we read the expression “ad feminem” (sic!). It is
encouraging, on the other hand, that already a third of the 442 readers’ comments posted
online caught the mistake.
See, e.g., “Latest China–Japan Spat: Who’s Voldemort?” New York Times, Jan. 9, 2014.
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Sound Effects and Funny Names
Any of Rowling’s readers—at least in the original English—must immediately
notice her sound effects, especially when she uses uncomplicated rhetorical
devices, such as alliteration, as symbolised in the famous quotation from Ennius’s Annales: “O Tite tute Tati tibi tanta tyranne tulisti,”47 known to all students of Classics. It is also a device used for centuries in English, among many
other languages, and one often occurring in nursery rhymes and other texts
for children, easily recognised and appreciated even by younger children, as
a source of humour. There are numerous examples of alliteration in the Harry
Potter novels. It is particularly conspicuous in names48 and nicknames for people and things, starting with the names of the founders of Hogwarts and heads
of its houses—Godric Gryffindor, Helga Hufflepuff, Salazar Slytherin, and Rowena Ravenclaw—where it is combined with consonance, alliteration’s first
cousin in the family of rhetorical devices, the repetition of letters producing
the same or a similar sound. There are also onomatopoeic elements, discernible especially in the name of the snake-whisperer Slytherin but also in that
of Hufflepuff, the founder of the house prizing effort and hard work among
its core values. The names of characters produce a satisfying sound and often
suggest their personality. Such “speaking” names were used in ancient Greek
comedy for quick identification of comic types and for humourous effect.49
Other suggestive names, often alliterated, include Moaning Myrtle (a tearful
ghost), Filius Flitwick (the charms professor), Severus Snape (the stern potion
master), Lucius Malfoy (an opportunistic Voldemort supporter), Remus Lupin
(a werewolf and Defence Against the Dark Arts teacher).
47
48
49
The passage preserved in Rhet. Her. 4.18, as an example of excessive alliteration.
For a discussion of Rowling’s names and language, see Elena Anastasaki, “Harry Potter
Through the Looking-Glass: Wordplay and Language in the Works of Lewis Carroll and J.K.
Rowling”, The Carrollian. The Lewis Carroll Journal 19 (Spring 2007): 19–31; Jessy Randall,
“Wizard Words: The Literary, Latin, and Lexical Origins of Harry Potter’s Vocabulary,”
Verbatim: The Language Quarterly 26.2 (2001): 1–7; Carole Mulliez, The Intricacies of
Onomastics in Harry Potter and Its French Translation (Lyon: La Clé des Langues, 2009),
http://cle.ens-lyon.fr/anglais/the-intricacies-of-onomastics-in-harry-potter-and-its
-french-translation-78684.kjsp?STNAV=&RUBNAV= (accessed Dec. 10, 2015); for names
as a source of humour, see also Carmen Valero Garcés and Laurence Bogoslaw, “Humorous (Un)Translated Names in the Harry Potter Series Across Languages,” Babel 10 (2003):
209–226.
See, e.g., Nikoletta Kanavou, Aristophanes’ Comedy of Names: A Study of Speaking Names
in Aristophanes (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011).
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Rowling makes her names a source of humour by using a device of her own:
she pairs old Anglo-Saxon or Norman family names with Latin first names.50
The striking combinations include: Filius Flitwick (see above, n. 50); Minerva
McGonagall (Scottish); Alastor Moody; Horace Slughorn; Pompona Sprout;
Sybill and Cassandra Trelawney (Cornish); Remus Lupin (Latin); Severus
Snape; Quirinus Quirrell; Lucius Malfoy; Rubeus Hagrid; Augustus Rookwood;
Augusta Longbottom; Cornelius Fudge; Pius Thicknesse; Rufus Scrimgeour; the
three brothers Antioch, Cadmus, and Ignotus Peverell; Xenophilius and Luna
Lovegood; Alecto and Amycus Carrow; and Argus Filch. Professor Dumbledore
has no fewer than four first names, including a Latin one, one belonging to an
Arthurian knight, one belonging to a twelfth-century anchorite and miracle
worker, and a Celtic one: Albus Percival Wulfric Brian Dumbledore.
Latin names in some cases are given according to a special key. For instance,
old wizarding families, like the Blacks (fascinated by black magic) favour
first names borrowed from astronomy: Andromeda, Bellatrix, Cygnus, Draco,
Arcturus, Orion, Sirius, Luna, and Merope. Such families may also give their
children first names beginning with the same initial: the Dumbledore siblings
were called Albus, Aberforth, and Ariana; the children of Marvolo Gaunt were
named Merope and Morfin.
Next to such jewels as Balderdash, Baubles, Catweazle, Dilligrout, Fizzing
Whizbees, Flibbertigibbet, Oddsbodikins, Scurvy Cur, Tapeworm, Wattlebird,
Wanglewort, and Wolf’s Bane, there are also Latin passwords for entering the
common rooms of Gryffindor and Slytherin: Caput draconis, Fortuna Major,
Mimbulus mimbletonia (a magic plant invented by Rowling and given a Latin
sounding alliterative name), Alea iacta est, Dissendium, Facta, non verba—all
(excluding the plant) in correct Latin.51
The Spells
The Latin of the spells is easy for English speakers to understand, because with
only a few exceptions they can guess the meaning through association with
similar English words. Those less obvious are explained and become clear due
50
51
All Latin (and some Greek) first names in alphabetical order: Albus, Alastor, Alecto, Amycus,
Andromeda, Antioch, Arcturus, Argus, Augusta, Augustus, Bellatrix, Cadmus, Cassandra,
Cornelius, Draco, Filius, Hermione, Horace, Ignotus, Lucius, Luna, Merope, Minerva,
Narcissa, Nigellus, Nymphadora, Olympe, Penelope, Pius, Pompona, Quirinus, Regulus,
Remus, Rubeus, Rufus, Septima, Severus, Sirius, Sybill, Xenophilius.
See also Garcés and Bogoslaw, op. cit., 209–226.
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to the context. Latin spells also help them, along with readers with less knowledge of English than native speakers, to realise that Latin is the source of many
English words. In translation the spells are left in their original form and while
they do not really work any magic, they have exponentially increased global
awareness of the Latin language.
In the book, in order for the spells to work, the words must be pronounced
properly and the gestures executed correctly. Hogwarts students learn this
rule at the first Charms class with Professor Filius Flitwick. The white feather
launches into the air only when the wizard properly enunciates: Wingardium
leviosa!, and the wand moves gracefully with “swish and flick”! This need to be
exact and to observe old formulas was present in Antiquity, for example, in
various traditional Roman rituals.
There are “practical” spells that can be used in a variety of everyday
needs: Accio!, Lumos!, Nox!, Tergeo!, Aguamenti!, Aparecium!, Locomotor!,
Colloportus!, Levicorpus!, Mobiliarbus!, Mobilicorpus!, Portus!, Wingardium
leviosa!, Reparo!, Episkey! (Greek), Impervius!, Defodio!, Engorgio!, Erecto!,
Deletrius!, Densaugeo!, Deprimo!, Descendo!, Diffindo!, Duro!, Obscuro!, Reducio!, Reducto!, Relashio!, Anapneo!, Rennervate!, Geminio!, Silencio!, Sonorus!,
Quietus!, Meteolojinx recanto! Spells of concealment: Repello Muggletum!,
Obliviate!, Muffliato!, are useful in hiding magic from Muggles. Defensive and
disarming spells allow the elimination of existing threats: Protego!, Protego
horribilis!, Protego totalum!, Expelliarmus!, Impedimenta!, Cavimicum!, Expecto
patronum!, Finite incantatem!, Hominem revelio!, Legilimens!, Liberacorpus!,
Priori incantatem!, Riddikulus!, Specialis revelio! And their more aggressive
cousins, fighting spells are used when combat becomes necessary: Incendio!,
Flagrate!, Confringo!, Confundo!, Incarcerous!, Sectumsempra!, Evanesco!, Expulso!, Petrificus totalus!, Rictusempra!, Oppugno!, Serpensortia!52
And finally, those that may land the user in Azkaban prison, the Unforgivable Curses: Imperio!, Crucio!, Avada Kedavra! The first puts the cursed under
the imperium—total control—of the curser, the second causes excruciating
pain, and the third kills; it is the worst of the three and belongs to an older,
even darker, magic. Rowling did not use Latin as the source of the curse presumably to differentiate it from the rest. She explained its origin in her 2004
interview at the Edinburgh Book Festival:
52
For a discussion of spells, see M.G. DuPree, “Severus Snape and the Standard Book of
Spells: Ancient Tongues in the Wizarding World,” in Nancy R. Reagin, ed., Harry Potter and
History (Hoboken, n.j.: John Wiley and Sons, 2011), 39–54.
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It is an ancient spell in Aramaic, and it is the original of abracadabra,
which means “let the thing be destroyed.” Originally, it was used to cure
illness and the “thing” was the illness, but I decided to make it the “thing”
as in the person standing in front of me. I take a lot of liberties with things
like that. I twist them round and make them mine.53
Apart from the names of characters, spells, curses, passwords, and slogans, Latin occasionally (although most potions have English names) assisted Rowling
in inventing names for magical potions: Felix felicis, Amortentia, Veritaserum,
Chelidonium minuscula, Oculus, and Volubilis. In addition, a few Latin names
may be found in potion ingredients: Acromantula, Agrippa, Mercury, and Mars.
Classical Motifs
Hufflepuff and Ravenclaw developed a different system than Slytherin and
Gryffindor for guarding their common rooms. The former opens when one of
the barrels at the door is tapped in the rhythm of the founder’s name, the latter
requires those who wish to enter to solve a riddle. The motif of the riddle occurs also at the encounter with the Sphinx in the Triwizard Tournament in the
Goblet of Fire. It is of ancient Greek origin but at the same time is often used
in fairy tales and fantasy literature54 as one of the trials the characters must go
through.
Each Hogwarts house has specific core values/virtues and is associated with
one of the four elements. Gryffindor’s element is fire, its core virtue is bravery; Ravenclaw’s element is air, its core value is wisdom; Slytherin is associated
with water, it values ambition; and Hufflepuff’s element is earth, its core value
is diligence.55 The concept of the virtues and that of the elements, along with
most of the other philosophical concepts, were described and interpreted by
Greek philosophers whose ideas underlie systems of values and moral development. Indeed, the four elements were at the basis of their understanding of
the universe, or cosmogony.
53
54
55
Speaking to Lindsey Fraser on Aug. 15, 2004, http://harrypotter.bloomsbury.com/author/
interviews/individual1 (see n. 39).
Riddles—as everyone who has read Tolkien and/or seen the movies based on his books
knows—are a favourite pastime for hobbits.
J.K. Rowling discussed the elements and values in an interview with MuggleNet and The
Leaky Cauldron on July 16, 2005: http://pottermoreanalysis.tumblr.com/post/57121156499/
the-four-houses-and-elements-of-hogwarts (access Jan. 20, 2016).
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Prophecies
Destiny, prophecy, and divination are all ancient concepts present in the Harry
Potter novels. The Divination teacher, Sybill, the great-great granddaughter of
Cassandra Trelawney, is generally considered a fraud. In fact, however, she occasionally becomes a true seer without realising it, functioning only as a vessel
for the communication of prophecies, in a semi-conscious trance, somewhat
like the Oracle at Delphi. Sybill (Sibyl) is a name for Greek women with prophetic talents. A Sibyl sold to King Tarquinius Superbus a book of prophecies in
Greek hexameters called Libri Sibyllini; Aeneas’s guide in Virgil’s Aeneid, book
6, is the Sibyl of Cumae who made her predictions also in a trance. The original
Cassandra, the Trojan princess, went back on the promise of accepting Apollo’s
advances in exchange for a prophetic gift and he punished her by making the
gift a curse: her predictions would be true but nobody would believe her.
Sybill Trelawney’s prophecies, not the ones she fabricates but the true ones
she is unaware of, are “sibylline,” unclear and open to interpretation. People
who seek to outsmart her prophecies, even wizards as accomplished as Voldemort, unwittingly ensure the outcome they were trying to avoid. Rowling’s version of the ancient Greek concept of a Destiny impossible to outrun and of
ambiguous oracles prompting people to act misguidedly, is presented through
the repeated advice of Dumbledore to Harry. This stresses the lack of inescapability of prophecies but also the primary role of individual choice, or rather
of a series of choices. Rowling injects a dose of optimism into her treatment
of human fate: life requires a lot of courage, determination, and sacrifice, but
you can do the right thing and survive the trials. There is little respect for Divination at Hogwarts, either as a school subject or as an art, mainly because of
the highly uncertain nature of predictions. Even people who believe in
prophecies—like Voldemort—are convinced that a superior mind can use
them for its own purposes with impunity.
In a number of publications, various scholars have discussed the issue of
prophecy vs. free will in the Harry Potter novels. Patricia Donaher and James M.
Okapal have presented the most convincing and thorough argument.56 They
contested Gregory Bassham’s57 rather superficial treatment and suggested
allowing a “limited freedom within the larger deterministic framework through
56
57
Patricia Donaher and James M. Okapal, “Causation, Prophetic Visions, and the Free Will
Question in Harry Potter,” in Anatol, ed., Reading Harry Potter Again, Kindle edition, 4.
Gregory Bassham, “The Prophecy-Driven Life: Fate and Freedom at Hogwarts,” in David
Baggett and Shawn E. Klein, eds., Harry Potter and Philosophy, 213–226; see also Edmund
M. Kenn, The Wisdom of Harry Potter: What Our Favorite Hero Teaches Us about Moral
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the creation of ‘new first causes,’ that is, events that do not have antecedent
actions as their impetus.”58
Mythical Creatures
Mythical beings of classical origin—centaurs, mermaids, phoenixes, threeheaded dogs, hippogriffs, unicorns known only in Late Antiquity, and even
owls, the birds of Athena—belong to Rowling’s wizarding world. They live
on the Hogwarts grounds, in the lake, and in the Forbidden Forest. Readers of
C.S. Lewis’s Chronicles of Narnia are already familiar with a number of such
talking animals and noble creatures, including centaurs who are wise and
brave and friendly to humans.59 Juliette Harrison calls Lewis’s centaurs “an
entire race of Chirons.”60 By contrast, the centaurs in the Forbidden Forest,
with the possible exception of Firenze, a Hogwarts teacher who replaced Sybill
Trelawney, are dangerous and hostile to wizards. The Mer-people, on the other
hand, may revere Dumbledore but they have little contact with students; in
contrast with classical mermaids, they do not seek to drown people.61
Fawkes the Phoenix, Dumbledore’s devoted and loyal firebird, brings magical aid to Harry. The Phoenix is possibly of ancient Egyptian origin, but is attested already in Mycenaean Greek. Rowling equipped the bird with two new
abilities: the capacity to carry great loads and to heal poisoned wounds with
its tears. Nesbit’s fantasy novel The Phoenix and the Carpet62 begins just before Guy Fawkes Night in November. In this story an old carpet is accidentally
burned by children trying out fireworks they acquired for the occasion. Their
parents replace the ruined carpet with another one. In the new carpet the
children find a Phoenix egg. The hatched bird and the carpet start granting
the children magical wishes. As already mentioned, Rowling, who has several
58
59
60
61
62
Choices (New York: Prometheus Books, 2008); and Lisa Hopkins, “Harry Potter and the
Narrative of Destiny,” in Anatol, ed., Reading Harry Potter Again, Kindle edition, 5.
Donaher and Okapal, “Causation, Prophetic Visions,” 47.
See Juliette Harrison’s study entitled “The Domestication of Classical Mythology in the
Chronicles of Narnia,” New Voices in Classical Reception Studies 5 (2010): 1–9.
Ibid., 9.
See Lisa Maurice, “From Chiron to Foaly: The Centaur in Classical Mythology and
Children’s Literature,” in Lisa Maurice, ed., The Reception of Ancient Greece and Rome in
Children’s Literature: Heroes and Eagles (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 140–168.
Edith Nesbit, The Phoenix and the Carpet (London: Newness, 1904). It is the second volume of her trilogy, after Five Children and It, and before The Story of the Amulet.
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times confessed her admiration for Edith Nesbit, was very likely inspired by
her to create Dumbledore’s Fawkes.
Buckbeak, the hippogriff, belongs to a species mentioned in Virgil’s 8th
Eclogue (vv. 27–28) as resulting from a griffin mating with a mare. Classical
authors did not leave any other information concerning hippogriffs. Buckbeak
owes his personality, and his proud and friendly disposition, entirely to Rowling. The three-headed guard dog Fluffy, fierce and deadly but sensitive to music, is the Hogwarts equivalent of the mythical Cerberus. Finally, birds ensure
communication in the wizarding world. They always find the addressee, even
when nobody else can. They work for the Hogwarts Owlery, or for individual
owners, and like to be paid in small coin (although it is unclear what they do
with the money). Rowling’s choice of owls for the postal services seems due to
their status as the clever and competent birds of Athena.
Magical Objects and Quotations
A classical origin may also be attributed to an important magical object, Harry’s
cloak of invisibility, which is one of the Deathly Hallows. Plato, in his Republic,
2.359a–2.360d, speaks of the temptation provided by invisibility and tells the
story of Gyges, King of Lydia, and his magical ring, which gave invisibility to
its wearer. Tolkien’s ring of Sauron comes to mind immediately although that
ring also had sinister powers to corrupt, not only the relatively benign power
to make invisible. Harry uses the cloak only when he has to hide and the cloak
itself does not have any other properties. However, Gyges used his ring to seduce the queen, kill the king, and take the throne for himself. The potential for
malice was present also in the case of the cloak, but it never occurred to Harry
to use it for an evil purpose.
The Deathly Hallows begins with two quotations: one from Aeschylus’s The
Libation Bearers and the other from William Penn’s More Fruits of Solitude.63
The first one—not in the original Greek—is from the second part of the Oresteia. The choruses pray to the gods of the Underworld and finish the prayer
saying:
Now hear, you blissful powers underground—
answer the call, send help. Bless the children,
give them triumph now.
aesch. Choef. 476–47864
63
64
William Penn’s quotation extols friendship as being impervious to death.
Trans. Robert Fagles, in Aeschylus, The Oresteia (New York: Viking Press, 1975).
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The quotation applies to the situation of final conflict with the Dark Lord and
the way it will be resolved. It serves to demonstrate at the outset of the last volume that the school story has now reached the status of classical tragedy. The
quotation is very appropriate, divine assistance is necessary in this extreme
trial, for the hero will sacrifice his life to vanquish evil and he will then be
reborn. The story of course does not bear any resemblance to the tragedy of
Orestes, who must kill his mother who is guilty of her husband’s murder in
order to avenge the death of his father. However, the words are fitting, which
is why Rowling selected them.65 One excellent side effect is the dissemination
of Aeschylus’s verses to hundreds of millions of readers in seventy-eight plus
languages and an invitation to read more of that magical poetry.
Rowling’s Latin Influence on Later Audiovisual Magic
If we consider Rowling’s influence on audiovisual productions of fantasy made
at the same time as Harry Potter or afterward, then we not only find obvious
examples of allusions and quotes but also the use of Latin for spells and enchantments as well as a very specific pattern of reception and inspiration. In
other words, whatever rings a bell, and attracts an audience, goes. The result
is that we end up with a strange but somewhat familiar concoction. Television
audiences witnessed it for the first time on a larger scale in The 10th Kingdom, a
miniseries aired on nbc in 2000, which narrated the story of what happened in
classic fairy tales after “the happily ever after.” This series displays a connection
between contemporary reality and the fantasy world, which is also a common
element in more recent productions.
The abc fantasy drama series, in which all imaginable tales from One Thousand and One Nights to the Brothers Grimm, to Lewis Carroll, L. Frank Baum,
J.M. Barrie, and even Carlo Collodi, young Hercules (called Herc), and the
evil god of the Underworld Hades, are sprinkled with Walt Disney and mixed
together in one story, is called Once Upon a Time.66 Its one-season-long 2013–
2014 spin-off is entitled Once Upon a Time in Wonderland. It features Jafar,67 a
65
66
67
See Alice Mills’s analysis of the quotation in her unconvincing paper “Harry Potter and
the Horrors of the Oresteia,” in Elizabeth Hellman, ed., Critical Perspectives on Harry Potter
(New York: Routledge, 22009; ed. pr. 2003), Kindle edition, 13.
The series, which started in 2011, is currently in its sixth season. Its executive producers
and creators are Eddy Kitsis and Adam Horowitz. One of their scriptwriters is Jane Espenson, who also co-created and wrote for Warehouse 13.
The name of the Royal Vizier of Agrabah from Walt Disney’s Aladdin movies (1992, 1994)
and one of the Disney villains.
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sorcerer who attempts a spell to change the laws of magic and is thwarted by
Alice, despite the fact that his command of Latin seems to be outstanding (at
least in the use of spells).
The recently concluded68 Syfy network’s five-season series Warehouse 13 is
based on the idea that exceptional events and people imbue objects with various kinds of power. If not properly neutralised such artifacts can wreak havoc
and potentially cause disaster. They must therefore be safely stored in a warehouse whose first version was built by Alexander the Great for certain unusual
spoils of war. Indeed, the warehouse is depicted as being at the origin of the
Library of Alexandria.69 Along with artifacts, some “historic” master criminals
were even put into stasis (bronzed) in the warehouse. In the first episode of
season 5, one such individual from the sixteenth century (Paracelsus) escapes
and molds the present and the future according to his sinister designs. The
warehouse custodian and his agents manage to overcome the villain and restore the original timeline. In his laboratory Paracelsus posted two (seriously
flawed) Latin mottos: “Scientia sit omne” and “Media ad finem justificat.”70
However, the warehouse agents have no difficulty in translating these “Latinate” curiosities back into English.
The characters in another recent (2013–2014) fantasy series, the Witches of
East End,71 constantly use Latin spells. While they are not from Persia, like Jafar,
they have lived for hundreds of years in the Western world or Midgard (where
they were banished to from Asgard, the Norse realm of the gods). Nothing in
the series suggests an answer to the question why Norse witches would use
Latin for their obviously Asgardian witchcraft. The witches practically chatter
in that language, there are dozens of spells, some of them long and complex.
They are described in their family Grimoire, or ancient book of magic (written
in Latin), which they regularly consult in the series. Here are some striking
examples of spells from season 1: Vade, daemonia, animas vestras ad infernum
remittitur. Dimitam…, dimitam. Dimitam, dimitam, sana glacies, sana glacies,
sana glacies, sana glacies72—the spell banishes demons to hell and heals the
68
69
70
71
72
The series was launched in 2009; the last episode aired May 19, 2014.
See the series website at http://www.syfy.com/warehouse13/history/warehouse_1 (accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
The corresponding Latin phrase is found, e.g., in Ovid (Her. 2.85): “exitus acta probat.”
A Lifetime tv series; it began airing in 2013 and is based on a book by the same title by
Melissa de la Cruz published in 2011, the first volume of a longer “Beauchamp Family”
saga that now includes Diary of the White Witch (a 2012 prequel), Serpent’s Kiss (2012), and
Winds of Salem (2013); see also Triple Moon: Summer on East End (2015). For Melissa de la
Cruz’s use of Latin in her series on vampires, see Casta, op. cit., 369–371.
Witches of East End, dir. Fred Gerber, S1E3: “Today I Am a Witch,” written by Turi Meyer
and Al Septien (2013, mp4).
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ice (?)—and Flore… pulchre. Flore… veneficus73 makes a bouquet of flowers poisonous. Even though there is much more Latin in the series than in the Harry
Potter novels, it is correct also only by accident.
There is no direct evidence that the use of Latin in the television series Once
Upon a Time (and Once Upon a Time in Wonderland), Warehouse 13, and Witches
of East End was prompted by Rowling’s spells, whose style is now universally
known and accepted, but it would be very surprising if it were not. Even if it
is historically correct for Paracelsus to speak Latin—he would of course have
done so correctly—the Persian Jafar and the Norse Freya can have no convincing justification for possessing such anachronistic and displaced knowledge,
other than the fact that the shows’ writers and audiences in the post–Harry
Potter world consider Latin the normal language of magic.
One of the longest continuously running science fiction shows, Stargate
sg1, makes no allusions to Rowling and was launched the same year as the first
Harry Potter novel (it ran from 1997 to 2007). However, it seems likely, especially in the later seasons, that the status of Latin as an ancient and powerful language may have been influenced by the wide familiarity of the audience and
the series’ creators with Harry Potter. The 16th episode of sg1 season 2 features
a highly advanced race, the Ancients, who are the builders of the Stargates
(Astria Porta), devices that allow interplanetary travel. The Ancients lived millions of years ago in several galaxies and on many planets, among them the
planet Earth, which they called Terra, but have since ascended to a higher, incorporeal plane of existence. The Ancients spoke a language related to Latin,
in fact a proto-Latin language left to the terrestrials as the Ancients’ legacy.
The episode in which this language appears and its origins are explained was
produced in 1998. It was entitled The Fifth Race. There are no magical spells74
in the series, just incredibly sophisticated alien technology and attempts at
rational explanations of myths (Ancient Egyptian, Norse, and the Arthurian
cycle) as being due to the appearance on Earth of advanced aliens. These include evil ones, who pretended to be gods and enforced obedience and worship, but also benevolent ones, who with the passage of time became less
interested in aiding human progress.
One of the series’ main characters, Dr. Daniel Jackson—a phenomenal linguist and archaeologist—is able to decipher the language due to its alleged
similarity to Mediaeval (!) Latin. There are three complete phrases spoken in
73
74
Witches of East End, dir. David Soloman, S1E8: “Snake Eyes,” written by Josh Reims (2013,
mp4).
The only supranatural element is ascension to a higher plane of existence, which technically is not a spell but part of the sci-fi reality.
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the ancient language, the first one written on an inscription and also spoken,
the two others only spoken: “nou ani Anquietas”75—“we are the Ancients”;
“ego indeo navo locas”—“I need new locations”; “ego deserdi asordo, comdo
asordo”—“I seek help, please help.” The language is also featured in the 21st
episode of the 7th season (2004), “Lost City.” There, we hear a few words, such
as cruvus—“wrong,” euge—“good,” fron—“forehead” or “mind,” dormata—
“sleep,” suboglacius—“under ice,” and aveo amacus—“farewell friends.”
There is one branch of the ascended Ancients called Ori who thrive on energy provided by human worship. By using a false promise of ascension combined with a threat of annihilation, they force countless human worlds to
accept their noble gospel of Origin, which they manipulate according to need.
After the birth of Adria, the Orici—a human-Ori child—an Ori Prior prophesises about her in Ancient: “Calium videre eessit, et eraos ad sidera tollere
vultus.” He seems to be reciting, with a somewhat outlandish accent, Ovid’s
vision of how humanity was created in the first book of Metamorphoses—“os
homini sublime dedit caelumque videre / iussit et erectos ad sidera tollere
vultus”—a passage which comes just before the best known passage about the
Golden Age—“Aurea prima sata est aetas.”76 Intertextuality for the initiated…
especially those for whom Anglo-Saxon pronunciation of Latin is not a source
of confusion.
Conclusion
J.K. Rowling’s popularity created a virtual communication network—
cross-platform and cross-generational—covering the entire globe and exposing
all its members to ideas, motifs, and themes inspired by Classical Antiquity.77
Latin spells (whether linguistically correct or not) are a literally original, i.e.,
75
76
77
The spelling is according to tables at http://stargate.wikia.com/wiki/Ancient_language
(accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
Quoted from sg1, S10E01, 2006; see Ovid’s Metamorphoses (1.85–86): “[m]an was given
a lofty countenance and was commanded to behold the skies; and with an upright face
may view the stars,” trans. Brookes More (Boston: Cornhill Publishing Co., 1922), http://
perseus.uchicago.edu/perseus-cgi/citequery3.pl?dbname=LatinAugust2012&getid=1&qu
ery=Ov.%20Met.%201.5 (accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
Spencer, Harry Potter and the Classical World, Kindle edition, location 5057 of 5959, summarises his findings in a rather predictably traditional manner: “Her narrative formula
and her presentation are classic, from the overall story form (the quest folktale) to her
method of framing scenes, episodes, motifs, individual books and the widest-ranging
plots (with the ancient and timeless device of ring composition).”
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untranslated, element common to the novels as written by Rowling and to the
seventy-odd translations now in print.78 Her talents for reaching and enchanting readers of all ages through a variety of literary, psychological, and marketing
devices allowed her to come across not only as an inventive and imaginative
writer but as a truly caring and respectful person, an achievement infrequently
sought in the literary community, which generally favours a separation between
the creator’s persona and the flesh-and-blood individual. Rowling also achieved
another rare feat in literature for children: because she genuinely shared her
fascinations, her love for the created universe and its characters, all the time
remaining devoted and available to her readers, she bridged, or at least significantly shrunk the gap between the adult author and the child reader.79 Therein
lies probably the secret of her success.
78
79
On issues related to translations of the Harry Potter novels and translation of children’s
literature in general, see the recent discussion in Pinsent, Children’s Literature, 144–145.
The gap discussed first by Jacqueline Rose in The Case of Peter Pan, or the Impossibility of
Children’s Fiction (London–Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1984) and then by many other scholars, reviewed by, e.g., David Rudd in The Routledge Companion to Children’s Literature,
8–9, 203–204; Mickenberg and Vallone in The Oxford Handbook of Children’s Literature,
3–4; Hunt in the same Handbook, 45. For the most recent review of the discussion see
Pinsent, op. cit., 2–5.
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chapter 25
East, West, and Finding Yourself
in Caroline Lawrence’s “Roman Mysteries”
Helen Lovatt
Introduction
Caroline Lawrence’s “Roman Mysteries” series uses an ancient Roman setting
to explore themes of identity for her four young detective characters. While
they do not visit Eastern Europe, ideas of East and West, centre and periphery,
are important in making sense of their journeys, both literal and emotional.
This popular series of detective novels for children aged eight and above was
written in the United Kingdom between 2001 and 2009 by an American living
in London, and has also become a well-received bbc television series.1
The theme of “finding yourself”—going away in order to grow up and gain
self-knowledge—has a particular importance in children’s literature.2 While
one can argue that it lies at the heart of much literature, children are seen
as not-yet-complete humans, who need to develop more than adults. So E.L.
Konigsburg, in From the Mixed-Up Files of Mrs. Basil E. Frankweiler (1967) sends
Claudia Kincaid to live in New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art in order to
better understand herself, to find the something different inside her which allows her to continue living her life. So Lucy goes through the wardrobe to Narnia, and Bilbo goes on a journey in The Hobbit. Arguably, this theme is already
1 The bbc series consisted of 10 episodes, released in 2007–2008, directed by Paul Marcus
(5 episodes, 2007), Jill Robertson (3 episodes, 2008), and Marcus D.F. White (2 episodes, 2008).
This article focuses on the books; the televisions adaptations are interesting, but they do not
follow the full trajectory of the narrative in the books, and stop after ten episodes rather than
seventeen, at The Slave-girl of Jerusalem. This suggests that the decentred final sequence of
the series is more challenging than the earlier episodes and harder to sell.
2 On the past and cultural identity, see Robyn McCallum, Ideologies of Identity in Adolescent
Fiction: The Dialogic Construction of Subjectivity (New York: Routledge, 1999); Margeret Meek,
ed., Children’s Literature and National Identity (Stoke on Trent–Sterling, Va.: Trentham Books,
2001); Jenny Plastow and Margot Hillel, eds., The Sands of Time: Children’s Literature: Culture,
Politics and Identity (Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2010). Mary Harlow, “Roman
Children and Childhood and the Perception of Heritage,” in Kate Darian-Smith and Carla
Pascoe, eds., Children, Childhood and Cultural Heritage (Abingdon–New York, n.y.: Routledge, 2013), 144–158, mentions Lawrence briefly.
© Helen Lovatt, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_027
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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present in classical epic: Odysseus’s adventures lead to a deeper understanding of what it means to come home, and Aeneas must journey until he can
find and define a new home. In modern adult fiction, too, the idea of finding
yourself remains a key theme: romantic plot lines focus on finding yourself by
finding your true other half; while for children, finding a secure family functions in a similar way.
In Roman thought, ideas of East and West were a potent part of the rhetoric
of belonging. Rome is both the centre of the world and the locus of Western
identity.3 Aeneas moves from East to West, from Trojan and Phrygian (and
Phoenician) femininity, and oriental mystique, to down-to-earth Italian and
Roman masculinity.4 Similarly, but in reverse, Lucan’s Pompey moves from
Rome to the East where he is weakened, feminised, and finally destroyed.5 This
is, of course, to oversimplify: were the Greeks still counted as East for Rome?6
Probably: Asia Minor certainly was. The Greeks themselves could associate the
3 On orientalism, see Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York, n.y.: Pantheon Books, 1978). On
Greece and the East, see Edith Hall, Inventing the Barbarian: Greek Self-definition through
Tragedy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991); Margaret Christina Miller, Athens and Persia in the
Fifth Century bc: A Study in Cultural Receptivity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1997); Kostas Vlassopoulos, Unthinking the Greek Polis: Ancient Greek History beyond Eurocentrism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). For other models of thinking about
identity and Roman Empire, see Greg Woolf, “Becoming Roman, Staying Greek: Culture,
Identity and the Civilizing Process in the Roman East,” Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 40 (1994): 116–143; Richard Hingley, Globalizing Roman Culture: Unity, Diversity
and Empire (London: Routledge, 2005). On orientalism and reception, see Lorna Hardwick,
“Reception as Simile: The Poetics of Reversal in Homer and Derek Walcott,” International
Journal of the Classical Tradition 3 (1997): 326–338; various articles in Lorna Hardwick and
Christopher Stray, eds., A Companion to Classical Receptions (Oxford: Blackwell, 2008); and
Mark Bradley, ed., Classics and Imperialism in the British Empire (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2010).
4 On Roman literature and orientalism in Virgil, see Yasmin Syed, Vergil’s Aeneid and the Roman Self: Subject and Nation in Literary Discourse (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan
Press, 2005); on gender, nationality, and desire in Virgil, see J.D. Reed, Virgil’s Gaze: Nation and
Poetry in the Aeneid (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007); on Silius, gender, and the
Other, see Antony Augoustakis, Motherhood and the Other: Fashioning Female Power in Flavian Epic (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); and Alison M. Keith, “Engendering Orientalism in Silius’ Punica,” in Antony Augoustakis, ed., Brill’s Companion to Silius Italicus (Leiden:
Brill, 2010), 355–373.
5 Andreola Rossi, “The Aeneid Revisited: The Journey of Pompey in Lucan’s Pharsalia,” American Journal of Philology 121 (2000): 571–591.
6 On perceptions of Greek ethnicity both among Greeks themselves and outsiders, including
Romans, see Irad Malkin, Ancient Perceptions of Greek Ethnicity, “Center for Hellenic Studies
Colloquia” 5 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001).
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East both with Persian urbanity and lack of freedom, and with Colchian barbarism. How does the North fit into this? What about Africa?7 A surprisingly large
part of the Roman world could be defined as “Eastern” when the rhetoric fit the
situation. In some ways, ideas of East and West can be mapped onto ideas of
periphery and centre, except for the prevalence of the topos of “noble barbarian” applied to Northern/Germanic tribes.8
One of the defining features of the Roman Empire is its incorporation of
multiple ethnicities and its cosmopolitanism.9 How do these complex negotiations between ideas of East and West play out in receptions of Rome for
children? Does the child’s concern with identity allow for deep exploration?
Or must the children’s author simplify in order to comfort? How in particular
does Caroline Lawrence represent Roman rhetorics of identity in her series for
children?
The “Roman Mysteries” consist of seventeen volumes, covering the period
of Roman history from the accession of Titus and the eruption of Vesuvius to
the death of Titus and the accession of Domitian. The overarching story line
follows a quest to return free-born children, who have been kidnapped by slavers, to their families, and ranges widely across the Roman Empire, starting in
Ostia, moving to Rome itself, and then on to Greece, North Africa, Egypt, and
Asia Minor. The four protagonists each have their own quest for identity: Flavia
Gemina must come to terms with her role as a woman, as well as reconciling
that role with her (obviously anachronistic) desire to be a detective (to have
public agency and help people). Although her mother is dead, she does not
search for a mother figure; instead she must come to terms with what is expected of women, with the restrictions of marriage and the dangers of death in
childbirth. Jonathan, her neighbour, begins by searching for his mother (lost in
the sack of Jerusalem) and ends by searching for his nephew (apparently kidnapped), while dealing with the effects of the destruction of the Jewish nation
on his family and himself. Nubia, Flavia’s slave girl, searches for her home and
remaining family after she was captured by slavers in North Africa, and for a
sense of meaning and security in her life. Lupus, a beggar boy whom the three
others adopt, searches for his mother and his home, and a place in society for
7 On Greece and Africa, see Daniel Orrells, Gurminder K. Bhambra, and Tessa Roynon, eds.,
African Athena: New Agendas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); on Roman attitudes, see
Paolo Asso, Ideas of Africa in the Roman Literary Imagination (forthcoming).
8 For a recent take on Greeks and barbarians, see Kostas Vlassopoulos, Greeks and Barbarians
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).
9 On Rome as world city, see Catharine Edwards and Greg Woolf, eds., Rome the Cosmopolis
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
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someone with a disability, after his tongue is cut out by his vengeful uncle, a
slaver and the murderer of his father. The inclusion of four different heroes,
boys and girls, members of excluded minorities and the moneyed elite, ablebodied, mentally unstable, and disabled, was a deliberate move by Lawrence
to give as many young readers as possible a character with whom to identify.
It also allows for a multicultural and postcolonial take on Roman imperialism,
even if the violent and disturbing nature of many of the story lines is offset by
the comforts of clearly good and bad characters, definite solutions to the mysteries, and an emphasis on the softer side of Roman society.
For Lawrence’s writing mentor, John Truby, a convincing plot must be built
around the development of the main character.10 Following Joseph Campbell’s
ideas in The Hero with a Thousand Faces,11 an engaging story requires an often
flawed protagonist who grows by taking on a challenge and confronting an
opponent. Lawrence, of course, is not just writing literature for children, she
is also writing detective fiction. For Lawrence, being a writer (and a reader)
and being a detective are closely linked: in the companion travelogue to the
“Roman Mysteries,” From Ostia to Alexandria with Flavia Gemina (2008), which
draws extensively on her blog, she frequently exhorts her readers to take on
the role of detective, finding things, finding out things, and finding out about
themselves—using their travel to reflect on home, society, and their relationship to it.12 She encourages readers to identify with her four young protagonists, who each have their own quests for identity and who each desire to learn
about the world for different reasons. In this way, Lawrence artfully merges
detection and didacticism: children have to find out about the exotic Roman
world of 79–81 ad in order to find the clues to solve the mystery. Taking on the
10
11
12
Lawrence often mentions Truby when discussing her writing: for example in an interview
with The Zone (Devon County Council, http://www.devon.gov.uk/index/cultureheritage/
libraries/library_services/children/thezone/max-books/max-meettheauthor/max_
previous_authors/max_caroline-lawrence09.htm, accessed Dec. 10, 2015) she is quoted as
saying: “The person who has had the most effect on my writing is a Hollywood script doctor called John Truby. (http://www.truby.com) I learned how to write plot from his tapes
on story structure.”
Ed. Princeton, n.j.: Princeton University Press, 1968 (ed. pr. 1949).
Lawrence’s blog is full of rich material about her writing process, and supplies a didactic
framework for teachers using the books: http://flavias.blogspot.co.uk/2011/01/themestopics.html. In particular she documents her own travels and how they contributed to
the process of writing the books, helping to flesh out her engagement with the Roman
Empire and the Other. For interesting material on Ephesus, see http://flavias.blogspot.
co.uk/2008/05/big-ephesus-day.html; on Volubilis: http://flavias.blogspot.co.uk/2006/01/
volubilis.html (all these sites accessed Dec. 10, 2015).
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role of the characters is also taking on the role of the author: readers are encouraged (as in so much children’s literature) to think of themselves as writers
in the making and to engage actively with what they are reading.13
The series starts in Ostia and Rome, but moves progressively further from
Rome. First, the characters venture to the Bay of Naples, to experience the
eruption of Vesuvius; then in volume 9, The Colossus of Rhodes (2005), the overarching narrative leads them to go in pursuit of kidnapped children as far as
Rhodes itself. Volumes 10, The Fugitive from Corinth (2005), and 12, The Charioteer of Delphi (2006), are set in Greece, with an interlude back in the Bay of Naples, and volume 14, The Beggar of Volubilis (2007), begins their final journey: to
Africa at the behest of the emperor, to Alexandria and deep into the interior as
Nubia searches for her family, and finally to Asia Minor, where they eventually
settle in Ephesus. The end of the series is crucial for an interpretation of what
comes before. Most important, Lawrence is a consciously Christian writer, and
conversions to Christianity, drawing on the traditions of nineteenth-century
conversion literature, form key nodes in the development of the series. For instance, Lupus’s evil uncle is converted before he dies, and leaves him his ship,
the former slaver Vespa, thus enabling their subsequent journeys (at the end
of The Dolphins of Laurentum, 2003). These conversions come to a climax in
volume 16, The Prophet from Ephesus (2009), with the conversion of most of the
main characters and the primary antagonist. However, the exclusion of Flavia
from this conversion narrative, who is arguably the main protagonist, and a
member of the privileged social elite of Rome, is highly significant for creating openness and avoiding an unpalatable nineteenth-century moral certainty.
This chapter examines the journeys of Lawrence’s young heroes from the
centre (Rome/Ostia) to the East/other, including Greece, North Africa, and
Asia Minor, as well as their journeys of the mind, through flashback and cultural encounters, involving Judaea and Judaism. It will look briefly at each of
the four main characters and how their journeys contribute to their developing
identities: the first section will explore the character of Lupus and the concept
of the family romance; the section on Nubia will examine her negotiation of
13
The Künstlerroman (novel about growing to artistic maturity) is an important genre of
children’s literature. Examples include Jo in Louisa May Alcott’s Little Women (1869); and
Anne of Green Gables (1908) by L.M. Montgomery; Pollyanna Grows Up (1915) by Eleanor
H. Porter; and Jo Returns to the Chalet School (1936) by Elinor Brent-Dyer. Montgomery
also wrote a trilogy even more focused on becoming an author: Emily of New Moon (1923),
Emily Climbs (1925), and Emily’s Quest (1927). The continuing popularity of this topos can
be seen in the “Inkworld” trilogy by Cornelia Funke: Inkheart (2003), Inkspell (2005), and
Inkdeath (2007); see the chapter in this volume by Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer, “Orpheus and Eurydice: Reception of a Classical Myth in International Children’s Literature.”
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multiple identities; Jonathan will allow us to investigate Lawrence’s representation of Judaism; finally, the chapter will finish with Flavia, conversions to
Christianity, and closure in Ephesus. The focus will be mainly on the later volumes in the series (specifically 4, 7, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17).
Lupus and the Family Romance
Much children’s literature strives to involve readers as deeply as possible
through strong focalisation and emotional identification.14 The emotional side
of Lupus’s homecoming is heightened by the use of similar structures of desire
and deferral to those used in romantic plot lines. The Freudian term “family
romance” describes the process by which children of normal families fantasise
about having an idealised family, imagining, for example, that they are really
the adopted child of a royal family.15 This is thought to be part of the process
of detachment from the child’s strong love of and identification with their
parents, but it also tends to validate normative family structures: there is an
expectation that all children will have a mother and a father, and that anyone
not in that position will consider their life incomplete. In a society in which
the family is conceived quite differently as a larger and more complex entity,
would children feel differently?16 But the erotics of narrative require a driving
desire, and in the absence of a romantic object of desire, the idealised father
or mother figure comes to dominate literature for prepubescent children.17 It
is the case that many Roman children would have lost parents, in childbirth,
illness, shipwreck, and the inevitably much higher mortality than we experience today. It is also convenient for a writer of historical detective fiction for
14
15
16
17
On strong focalisation as a characteristic of children’s literature, particularly through
child (or childlike) protagonists, see Perry Nodelman, The Hidden Adult: Defining Children’s Literature (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 8–17.
For an interesting exploration of the family romance in Little Women, see Elizabeth Lennox Keyser, Little Women: A Family Romance (Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press,
2000; ed. pr. 1999).
Harlow, “Roman Children and Childhood,” 155, comments that the “diverse cultural and
social backgrounds” of Lawrence’s four heroes “would not have been unknown in a Roman port town of the first century ad,” but that their social interactions are less convincingly historicised.
On the erotics of narrative, see Peter Brooks, Reading for the Plot: Design and Intention
in Narrative (New York: Knopf, 1984). Desire for idealised (dead) parents also drives the
Harry Potter novels, in which the Mirror of Erised reveals his heart’s desire: to be with his
parents.
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children that the children be largely unsupervised. The absent parents then
become the objects of desire and of investigation.
We can see how this works with Lupus, whose desire to return home to his
mother, to go back to the time before all the terrible things happened to him, is
expressed very much as the desire for a functioning nuclear family:
His mother would be there. He was sure of it. And he knew he would recognise her as soon as she opened the door. Then he would have a family
again.
Colossus, 102
This desire for the nuclear family is complicated by Lawrence’s emphasis on
the fact that Roman ideas of the family were more capacious and flexible than
modern preconceptions about family structures might encourage us to think.
The familia could include slaves, adopted children and adults, freed slaves, extended family, and anyone else living in the same establishment.18 Although
all four children long for a mother–father–child triad of security, they also acknowledge and appreciate different and more flexible models of belonging to
a family; we will explore this aspect of identity and travel further below. When
Lupus arrives on his home island of Symi, he is both full of desire for home and
mother, and traumatised by his past experiences on the island, shown in his
mixed emotional reactions as he disembarks at Symi:
Greek voices calling up: laughter, questions, welcome, the arrival of the
harbourmaster, roused from his bed but cheerful, and finally the thud
of the heavy wooden gangplank. Tigris was the first one down it, his tail
wagging and his nose low, questing for new smells. Lupus followed him
with trembling knees and blurred vision. At the bottom he nearly put a
foot wrong and fell between the ship and the land, but calloused hands
caught him and laughing men set him firmly on solid ground.
He was home.
Colossus, 103
However, his mother has left the island mysteriously, and his great-grandmother does not offer the security and homecoming that he craves. Instead, she
seems to want to trap him:
18
On the Roman family, fundamental is Suzanne Dixon, The Roman Family (Baltimore, Md.:
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992).
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Then he visited his great-grandmother. But she was old and tearful and
illiterate. She could not read what he wrote, and she kept clutching at
him with her claw-like hands.
Colossus, 108–109
The process of desire and deferral continues with his journey. When he looks
for his mother at the Temple of Apollo in Rhodes, he still does not fully find
her. He feels her holding him in his sleep, but is not sure whether or not her
singing is a dream:
Lupus nodded. Yes, he understood. But that didn’t make it hurt any less,
and he felt the tears come in a hot flood. […] [He falls asleep.] And now
he could feel soft arms around him and he smelled honey and he heard
a sweet familiar voice singing the words of a half-remembered lullaby:
When you come home, when you come home to me.
He wanted to see her—just to remind himself of what she looked
like—and so he tried to open his eyes. But his eyelids were far too heavy
and perhaps it was only a dream after all.
Lupus settled himself into his mother’s arms, and presently he slept.
Colossus, 189
Here the reader is let in on the hidden text, which is concealed from the character. Lupus is not sure whether or not it really is his mother, but the narrator
forecloses with “into his mother’s arms,” so that readers will achieve a sort of
closure for this book, while Lawrence can maintain tension for the character of Lupus. When he finally does find his mother, in the next volume, The
Fugitive from Corinth, she is now the Pythia and still unable to live with him
as his mother, even if he can talk to her and be held by her. Deferral allows for
continued searching and for the transfer of the search from a quest for nostos, return, into a quest for a new home and a secure place in society. Lupus
has gone East to Greece from Rome, in a search for his own roots, only to find
that there is little left for him of his home, and his mother is inaccessible.
This family romance requires that children leave behind fantasies of parental
rescue, and instead rely on their own self-sufficiency. Lupus never needs to
come to terms with the human frailties of his mother, because she has been
assimilated to the divine, and made unavailable by events. Lupus finds a place
eventually as a Christian and as an acrobat with a travelling troupe of entertainers. His own beliefs and abilities have taken the place of his yearning to be
protected.
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Nubia and Multiple Identity
Nubia’s quest begins when the four are lured to North Africa, apparently on
Titus’s orders, but become outlaws and have to try and clear their names. Nubia disappears up the Nile, apparently kidnapped but actually searching for
her home and family. Nubia’s homecoming, too, is deferred and incomplete:
the theme of exile runs through Lawrence’s work—perhaps not unrelated to
the fact that she was born in London, grew up in the United States, and now
lives in London. When Nubia finally reaches the small Nubian village far down
the Nile where her relatives now live, she feels uneasy and out of place. She
finds the cousin to whom she had been betrothed, Kashta, who initially fails
to recognise her:
Kashta stepped forward as Nubia and Chryses approached. “Who are
you?” he said in heavily accented Greek. “Don’t you recognise me, Kashta?” said Nubia in their language. She pulled off her turban and waited
for his reaction.
He studied her face for a long moment. Then his long-lashed brown
eyes grew wide. “Shepenwepet!” he cried, using her clan name. “Can it
really be you?” his face broke into a smile, then clouded over as he looked
her up and down. “But why do you wear such clothes? Like a man?”
Scribes, 214
His reaction to her disguise in men’s clothing is predictably disapproving. Nubia, like Flavia, runs up against the expectations of respectable womanhood.
Strong female characters are an essential part of writing for children, but create problems for stories set in historical periods in which women would have
had very little freedom of movement. As long as Nubia is a slave, she can avoid
the constrictions of female life, but when she transcends slave status and starts
to attain a degree of respectability (or to have a chance of attaining it) she must
lose much of her freedom. The fantasy of social acceptance is set in conflict
with the fantasy of adventure and exploration, the desire for knowledge.
When Nubia returns home, Kashta fulfils the fantasy of homecoming: he
does recognise her; not only that, he still wants to marry her:
“Marry me, Shepenwepet,” he said softly. “You will cook for me and raise
my sons. I will protect you and breed many fine goats. It will not be an
easy life, but we have one another and our people. You will be free. Truly
free.”
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Nubia gazed up at his handsome smiling face. Then she looked towards the others in the village: the young mothers, the men preparing
her celebration goat, the grubby toddlers playing in the dust. She should
have been happy but she felt only dismay. Why? She had travelled nearly
seven hundred miles to reach her own people and she had succeeded.
Why did she not feel joy?
Scribes, 220
Nubia finds that she no longer thinks of Africa as home:
As he pronounced the word “home,” an image appeared in Nubia’s mind:
the inner garden of Flavia’s house with its bubbling fountain and the
birds singing in the fig tree. Of Alma, humming in the kitchen. […] Of
her beloved Aristo playing his lyre with his eyes closed. And of Nipur, her
faithful dog.
Nubia felt a strange bittersweet longing […], she realised Ostia was the
place she now thought of as home. “Oh Kashta!” she whispered. “I came
all this way to find my home. But I have seen Rome and Athens and Alexandria. I can read stories in Latin and Greek. How can a goatherd’s tent
be home to me now?”
Scribes, 221
Her Roman identity is stronger; her role in Flavia’s life and family has changed
her so irretrievably that she can no longer imagine living the limited life of
her former self. The knowledge and understanding that she has gained from
association with Flavia have given her new values, in which education and
knowledge of the world are more important than tradition and security. Her
idealisation of her African home is shattered, and home instead becomes a
site of entrapment from which she must escape, as Kashta refuses to let her go.
Her friends intervene, and Kashta puts one of the most difficult questions for
anyone writing about ancient Rome for children: what about the slaves?
“Rome is evil. Romans are evil!”
“No, Kashta. Romans are not evil. They are like us. Some are good. Some
are bad. Most are a mixture of good and bad. But their world is a wonderful one.”
“What about slavery?”
Nubia nodded slowly. “Yes, they have slaves. But I know a slave called
Alma who is happier than any of the free women here. […] And she is
loved.”
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“You have become one of them,” he said.
“Yes!” Nubia looked at him in wonder. “I have become Roman. I am Nubian, but I am also a Roman. Thank you for showing me that.”
Scribes, 222
This is a key issue of the “Roman Mysteries,” which hinge around a search for
free-born children who have been enslaved. Lawrence does not reject slavery
outright, but points out that all situations and freedoms are relative. Is it better to be a slave and have food and shelter than to be free but starve? In the
process she draws the equation between slavery and femininity, and questions
absolute divisions between slave and free societies. Nubia’s response reveals a
pragmatic awareness that Roman culture is imperfect, even as she proclaims
her own Romanness. Here, Lawrence is acknowledging to a certain extent her
softening and romanticising of Roman culture, although the description of
Flavia’s house continues it. Nubia goes on the longest and most onerous quest
of the series to find that while she is Nubian, she is Roman, too, accepting the
complexities of cultural hybridity.19
Jonathan and Judaism
Jonathan’s journey is a journey of the heart and mind, more than the body. His
search for his mother leads him to Rome, where he finds that she is now the
companion of Titus, under attack from an angry, rejected Queen Berenice of
Judaea. He must come to terms with his mother’s unfaithfulness to his father,
the impossibility of reconciling his parents, and the terrible destruction that
was brought down on his people in Judaea by the otherwise (mostly) friendly
emperor. Madelyn Travis argues that Lawrence’s representations of Judaism
19
In the process, Nubia seems to have read key works of Roman history, exploring provincial
identity, such as Woolf, “Becoming Roman, Staying Greek,” 116–143: this is an extreme example of Nodelman’s “hidden text.” The words sound perfectly natural in the voice of the
character and the situation of the conversation, and would only stand out as a knowing
nod to the academic literature to those who have read it. The division between readers is
not necessarily that between children and adults, but between more and less knowledgeable readers (much as for the allusive texts of Hellenistic and Latin literature). In fact,
all literature can be read on different levels: perhaps the difference between children’s
literature and adult literature in this respect is that the less knowledgeable readers are officially valorised as “the readers” while the more knowledgeable ones are addressed slyly,
unofficially, thus reversing the normal attitude in which authors emphasise their learning
and that of their readers.
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are fatally tainted by her Christian agenda, to the extent that “the dominant
representations of Jews in children’s historical fiction of twenty-first-century
Britain resemble anti-Semitic images of the Victorian era and earlier.”20 Her
argument is flawed by the fact that she is working only with the first three
books of the series; there is some truth in the claim that Lawrence presents
Christianity as a positive step forward: but not just in comparison to Judaism,
rather in comparison to all religions in the Roman world. In fact, she is as much
interested in Judaism as Christianity; after her degree in Classics (at Berkeley
and Newnham College, Cambridge), she obtained an ma in Hebrew and Jewish Studies at University College, London.21 The attraction of this period for
Lawrence is surely as much about the aftermath of the Flavian campaign in
Judaea as it is about the eruption of Vesuvius or the rivalry between Titus and
Domitian. Jonathan and his family form the counterpoint to the middle-class
Roman family of Flavia Gemina. Although they are Christians, they are also
Jews and subject to the same anti-Semitism as other Jews. Jonathan’s mother
appears not to be a Christian, and neither is the eponymous Slave-girl from
Jerusalem (2007)—Hephzibah—whom they rescue in volume 13. At her trial,
Mordecai, Jonathan’s father, experiences this anti-Semitism, since the trial
speeches are used as an opportunity to present hugely exaggerated caricatures
of Roman attitudes (Slave-girl, 137, 139). He himself emphasises his dual identity as Roman citizen and Jew (Slave-girl, 41). Ultimately, the villain in this story
is a Roman; all the Jews are vindicated. Further, the emotional heart of the
book is the death in childbirth of Miriam, Jonathan’s sister. Travis might argue
that the existence of Zealot assassins in volume 4, and Agathus, who sets fire
to Rome as vengeance for the slaughter of the Jews in volume 7, tend to portray
Jews as immoral. However, Lawrence works hard to distance these characters
from the class of Jews as a whole, just as she distances Nonius Celer, the murderer, of whose crime Hephzibah is accused, from Romans as a whole:
20
21
Madelyn Travis, “‘Heritage Anti-Semitism’ in Modern Times? Representations of Jews and
Judaism in Twenty-first-Century British Historical Fiction for Children,” European Judaism 43 (2010): 89. She is particularly vitriolic about the “Roman Mysteries”: “The relationship between the observance of Judaism and immoral behaviour, absent in texts from the
1960s through the 1990s, reappears in ‘Roman Mysteries’ […] [which] presents Jews as
misguidedly clinging to an outmoded religion.” (89).
Details of Lawrence’s academic career, and movements between the us and uk, are available on the “Roman Mysteries” website at http://www.romanmysteries.com/author (accessed Dec. 10., 2015).
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[Judge at trial:] “[…] Let no person say that Roman Justice is not blind to
race or background: you may claim your legacy.”
Slave-girl, 189–190
Simeon the Zealot, Jonathan’s uncle, turns out in fact to be not an assassin,
but a messenger attempting to protect Jonathan’s mother from an assassination ordered by Berenice. Berenice herself is represented not as evil, but rather
crossed in love. Susannah’s father, who rejects Mordecai for not standing up
to the Romans because of his Christianity, also rejects her lover, Jonathan the
Zealot for his extremism (Assassins, 81–83). Agathus is portrayed less as Jewish, and more as a terrorist; his attempt to radicalise Jonathan fails at the last,
when Jonathan fights him and inadvertently sets off the fire himself. When
Agathus claims that the fire will be a burnt offering to atone for the deaths of
so many Jews, he uses the word “holocaust,” which shows Lawrence’s complex
engagement with Judaism. Here, the holocaust is not the destruction of millions of Jews (and others), but rather the vengeance taken in response: a Jew is
responsible for the deaths of thousands of Romans, a sacrifice taken in return
for the Roman brutalities and excesses of conquest in Judaea.
This is not to belittle the suffering of the Jews during the Judaean campaign. Lawrence gives not only Susannah’s story, but also that of Hephzibah
(Slave-girl, 73–76, 77–81), which moves from survival of the sack of Jerusalem
in a heap of dead bodies, to survival as one of the only seven at Masada not to
commit suicide. This is tough material for a children’s book and her decision
to tackle it demonstrates her engagement with Judaism. Admittedly, she does
talk about Jewish dissension as contributing to the fall of Jerusalem, but this is
almost certainly drawn from Josephus. As a Jew who becomes thoroughly Roman, he is not only a key source, but also a character, appearing as a figure of
scholarly authority in The Assassins of Rome (2002, 111), The Enemies of Jupiter
(2003, 54 and 117–118), and The Slave-girl from Jerusalem (84–85), and thematising, along with Pliny the Younger, Lawrence’s own keen engagement with the
ancient sources.22
Further, Lawrence puts considerable emphasis on the continuities between
Judaism and Christianity, not just in their cultural roots, but also in their shared
22
On Josephus, see Jonathan Edmondson, Steve Mason, and James Rives, eds., Flavius Josephus and Flavian Rome (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). On Greek and Roman
attitudes to Jews and Judaism, see Tessa Rajak, The Jewish Dialogue with Greece and Rome:
Studies in Cultural and Social Interaction (Leiden: Brill, 2001); and Erich S. Gruen, Diaspora: Jews Amidst Greeks and Romans (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002).
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practices. At this point in the early Church, Christianity is part of Judaism, an
unusual Jewish sect. Forgiveness and repentance are emphasised as Jewish
ideas (Assassins, 186). Jonathan talks of himself as a Jew, when arguing with
Agathus: “That’s not what we Jews believe. Only God can take life, because he
gives it” (Enemies, 169). Jonathan and Mordecai celebrate Yom Kippur (Assassins, 32).23
Jonathan’s relationship with his family is even more characterised by desire and deferral than those of the others we have already looked at: first he
thinks his mother is dead, then he wants to find her, but when he succeeds, she
cannot come home with him (Assassins, 175); when he meets his mother at the
beginning of The Enemies of Jupiter, the relationship is awkward, and he feels
embarrassed by her poor Latin (Enemies, 39 and 124). Later in the same volume
his plans to bring his parents back together fall apart (Enemies, 143) and put
everyone in danger, causing Titus to be extremely angry. This leads to Jonathan’s radicalisation, and his accidental burning of Rome. After he survives the
fire, his parents are reunited, but without him there to see it (Enemies, 196–
198). When they finally do live together, and Jonathan is reintegrated into the
family, the death of Miriam overshadows it all. Jonathan and his father both
seem to suffer from depression; his mother becomes a pale shadow of her
former self, and no longer has the same significance in his life. Instead, he
finishes the books still looking unsuccessfully for his kidnapped nephew.
Jonathan never really finds himself, neither in the East nor the West, but represents the ongoing battle for acceptance of those who struggle to live with
themselves.24
Flavia, Detectives, Christians, and Closure in Ephesus
When the four main characters reach the city of Ephesus in Asia Minor, Nubia
experiences it as coming home:
For the rest of her life, Nubia would remember the first time she saw
Ephesus. They had crested a mountain and the city lay below them, two
23
24
There are also various straightforwardly positive Jewish characters, such as Seth and Nathan in The Scribes of Alexandria and The Prophet of Ephesus.
Jonathan’s father and Flavia’s uncle Gaius are both represented as suffering from mentalhealth problems, caused by trauma and bereavement. Both disappear for long periods
and reject the responsibilities of family life. Is Jonathan’s story a study more of mental
health than Judaism?
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or three miles distant. From here it looked like a scattering of coloured
tesserae at the foot of golden hills. […] There was a presence here: a sadness mixed with joy, a poignant hopefulness. Unaccountably, Nubia’s
eyes brimmed with tears.
“Do you feel that?” she said. […]
“I feel it,” said Aristo […]. “It feels like… coming home.”
The Prophet FROM Ephesus, 85
Later, the organiser of the child slave ring becomes a Christian and leaves his
property to the children he has enslaved, to be managed by the four detectives. They can choose which of his villas to live in: they choose between Ostia,
Halicarnassus, and Ephesus. Nubia straight away votes for Ephesus, but Lupus
would only live in Ephesus if he cannot go back to Ostia. Nubia, characterised
throughout by her “intuition,” has an uncanny emotional foresight to the end
of the series, while the others are not so in tune with the plot. The final book
shows them trying to clear their names in order to return home, and at the
same time attempting to figure out who killed Titus: was it really Domitian?
Jonathan thinks his father may be about to kill Titus and is trying to stop him,
or to protect him. The others are trying to find and protect Jonathan. Flavia, Lupus, and Nubia succeed in claiming amnesty from Domitian, until it becomes
clear that they thought he had tried to kill Titus. At the end of the book Domitian allows them to go free, but exiles them from Italy. They have no choice but
to live in Ephesus. The edge of Empire becomes home, and their joy at having
a mission (reuniting lost children with their families), a community (the Ephesian Christians), and a beautiful home is significantly compromised by the fact
that they are unable to go back to their real home. Valerius Flaccus, Flavia’s
love interest, must even stage his own death, give up poetry, and reinvent himself as a human-rights lawyer called Jason. This movement from the centre to
the edge of the Roman world undermines the closure that is achieved by other
means, particularly the conversions to Christianity, and, for the girls, marriage.
My son, for one, did not think it was a happy ending. Nubia marries Aristo, and
Flavia marries Valerius Flaccus: Flavia’s wedding forms the epilogue. However,
Flavia is excluded from the conversion to Christianity. In one particularly telling incident, she waits to feel God, but simply does not, and instead joins in the
procession of Ephesian Artemis:
Flavia imitated the posture of the others, with her face turned to the sky,
her eyes closed tight and her hands lifted up. She was waiting for something to happen. […] But she felt nothing. Just a vague tingling in the
palms of her hands.
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Flavia opened one eye and looked around. Everyone seemed lost in
worship. […] Flavia closed her eyes again and waited.
Nothing.
She opened her eyes again, sighed loudly and glanced around.
The Prophet from Ephesus, 176–177
Closure is also compromised by the fact that her powers of detection are
brought into question, when her solution to the death of Titus is denied by the
doctor, Ben Aruva, who has conducted an autopsy (The Man from Pomegranate
Street, 2009). Not only did Titus not die from the prick of a stylus treated with
sea urchin poison, but he was not even murdered: he died from a brain tumour:
Jonathan felt sick as he realised what Ben Aruva was saying. “Are you telling us that Titus wasn’t murdered?”
“That is exactly what I am telling you.”
Flavia and Jonathan looked at each other.
“I don’t believe it,” said Flavia. “We had proof.”
Man, 214
The imperial brothers have not after all been fighting to the death; the four
must accept that, despite his evident unsavouriness, Domitian is not a murderer (or at least not yet, or not the murderer of his brother):
“I was Titus’s doctor,” continued Ben Aruva. “And I do not know Domitian
well. But I believe he loved his brother. Yes, he was bitter and jealous. Yes,
he occasionally conspired against him. But I do not believe that he would
ever have had him killed.”
Man, 216
Jonathan’s prophecies, their manic rush through Italy, Flavia’s detective work:
all are undone by this chapter. Instead of clearing their names, they have forced
themselves into permanent exile. The neat closure of the genre of detective
novels is compromised by their collision with imperial power, which Lawrence
manages to make both benign and disturbing. The romantic arc that ends with
the marriages of Flavia and Nubia is compromised by the complete lack of closure in Jonathan’s story. In their attempts to find themselves, they have ended
up losing their homes and bringing their families and friends into danger.
Some of this anxiety is partially resolved in the epilogue, when a letter from
Jonathan’s father reveals that he did intend to kill Titus, but at the last minute
saw a boy who resembled Jonathan and changed his mind; at the same time,
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Flavia admits that she has not wholly given up solving mysteries, or resigned
herself fully to life as a Roman matron. Finally, the last scene emphasises the
way that the four friends have become extended family for each other.25
Conclusions
This chapter has shown some of the complex ways that Caroline Lawrence
draws on ancient sources and scholarship about Roman culture in creating a
multilayered and sophisticated representation of Roman Empire and society.
In particular, the chapter has explored issues of slavery, imperial power, religion, and gender. There is a great deal more to be said about these rich and
subtle books, for instance about disability and sexuality. Throughout, there is
a tension between the desire to soften, romanticise, and make familiar Roman
society, and the desire to be true to its difficulties, alien features, and barbarity. This is perhaps reflected in the compromised homecomings that thread
through the books, the continuing importance of desire and deferral, and the
ultimate partial closure.
Rome is particularly good for thinking about identity because of the play
of sameness and otherness it activates. As well as being part of our identity,
our heritage, our joint ways of thinking about ourselves as Europeans, and
Westerners, it is also a way to put into relief what is specific and distinctive
about our cultures in comparison to Roman culture. The multicultural nature
of Roman society allows for a dialogue between centre and periphery in which
neither is wholly right or wholly wrong. Roman society equally offers opportunities for social fluidity, for extreme changes of fortune from rich merchant to
shipwrecked pauper, from free to slave and slave to free. The complex nature
of the Roman family allows for families to meld and change, just as ours do
nowadays. Perhaps most importantly, Roman religion is multiple and varied,
allowing us to see it as fundamentally different or fundamentally the same as
religion today. It is always possible, and indeed attractive, to try to find ourselves by making a journey into Roman territory: but Lawrence warns us that
we will never truly find ourselves at home in Rome.
25
On the four as an extended family: Nubia in Africa: “‘My family are all dead,’ she said,
softly. ‘Only Taharqo remains and he is in Rome.’ Her golden eyes were brimming as she
looked from Flavia to Jonathan to Lupus. ‘Chryses was right. You are my family. And I am
so glad I have found you.’” (Scribes, 225); “‘No!’ cried Nubia. ‘We must not be divided. We
are family. We must stay together.’” (Prophet, 3); “‘Thank you, Flavia,’ said Diana. ‘Thank
you for accepting me into your family.’” (Man, 223).
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chapter 26
Create Your Own Mythology: Youngsters
for Youngsters (and Oldsters) in Mythological
Fan Fiction
Katarzyna Marciniak
Disclaimer: I do not own the mythological characters. They belong to the
Greeks. I only borrow them, as the Romans did, for a little amusement.
Eris had not been invited to the wedding of Peleus and Thetis. No one liked
the goddess of strife. Yes, we know this from our various mythological reading experiences, whether from ancient sources or modern elaborations. But in
the twenty-first century the reason for the omission of Eris on the guest
list shall be searched for on the Internet. Angry with Hermes for one of his
pranks, the goddess had blocked his Facebook account, so the announcement
about the wedding skipped her. Though she had brought this on herself, Eris
decided to take revenge. At the day of the wedding party, she “leapt out
from behind the hedge and threw something. […] It was golden. It was a
golden apple… a golden apple iPhone 4s” with the inscription: “To the
hottest!” The honour to choose the happy owner of the golden Apple iPhone
of the then newest generation fell to the bored Paris, who gladly exchanged
the cell phone for Helen. “Hera and Athena scowled and disappeared in
sparks, while Aphrodite plucked in the silver earphones and started bobbing
to Beyonce.”
We have been used to many variants of ancient myths, though this version of the Judgment of Paris is rather odd, even in the opinion of its author, a
fourteen-year-old1 from England named Jack who adds to the story a personal
comment: “I know, it was weird…”2 However, his story, entitled “The Apple of
Strife,” has every right to be weird. It is a piece of fan fiction, published on
the biggest such Internet platform—FanFiction.net, gathering ca. 2.2 million
1 At the date of its publication: Aug. 5, 2012. Throughout this paper I keep the original spelling
and grammar found in the fanfics here quoted.
2 The full story, from which I have quoted above, may be read at https://www.fanfiction
.net/s/8396049/1/The-Apple-of-Strife (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
© Katarzyna Marciniak, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004335370_028
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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users3 from all over the world4 under a banner encouraging unlimited creativity: “Unleash Your Imagination.”
Fan fiction is a recent phenomenon—one of the most dynamically developing realms of social media. It involves fans creating texts inspired by a pre-existing work of culture.5 The birth of fan fiction is associated with American pulp
magazines of the 1920s and 1930s and Star Trek fanzines of the 1960s, in which
science fiction lovers could write, publish, and read stories set in their favourite
imaginary world.6 However, some people trace the origins of this phenomenon
3 As of April 18, 2013, information source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FanFiction.Net
(accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
4 Interestingly enough, the platform FanFiction.net was initially available only in the West,
and subsequently expanded globally (cf. ibid.).
5 Fan fiction has been a research subject since the 1990s, however, in the early stages legal
issues were the most pressing (see also below, nn. 6 and 8). Soon its broader potential was
noticed by experienced scholars of popular culture and, especially, by young faculty members—the first generation to grow up with the Internet (hence the many ma and Ph.D. theses
that constitute the core bibliography of this topic). The most important studies from the perspective of my research will be cited in the course of the present chapter (most of them are
available online, too). For further reading see also: William Lewis Bolt, The Hidden Authors: A
Study and Survey of Fan Fiction Writers (Senior Honors Project Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2004), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014); Melissa J. Herzing, The Internet World of Fan Fiction
(ma thesis, Virginia Commonwealth University, 2005), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014); Karen
Hellekson and Kristina Busse, eds., Fan Fiction and Fan Communities in the Age of the Internet:
New Essays (Jefferson, n.c.: McFarland, 2006); Rebecca W. Black, Adolescents and Online Fan
Fiction (New York: Peter Lang, 2008); Alice R. Bell, “The Anachronistic Fantastic: Science,
Progress and the Child in ‘Post-nostalgic’ Culture,” International Journal of Cultural Studies
12.2 (2009): 5–22; Peter Güldenpfennig, Fandom, Fan Fiction and the Creative Mind (ma thesis,
Tilburg University, 2011), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014); Ageliki Nicolopoulou, “Children’s
Storytelling: Toward an Interpretive and Sociocultural Approach,” StoryWorlds: A Journal of
Narrative Studies 3 (2011): 25–48; Daniel Punday, “Narration, Intrigue, and Reader Positioning
in Electronic Narratives,” StoryWorlds: A Journal of Narrative Studies 4 (2012): 25–47; Kristin
M. Barton and Jonathan Malcolm Lampley, eds., fan CULTure: Essays on Participatory Fandom
in the 21st Century (Jefferson, n.c.: McFarland, 2013); Mark Duffet, Understanding Fandom: An
Introduction to the Study of Media Fan Culture (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013).
6 See, e.g., Angela Thomas, “Blurring and Breaking through the Boundaries of Narrative, Literacy, and Identity in Adolescent Fan Fiction,” in Michele Knobel and Colin Lankshear, eds., A
New Literacies Sampler (New York: Peter Lang, 2007), 137. For the definition of fan fiction see,
e.g.: Jessica Freya Kem, Cataloging the Whedonverse: Potential Roles for Librarians in Online
Fan Fiction (ma thesis, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2005), online (accessed
Oct. 15, 2014), 2–3; Alison Evans, The Global Playground: Fan Fiction in Cyberspace (ma thesis, Roehampton University, 2006), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014), 6–15; Christina Z. Ranon,
“Honor Among Thieves: Copyright Infringement in Internet Fandom,” Vanderbilt Journal
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many centuries back, to the tradition of writing parodies, continuations, or
alternative endings to famous literary works, as was the case with the authorised and unauthorised sequels to Don Quixote or, closer to our time, Gone with
the Wind.7 And if we think of the nostoi and the cyclic poets—not to mention
the whole Athenian drama built from the crumbs from Homer’s table—we
will easily, though half-jokingly, derive fan fiction directly from Antiquity.8 One
witty Internet user from Italy even set up a profile on the FanFiction.net platform on behalf of Virgil himself, pasting Book One of the Aeneid in Latin there,
of Entertainment and Technology Law 8.2 (2006): 421–452; Steven A. Hetcher, “Using Social
Norms to Regulate Fan Fiction and Remix Culture,” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 157
(2008): 1869–1935; Meredith Cherland, “Harry’s Girls: Harry Potter and the Discourse of Gender,” Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy 52.4 (2008–2009): 279–280; Elizabeth Burns and
Carlie Webber, “When Harry Met Bella: Fanfiction Is All the Rage. But Is It Plagiarism? Or the
Perfect Thing to Encourage Young Writers?,” School Library Journal 55.8 (Aug. 2009), online
(accessed May 15, 2013); Bronwen Thomas, “What Is Fanfiction and Why Are People Saying
Such Nice Things about It?,” StoryWorlds: A Journal of Narrative Studies 3 (2011): 1–24. See also
various Internet discussions traceable on Wikipedia, etc. It is necessary to follow them, as the
electronic media react in the most dynamic way, much faster than traditional scholarship, to
the transformation within the fan-fiction community.
7 Burns and Webber, “When Harry Met Bella”; Newsweek Staff, “Star Trek: Spock, Kirk and
Slash Fiction,” Newsweek, May 5, 2009, online at: http://www.newsweek.com/star-trek-spockkirk-and-slash-fiction-79807 (accessed Dec. 11, 2015); Elizabeth F. Judge, “Kidnapped and
Counterfeit Characters: Eighteenth-Century Fan Fiction, Copyright Law, and the Custody
of Fictional Characters,” in Reginald McGinnis, ed., Originality and Intellectual Property in
the French and English Enlightenment (New York: Routledge, 2009), 27, 46–48, 67, online
(accessed Oct. 15, 2014); Michael Choe, “The Problem of the Parody-Satire Distinction: Fair
Use in Machinima and Other Fan Created Works,” Rutgers Computer & Technology Law Journal 37 (2011), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014).
8 See Erica Christine Haugtvedt, Harry Potter and Fanfiction: Filling in the Gaps (Senior Honors
Thesis, The Ohio State University, 2009), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014), 5: “Any parody can
be considered fanfiction. Any story that draws upon history or oral tradition can be considered fanfiction. Even Virgil’s The Aeneid can be considered fanfiction based on Homer’s The
Iliad and The Odyssey. What’s the difference that makes fanfiction, then? One difference that
makes fanfiction special may be the way in which fanfiction relies upon the source narrative.” See also Ernest Chua, “Fan Fiction and Copyright; Mutually Exclusive, Coexistable or
Something Else? Considering Fan Fiction in Relation to the Economic/Utilitarian Theory of
Copyright,” eLaw Journal 14.2 (2007): 216, with a quotation from Rebecca Tushnet, “Legal Fictions: Copyright, Fan Fiction, and a New Common Law,” Loyola of Los Angeles Entertainment
Law Journal 17 (1997): 651 and 655: “Fan fiction has been described as ‘any kind of written
creativity that is based on an identifiable segment of popular culture, such as a television
show, and not produced as «professional» writing’.” By the way, the term “professional” in the
Internet era probably needs to be redefined.
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as if it were a piece of fan fiction, currently under construction.9 The piece
attracted the attention of barely three readers (o tempora, o mores!), one of
whom felt disappointed with the language choice (“Hmm, if only this wasn’t
Latin”), but the remaining two were delighted and left for “P. Vergili Maronis
[sic!]” the following comments: “A great start (check your word count though).
You should think of publishing this when you finish” and “omg, this is so good
fanfiction. Already in the first chapter I can see the clever crossreferences to
the Odysee. I love your work now already, I bet it’ll be really popular in 2000
years! Keep up the good work :D.”10
Virgil, indeed, has passed the test for a classic, being widely read for over
two millennia. For a long time, however, the circulation of amateur fanfics was
limited to narrow groups of recipients of culture, and for a very prosaic reason:
the difficulty in accessing these works, available as they were in but a few copies. For only masterpieces like the Aeneid were worthy of the incredible effort
that the transmission process required even after Gutenberg’s revolution. Indeed, as late as the twentieth century the demanding professional cooperation
between authors, editors, and publishers made writing an elitist activity, reserved for a small circle within society. The Internet changed everything. It has
been gathering fans of all kinds, inspiring the creation of fan works of boundless scope, and providing the space to make them globally accessible. Besides
FanFiction.net, set up in 1998, there are countless similar, though smaller platforms, ones based on a simple premise: you can read or write, or both, for free.
There is no geographical, national, gender, or religiously motivated exclusion.
Every fanfic author, whether a child or an adult—each having equal rights—
may potentially count on millions of readers.11 And the statistics fail to grasp
9
10
11
See http://www.fanfiction.net/s/8631155/1/Aeneid-book-1-Carthage (accessed Dec. 11,
2015).
Ibid. By the way, it is worth observing that this reader not only placed “P. Vergili Maronis”
among his (or her) “favorite authors,” but he (or she) also returned to the Aeneid fanfic
after three long (for Internet phenomena) years (Nov. 16, 2015!) and expressed his (or her)
disappointment in the fact that “P. Vergili Maronis” had not published more chapters of
his work since 2012: “Man, I was so stoked to read more of this thrilling story! It’s a shame
you never posted another chapter. Now I’ll never get to know what happened to Aeneas:(.”
Abbreviations and emoticons are very common among fanfic authors. Here we can also
see how readers in their feedback support authors and suggest improvements to them—
in this particular case, correction of the word number declared or encouragement to continue literary activity.
One of the most popular platforms is archiveofourown.org. Of course, those who write
in English stand a better chance of gaining a wide public. And we should not forget that
there are still countries that censor access to the Internet and thus to fan fiction.
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the scale of this phenomenon. They are out-of-date at the very minute of their
announcement, because every day, even now, at this moment, there are new
fanfics appearing. It has been estimated that they are “equivalent to 8,200 novels, each of 50,000 words, being produced globally per annum.”12
Nonetheless, this phenomenon is still disregarded outside the fan-fiction
community. One of the scholars even asks—provocatively, for in fact she studies fan fiction in-depth—“Why on earth would anyone want to waste their
time writing stories about a book that was already written and about characters they did not create?”13 Well, let the one among us who is without this
sin raise their hand. When we reflect deeply on the essence of fan fiction, we
may venture the hypothesis that it all begins with childhood. I remember a
school assignment to describe the adventures of one of the heroes of Polish
literature—The Knights of the Cross by the Nobel laureate Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846–1916)—a mediaeval knight called Zbyszko transported through
time straight to a school party. It was an obligatory composition,14 and today,
browsing the FanFiction.net base, we may find a welter of texts of similar
origin, made public by their young authors from the “digital” generation. As
one of them remarks: “I love it when your English essay turns out to be writing a fanfiction. Just makes my day.”15 However, such iuvenilia were and also
are cropping up outside school, after hours. And some people continue their
fanfic adventure into adulthood. The Internet fan-fiction platforms preserve
such experiences and make it possible to share them across the boundaries
of time, space, and generations. Furthermore, the authors can count on—
an experience of revolutionary consequences for this phenomenon—the
12
13
14
15
Evans, The Global Playground, 27. On Harry Potter fan fiction, see Leila Green and Carmen
Guinery, “Harry Potter and the Fan Fiction Phenomenon,” Journal of Media and Culture
7.5 (2004), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014); and the much-anticipated study by Jane Glaubman, Reconstructing Harry: “Harry Potter” Fan Fiction on the World Wide Web (Durham,
n.c.: Duke University Press, forthcoming).
Diane Lewis, “Understanding the Power of Fan Fiction for Young Authors,” Kliatt 38
(March 2004), http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Understanding+the+power+of+fan+fictio
n+for+young+authors.-a0114326743, 2004 (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
This particular assignment was not only a “speciality” of my school, as Jan Kwapisz attests
in his review of Margaret Atwood’s The Penelopiad—“Kiedy feministka spotyka muzę”
[When a feminist meets a muse], Meander 60 (2005): 254.
See the story “Chimeria” by Padfoot7567 (by the way, this nickname reveals a fascination with the Harry Potter heptalogy, which is also an attractive background for mythological fanfics—see further sections of the present chapter) at https://www.fanfiction
.net/s/8015320/1/Chimeria (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
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so-called “living audience,”16 that is, an unlimited17 response on the part of
readers. This is a promising field of research for educators, psychologists, and
sociologists, but also for classical scholars, as a good deal of fanfics refer to
Graeco-Roman Antiquity, this being one of the most original cases of the newest reception of ancient culture.18
Particularly interesting is the fanfic reception of myths. While fan stories
based on the most recent works of culture still raise controversies in regard
to the potential of copyright infringement (which is why many authors precede their creations with appropriate disclaimers, like the one I imitated at the
beginning of this chapter19), Graeco-Roman mythology, in turn, has been the
object of various receptive processes and techniques since its birth somewhere
16
17
18
19
For more on this phenomenon see further sections of the present chapter.
At least in theory, and the feedback is quite impressive in practice, too, though there are
cases like that of poor “P. Vergili Maronis” who has gained only three reader’s comments
(blame it on Latin if you wish).
As for the Classics and Classical Reception, the role of fan fiction is a new research field.
When I was submitting my chapter to the publisher I came across (thanks to the Liverpool Classics Mailing List managed by Nick Lowe) a call for papers announced by Ika
Willis for a special issue of the journal Transformative Works and Cultures dedicated to the
phenomenon of fan fiction in regard to the Classics: The Classical Canon and/as Transformative Work. I have yet to study the results of this interesting call, but I am pleased to be
able to indicate the website of this issue in my last update of the relevant bibliography:
http://journal.transformativeworks.org/index.php/twc/issue/view/23 (accessed July 20,
2016). See also Willis’s thesis, presented on Oct. 22, 2010, Fanfiction Gets a Good Reception,
“Public Engagement Stories,” University of Bristol, at: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/publicengagementstories/stories/2010/115.html (accessed Jan. 23, 2015).
In fact, the copyright issue (much discussed in the 1990s) is no longer a serious problem as long as fanfic authors do not write for commercial use; see, e.g., Ranon, “Honor
Among Thieves,” 421–452; Meredith McCardle, “Fan Fiction, Fandom, and Fanfare: What’s
All the Fuss?,” Boston University Journal of Science and Technology Law, online, 9.2 (2003):
434–468; Rachel L. Stroude, “Complimentary Creation: Protecting Fan Fiction as Fair
Use,” Marquette Intellectual Property Law Review 14.1 (2010): 191–213; Catherine Tosenberger, “Mature Poets Steal: Children’s Literature and the Unpublishability of Fanfiction,” Children’s Literature Association Quarterly 39.1 (2014): 4–27. On the famous case of the Harry
Potter Lexicon blocked by J.K. Rowling (who has otherwise exhibited a friendly attitude
toward fan fiction), see Aaron Schwabach, “The Harry Potter Lexicon and the World of
Fandom: Fan Fiction, Outsider Works, and Copyright,” University of Pittsburgh Law Review
70 (2009): 387–434, online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014). The famous Marion Zimmer Bradley
case is also discussed there. A piece of fan fiction embedded in one of her literary worlds
blocked the publication of her own book, as the fanfic author claimed the ownership of
certain motifs she was planning to use—independently, as she claimed. However, the
court took the side of the fanfic author.
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at the dawn of our millennia-old civilisation. Thus, the retelling of mythical
tales is purely natural and they constitute a generous base of inspiration, also
because they have been circulating around us for what seems—and indeed,
is—an eternity, in a variety of reinterpretations: whether in literature, painting, sculpture, music, movies, and the growing body of popular culture works,
including computer games, etc. Even if school curricula no longer give priority
to the Graeco-Roman tradition, myths are still present there, as “school” fanfics prove, and in our life as well, to a much greater extent than we might be
aware. Moreover, their unique trait—i.e., their fixed fundamental structure yet
universal flexibility in adapting to individual needs—permits authors to transmit peculiar cultural or personal issues via myths with the hope of being widely understood. Thus, a community is coming into being between fanfic authors
and readers: they exchange their knowledge about ancient myths and simultaneously assimilate new experiences. This is a community in a state of constant
metamorphosis, in a “process of becoming,” as is typical for popular culture,20
but nonetheless it strives for a solid identity to rely on.
Because the process of constructing an identity is especially important for
young people, I propose we now take a quick glance at the universe of mythological Internet fan fiction created by children and young adults to see how
mythological fanfics are structured. While browsing and reviewing them, we
will also try to discover if there is a canon of works about mythology referred to
by fan-fiction authors. Finally, taking into consideration also the phenomenon
of the living audience, we will try to face the crucial question from the perspective of classical reception studies: what are the functions that mythological fan
fiction fulfils for youngsters?
Research into fan fiction entails, however, numerous methodological challenges. First of all, the number of works circulating on the Internet makes it
difficult to carry out a comprehensive analysis. To keep a coherent picture of
the phenomenon, I will focus on the materials gathered on the leading platform—the earlier mentioned FanFiction.net. Furthermore, while giving preferential attention to the most numerous group of texts, i.e., those written in
English (also by non-native speakers), I will nevertheless take into consideration other languages and regional circles, as well, between East and West. The
most thorny issue regards the age of the authors and readers. As the leading
authority in studies into fan fiction, Henry Jenkins, states (and he has been
observing it for more than two decades), the role of children is to be taken
seriously:
20
See John Fiske, Reading the Popular (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), 1 (on culture as a constant succession of social practices).
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Ten years ago, published fan fiction came mostly from women in their
twenties, thirties. Today, these older writers have been joined by a generation of new contributors—kids who found fan fiction surfing the Internet and decided to see what they could produce.21
Some of the writers reveal their age, like the Jack of “the iPhone of Strife,” but
the majority of them—with absolutely laudable caution—protect their personal data. And of course, even if certain profiles offer a handful of information, there is no possibility to ascertain the authenticity of the provided details
without intimacy-affecting questionnaires. To solve this problem (at least to a
certain degree) with respect for the users’ privacy, I decided to base my conclusions both on the profiles and on all other available hints, such as mentions
that the fanfic in question was homework. Meanwhile, as far as the age of the
readers is concerned, we are not able to assess it, unless they are registered
users with developed profiles or leave some hints in their comments to the
stories (and as registration or leaving a comment is not an obligatory procedure, the material for in-depth analyses is strongly limited). The moderators of
the FanFiction.net platform treat seriously the fact that all texts might be read
by minor users—since 2002 it has been prohibited to publish stories there of
a mature content.22 Moreover, all the stories are rated to protect youngsters
(K for kids; K+ corresponding to pg—Parental Guidance—in the movie
industry; T for teens). The authors often use the rating system with hypercautiousness (cf., the common formula: “T for I am paranoid”), adding also socalled “trigger warnings,” i.e., mentions of themes with the potential to disturb
the public’s sensitivities (sexual motifs, self-harming, suicide, violence, etc.).
Of course, such precautions apply not only to youth—older readers may be
vulnerable, too. Thus, we can underline with full force that equality reigns in
the universum of fan fiction.23 One might even posit the hypothesis that this
phenomenon realises to the highest degree in the whole of popular culture the
postulates of childist criticism (children writing and expressing their views),24
21
22
23
24
Henry Jenkins, “Why Heather Can Write,” mit Technology Review, Feb. 6, 2004, online
(accessed July 24, 2016); see also idem, Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media
Collide (New York: nyu Press, 2006), 186 (in the context of the Harry Potter fanfics). See
also Evans, The Global Playground, 17.
See, e.g., Chad Eric Littleton, The Role of Feedback in Two Fanfiction Writing Groups (Ph.D.
Thesis, Indiana University of Pennsylvania, August 2011), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014), 33.
See also Sheenagh Pugh, “The Democratic Genre: Fan Fiction in a Literary Context,” Refractory: A Journal of Entertainment Media 5 (2004), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014).
See Peter Hunt, “Childist Criticism: The Subculture of the Child, the Book and the Critic,”
Signal 43 (1984): 42–59.
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the practice of double address (when authors speak to various age groups
of readers), and the dual audience experience (when the texts find recipients at different generational levels).25 There are no borders,26 only the Word
matters—as if to repudiate all the pessimists who prophesied its end. Indeed,
one thing you immediately notice when entering a fanfic platform, is its maximal simplicity: no illustrations, no pictures (the small ones are solely present in
the authors’ avatars), no sophisticated fonts. A striking experience, especially
in our times, which are dominated by visual culture. There are only storytellers
and their audience(s), as in Homer’s time. So let’s check how Graeco-Roman
mythology is entwined in the fabric of tales on the World Wide Web.
On the platform FanFiction.net, in the group “Misc”—that is, among texts
inspired by miscellany—we can find ca. 2,600 stories (as of December 2015)
based on Greek myths, and in various languages. English, of course, dominates,
but there are also fanfics in German, Dutch, French, Hebrew, Hungarian, Japanese, Modern Greek, Polish, Portuguese, Spanish, Swedish, and one even in Indonesian. They all fit into the essential categories as determined by Jenkins in
his fundamental study on fan fiction, Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture (1992).27 Of course, it should be noted that there are no strict
boundaries between them—constant change, category-crossing, and remixing
are the main characteristics of fan fiction, which fact reflects the essence of
the “community in process”28 and is generally a characteristic of contemporary
youth culture. Donna E. Alvermann remarks:
Young people are tirelessly editing and remixing multimodal content
they find online to share with others, using new tools to show and tell,
25
26
27
28
Emer O’Sullivan, Comparative Children’s Literature (New York–Oxon: Routledge, 2005),
15–19 (accessed via Google Books). See also the cross-writing and crossover phenomena,
e.g., Sandra L. Beckett, Crossover Fiction: Global and Historical Perspectives (New York–
Oxon: Routledge, 2009), 271: “Children, teenagers, and adults become part of a community where age doesn’t matter.”
Helen Merrick, “‘We Was Cross-dressing ‘Afore You Were Born!’ Or, How sf Fans Invented Virtual Community,” Refractory: A Journal of Entertainment Media 6 (2004), online
(accessed Oct. 15, 2014), 1 (on “a virtual community, formed of people who were geographically dispersed, brought together by a common interest”).
Henry Jenkins, Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture (New York:
Routledge, 1992).
See John Fiske, Understanding Popular Culture (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989) and Reading
the Popular, esp. 3.
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and rewriting their social identities in an effort to become who they say
they are.29
Fan fiction perfectly answers to this kind of demand. Thus, we have, for example, recontextualisations—stories with new (“missing”) scenes added
to the basic narration, such as an additional adventure of Odysseus and his
craft facing a fire-blazing chimera in the story “Chimeria,” originally a school
assignment by an American student.30 We also have the so-called expanded
timelines—sequels or prequels to well-known works, as in the fanfic “The Lost
Book 13”—a continuation of the Aeneid. The author wrote it “for Extra credit
for [her] Latin class,” apparently feeling the need to release some of the pressure from studying such a serious text. As a result, we get a story of a spelling
mistake while reading the scrolls of destiny: after all the hardships endured,
Aeneas comes to know that not he, but a certain Ieneas is to marry Lavinia, and
she is only too willing for this change:
He [Ieneas] presented her with a large, diamond ring. “Lavinia, don’t marry him, marry me. I’m the one you want, marry me.” “Ieneas, of course I’ll
marry you.” She placed the ring on her finger and kissed Ieneas on the
cheek, “Aeneas never gave me a ring.” She added bitterly, before walking
off with Ieneas, holding hands.31
Next, we have refocalisations, where minor figures, such as Clytemnestra from
the uk fanfic “Heavenly Deluge,” become the protagonists (such fanfics are
often written from their points of view).32 Another popular category is that
of character dislocation (also possible in the variant of Alternate Universe).
29
30
31
32
Donna E. Alvermann, “Why Bother Theorizing Adolescents’ Online Literacies for Classroom Practice and Research?,” Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy 52.1 (2008): 10. See
also Wan Shun Eva Lam, “Culture and Learning in the Context of Globalization: Research
Directions,” Review of Research in Education 30 (2006) (Special Issue: Rethinking Learning: What Counts as Learning and What Learning Counts): 219: “[…] this kind of collective identity is centered around shared practices of various sorts, there is a tendency to
cross traditional lines of ‘race’/ethnicity, class, gender, ability, and other institutional
classifications.”
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/8015320/1/Chimeria (accessed Dec. 11, 2015), see also
above, n. 15.
See http://www.fanfiction.net/s/6761443/1/The-Lost-Book-13 (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/912187/1/Heavenly-Deluge (accessed Dec. 11, 2015), a
story, rated T, with the following summary: “Centering on Clytemnestra and her bitter,
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Here stories about well-known heroes are placed in new settings or circumstances. They often contain the motif of a new ending to the known story or
of time-travelling: the ancient gods may for example incarnate themselves as
high school students.33 These stories are prone to be mixed with the category
of personalisation, which involves a fanfic author inserting her/his own person
into the narration, for example—on the wave of fascination with Stephenie
Meyer’s Twilight—as a character a Greek god falls in love with. Such stories,
usually mocked, if the author presents a far too idealised and romanticised
version of herself/himself (so-called Mary Sue/Gary Stu34), are nonetheless an
important testimony for classical reception studies, as they reflect the strong
desire to live ancient myths in the twenty-first century.35
A similar practice of blending and remixing also applies to the “genres”
typical for fan fiction: crime, fantasy, adventure, horror, humour, family, romance, etc.36 While the aforementioned “The Lost Book 13” belongs to “Humor/Parody,” a fifteen-year-old girl, in the story “Brotherly Bonding,” applies
family and humour genres in a tale of Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades going off for
33
34
35
36
vengeful thoughts as Agamemnon returns after the Trojan War, unknowingly to meet
with his own death…”
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/8580118/1/Oh-My-Gods-High-School (accessed Dec. 11,
2015); in this case, the author is a young(?) adult (she declares herself as “I am old enough
to be here… Okay if you must know I’m legal but that’s as far as I’ll go”).
On the Mary Sue phenomenon, see, e.g., Anupam Chander and Madhavi Sunder, “Everyone’s a Superhero: A Cultural Theory of Mary Sue Fan Fiction as Fair Use,” California
Law Review 95.2 (2007): 597–626. See also Burns and Webber, “When Harry Met Bella…”
(see above, n. 6); Kristi Lee, “Under the Waterfall: A Fanfiction Community’s Analysis of
Their Self-Representation and Peer Review,” Refractory: Journal of Entertainment Media 5
(2004), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014); Judge, “Kidnapped and Counterfeit Characters,” 7,
online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014).
The remaining categories proposed by Jenkins are—quoted after Judge, “Kidnapped and
Counterfeit Characters,” 8: “[…] moral realignment (inverting or questioning the moral
universe in the original text, for example by portraying villains as sympathetic protagonists), genre shifting (often shifting toward relationship-centered narratives), crossovers
with other texts (displacing generic and textual boundaries so characters from different
series interact or characters are placed in a different environment), […] emotional intensification (emphasizing narrative crises, especially one character’s response to another character’s crisis, called “hurt-comfort” stories), and eroticization (transforming the
merely suggestive to the explicitly sexual, which can include changing characters’ sexual
identities and “slash” homoerotic fiction).”
The terminology applied in the fan-fiction universe is unique and does not necessarily
correspond to traditional literary studies (e.g., see below on the use of the term “canon”).
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a weekend to Los Angeles.37 It is worth observing that in the practice of remixing, some young writers display an impressive knowledge of mythology, as is
the case of the author of “The Enigma of the Victory Bringer” (again a school
assignment), who blends the genres of fantasy and adventure in an Alternate
Universe, proposing a new ending to Perseus’s myth on the basis of its lesserknown version, according to which Medusa was a victim of the gods.38
But what is at the base of such stories? Those who think there is no canon in
the twenty-first century are mistaken. The canon in the fan-fiction universe is
safe and sound, though it has a slightly different meaning from its use in relation to high culture. It is “the body of information considered to be officially
correct”39 about a given cultural text. Hence, for example, for the mythological
stories embedded in the Percy Jackson world, the canon will be constituted not
by a specific collection of Greek myths (and of course not by ancient sources!), but precisely by Rick Riordan’s series—thus the fanfics about the growing
pains of Athena’s teenage daughter are purely “canonical.”
However, Graeco-Roman myths belong to the common heritage of the civilisation rooted in Mediterranean tradition, which—because of various historical trajectories strengthened recently by globalisation—has penetrated
the most remote parts of the world. So the question arises about the sources of
young authors’ knowledge of ancient mythology in general—a very important
question, as it leads us to discovering the transmission channels of the classical
tradition among youngsters.
The mythical canon in the fan-fiction community should be looked for not
only where we—the bie (Before the Internet Era) generation—would expect
to find it. The first reflex is to associate the canon of knowledge of classical
mythology with ancient sources or later collections of myths. In fact, on the
platform FanFiction.net, in the group “Books,” we find 179 stories based on
the Odyssey,40 such as the fanfic “Just a Simple Love Story” on the warm
relationship between Odysseus and Penelope, called Penny. This story was
written—as its author reveals—“for Mrs. Nelson’s English class.” It is so charming, or—to use a frequent fanfic term—fluffy, that we can easily understand
37
38
39
40
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/6613007/1/Brotherly-Bonding (accessed Oct. 15, 2014; no
longer available).
See http://www.fanfiction.net/s/7925183/1/The-Enigma-of-the-Victory-Bringer (accessed
Oct. 15, 2014; no longer available), and indeed, the author manages to surprise the readers.
See, e.g., Phyllis M. Japp, Mark Meister, and Debra K. Japp, eds., Communication Ethics,
Media & Popular Culture (New York: Peter Lang, 2005), 162–163 (accessed via Google
Books). To define the reference base for a given set of fanfics, the terms: “mythology” (sic!)
and “fanon” are also in use, see, e.g., Rebecca W. Black, “Online Fan Fiction and Critical
Media Literacy,” Journal of Computing in Teacher Education 26.2 (2009–2010): 77.
As of December 2015.
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the comment by the author’s friend that the boys in their class “weren’t mature enough to take it.”41 However, the appeal of the Iliad is about three times
smaller. There are 76 fanfics based on this epic,42 among which we find mainly
poetry, such as the poem Off To Troy, defined by its author as “one of the best
works created for a class that I failed. Draw your own conclusions from that.”43
The author labels the poem as cynical, and indeed, it offers a dark picture of
war. Let’s have a look at the final stanzas:
We sail on, both valiant and bold
Heroes of many stories told
.
A thousand ships for one girl’s face
Ten thousand men die in disgrace
.
.
.
Is it worth it?
As we can see, the author evokes not only the Iliad, but also the famous description of Helen by Christopher Marlowe as “the face that launched a thousand ships.” However, that line is so popular in the English-speaking world,
that we should not draw the conclusion that the one who evokes it knows The
Tragical History of Doctor Faustus. Similarly, knowledge of the Iliad does not
have to be firsthand among fanfic writers, as is shown in the case of a fifteenyear-old Brit who indicates that the “headcanon” for one of her stories—
“A Flame that Never Dies”—is the highly appreciated novel Song of Achilles
by Madeline Miller published in 2011.44 A similar situation occurs with the
41
42
43
44
The story in question was written by an American girl in her sophomore year, see https://
www.fanfiction.net/s/9007939/1/Just-a-Simple-Love-Story (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
As of December 2015.
See http://www.fanfiction.net/s/7398576/1/Off-To-Troy (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/9093631/1/A-Flame-That-Never-Dies (accessed Dec. 11,
2015). The author places her story in the category “Books,” in regard to the Iliad, but with
the following note: “Although this is under The Iliad, I am actually using The Song of
Achilles for my headcanon, (by Madeline Miller) which is technically based on the Iliad,
so…” See also the author’s half-joking disclaimer: “I am neither old nor dead, so I cannot
be Virgil. Nor am I totally and amazingly brilliant like Madeline Miller, so I can’t be her
either. Anyway, none of the canon characters belong to me, but Charis does, and if you
steal her I will be angry! :).” See also two more recent stories, of November 2015 (it is impossible to determine the age of their authors): https://www.fanfiction.net/s/11636461/1/
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Aeneid in regard to the equally appreciated novel Lavinia by Ursula K. Le Guin,
of 2008, which is becoming a new canon for the fanfic stories taking place in
the realms of Aeneas’ world.45 It is not difficult to understand the cause of such
a shift: both books are written in compellingly vivid style, and are surely more
accessible and appealing to young readers than many an old-fashioned translation of the ancient epics. Thus, on the one hand, this makes us aware of the
necessity to provide youngsters with a version of the classics that can speak to
them. On the other hand, the fanfics referring to Classical Antiquity may result
in encouraging young readers to reach for the works of ancient writers directly
(in good translations, for the originals are, of course, beyond general reach today)—both to come to know them and to look for new inspirations therein. By
the way, Le Guin’s novel also happens to be jokingly classified among fanfics.46
What seems odd here is the lack in English fanfics of explicit references to
the collections of myths formative for English culture, such as Nathaniel Hawthorne’s Tanglewood Tales.47 However, these books may be so “inborn” for fanfic
authors that they do not feel the necessity to mention them as their sources. It
seems sufficient to indicate simply, as was the case of the fanfic about the golden Apple–iPhone, the common title of the adapted myth. Curiously enough,
among Polish fanfics we find a story based on Mitologia. Wierzenia i podania
Greków i Rzymian [Mythology. Beliefs and legends of the Greeks and Romans]
by Jan Parandowski (1895–1978), a great promoter of Classical Antiquity, whose
collection of myths has been shaping generations of Poles since its publication
in 1924.48 The fanfic in question, also dedicated to the quarrel over the famous
45
46
47
48
Polaris, summary: “USING CHARACTERS FROM MADELEINE MILLER’S ‘THE
SONG OF ACHILLES’: Achilles doesn’t often take the time to reflect on what he has
in Patroclus, but when he does, it both thrills and unnerves him,” and https://www.fanfiction.net/s/11591416/1/What-Has-Hector-Ever-Done-To-Me, summary: “Patroclus’ death
from Achille’s point of view. (The Song of Achilles, I don’t think it has a category on this
site so I’ll post this here, I guess?)” (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
By the author of “A Flame that Never Dies,” https://www.fanfiction.net/s/8569044/1/The
-Princess (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
See the comment by Orcuspay (“Ursula K. Le Guin’s Lavinia is basically one of the best
fanfic pieces I’ve ever read.”) at the blog http://www.economist.com/blogs/prospero
/2011/07/fan-fiction (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
However, there are many fanfics based on his Scarlet Letter, even one with Ginny Weasley (sic!) as the protagonist, see https://www.fanfiction.net/s/675385/1/The-ChartreuseLetter (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
On Parandowski, see my chapter “(De)constructing Arcadia: Polish Struggles with History and Differing Colours of Childhood in the Mirror of Classical Mythology,” in Lisa
Maurice, ed., The Reception of Ancient Greece and Rome in Children’s Literature: Heroes and
Eagles (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 56–82, esp. 61–67. Parandowski’s Mythology turned out to be
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apple, is a parody written from the point of view of Athena, who decides to
compete with Aphrodite and Hera for fun. The author quotes the promises of
the goddesses to Paris directly from Parandowski’s book, mocking Hera’s overwrought style. The whole judgment is compared to a horse market and Athena
is sure that Paris will not choose her, because, as she states philosophically,
what young man would be interested in wisdom?49
If we dare to be as open-minded as Athena and leave our illusions aside
along with classical books, we will discover fascinating groups of “Movies,”
“tv Shows,” or “Games,” from which a new canon is emerging for mythological
fanfics. This category reflects most clearly constant change as the essence of
the fan-fiction community50—for here are gathered remixes of ancient myths
with different works of culture. Some of these works are rather obvious because of their potential for triggering references to mythology, like the tv show
Xena: Warrior Princess (ca. 2,300 stories)51 or the computer game God of War
(205 stories52). Some fanfics, however, take us by surprise, like the story by a
fifteen-year-old Spaniard who made the Little Mermaid fall in love with Achilles, or by a girl using the pen name Modern Kassandra, who adapted a song
from Disney’s Pocahontas to the romance of Achilles and Briseis, as presented
by Wolfgang Petersen in the movie Troy.53
49
50
51
52
53
an important source for Israeli children also: see Lisa Maurice’s chapter, “Greek Mythology in Israeli Children’s Literature,” in the present volume
See http://www.fanfiction.net/s/8428424/1/Jab%C5%82ko-niezgody (accessed Dec. 11,
2015).
See Fiske, Reading the Popular. See also B. Thomas, “What Is Fanfiction,” 6; Karen E. Wohlwend, “A Is for Avatar: Young Children in Literacy 2.0 Worlds and Literacy 1.0 Schools,”
Language Arts 88.2 (2010): 150.
See H.C.J.M. Spierings, Rewriting Xena: Warrior Princess. Resistance to Representations of
Gender, Ethnicity, Class and Sexuality in Fanfiction (Utrecht University, 2007); and Nikki
Stafford, ed., How Xena Changed Our Lives: True Stories By Fans For Fans (Ontario: ecw
Press, 2002).
As of December 2015. By the way, we should not delude ourselves into thinking that
this game of mature content is out of the reach of underage audiences, for fanfics prove
otherwise.
The story, entitled “Little Marmaid” (sic!), was published on FanFiction.net on May 26,
2012. I read it in May 2013, but it is no longer available. As for Modern Kassandra—a Disney fan (age impossible to determine)—see her story (in the category “Movies” in regard
to Troy) at http://www.fanfiction.net/s/8945641/1/If-I-Never-Knew-You (accessed Dec. 11,
2015), with the following summary: “Hi my fans :) This fic is set during the sacking of Troy
where Achilles falls. It’s kind of a crossover in that it has a song from the Walt Disney
movie Pocahontas. The song is called If I Never Knew You and can be found on Youtube,
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As the bie generation, we will be happy to browse the category “crossovers.”
Among a variety of sources we find many books there as well. They inspire
authors to create fanfics set in their canonical (in the fan-fiction meaning of
the term) realms, mixed with Greek mythology, for which no specific source is
declared. The books in question are mostly parts of the Harry Potter series54
and they unleash the imagination both of young and adult fans. As the author
of the fanfic “Harry Potter Meets Greek Mythology” remarks, the idea of mixing these two realms is very appealing: “I’m sorry but to me the books are just
asking for it.”55 If we add to this canon the Percy Jackson series, we will discover
that wizards and witches are “descendants of demigods” who transmit their
gifts upon them.56 For example, Neville Longbottom, as a descendent of Demeter, is gifted with Herbology. All Hogwarts students learn Latin and Greek, and
the gods, present at the Sorting Ceremony, seem quite at place there: Apollo
in jeans, looking like a supermodel; Poseidon in a Hawaiian beach shirt; or
Dionysus—a hippy in Ozzy Osbourne glasses.57
But is fan fiction a mere oddity or does it fulfil certain important functions?
Well, one is evident at first sight, on the basis of the aforementioned examples.
Many of them were school assignments and they helped the authors improve
their writing skills. As a girl from Australia remarks:
I have matured greatly within the duration of the two years that I have
passed as a member of this website. Evidently, my usage of grammar has
also significantly improved, much to my relief.58
54
55
56
57
58
and I know it might seem out of character for Achilles and Briseis but this song is so them.
Please review, and be brutally honest!”
Just as a curiosity, there are ca. 730,000 stories set in the Harry Potter world against, as we
remember, 76 based on the Iliad; 218,000 based on the Twilight trilogy; and 4,000 based on
the Bible (as of Dec. 11, 2015).
See http://www.fanfiction.net/s/6406331/1/Harry-Potter-meets-Greek-Mythology (accessed
Dec. 11, 2015). The author is probably an adult (s/he does not reveal her/his exact age; however, s/he mentions having studied mythology during her/his “Freshmen English class”).
Ibid. (the author’s note): “This story is basically with the same characters/place but not
the same plot at all so I’m basically rewriting it Percy Jackson style. So just read and I hope
you like it. If you have any questions or suggestions I’m always open.” It is worth adding
that the author begins the existing two chapters with invocations to the Muse.
Ibid.
See http://www.fanfiction.net/u/928759/artanisofavalon (accessed Dec. 11, 2015, at the
time of publishing her stories, the author was a young adult preparing for Tertiary Education). On fan fiction in the context of literacy, see Margaret Mackey, “Researching New
Forms of Literacy,” Reading Research Quarterly 38.3 (2003): 403–407; Henry Jenkins, “Why
Heather Can Write”; Fiona Carruthers, “Fanfic is Good for Two Things—Greasing Engines
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Of particular interest is the fact that education via fanfics takes place without
or even against school authority, which in the eyes of some authors kills the
imagination: “[…] since it was for school, i didn’t feel i could take that many
creative liberties”—observes an author of a fanfic about Perseus and Andromeda.59 The fanfic writers, even posting their school compositions on the web,
do not await the help of teachers. They use the support of the so-called “betareaders”—the community members who, non-profit, take upon themselves
the role of editor to improve the stories—and they gain new skills, too. On the
FanFiction.net platform it is possible to ask for such help even prior to publication, thanks to a database of volunteer “betas.”60 And it is good manners to
thank the beta-reader who has worked on your story and to acknowledge her/
his effort—it is worth observing that such a practice develops young people’s
social skills and their awareness of interpersonal collaboration.
Furthermore, there is also the opportunity to receive feedback any time after posting a fanfic, not only from betas, but also from ordinary readers who
59
60
and Killing Brain Cells,” Particip@tions 1.2 (May 2004), online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014);
Michele Knobel and Colin Lankshear, eds., A New Literacies Sampler (New York: Peter
Lang, 2007); Rebecca W. Black, “English-Language Learners, Fan Communities, and 21stCentury Skills,” Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy 52.8 (2009): 688–697; Diane Carver
Sekeres, “The Market Child and Branded Fiction: A Synergism of Children’s Literature,
Consumer Culture, and New Literacies,” Reading Research Quarterly 44.4 (2009): 399–414;
Kerri L. Mathew and Devon Christopher Adams, “I Love Your Book, but I Love My Version
More: Fanfiction in the English Language Arts Classroom,” The alan Review 36.3 (2009),
online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014); Kathy A. Mills, “Shrek Meets Vygotsky: Rethinking Adolescents’ Multimodal Literacy Practices in Schools,” Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy
54.1 (2010): 35–45.
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/1004097/1/Perseus-and-Andromeda (accessed Dec. 11,
2015).
See Littleton, The Role of Feedback, 35: “Another addition was added in February 2008 that
allowed writers to post in a beta-reader section of the Fanfiction.net site, which allows
for critical feedback prior to posting on the main area of the site. This feature is intended
to help writers improve their stories through constructive feedback prior to publication,
instead of after it has been disseminated to a wider audience […].” See also Angela Thomas, “Children Online: Learning in a Virtual Community of Practice,” E-learning 2.1 (2005):
27–38; and Evans, The Global Playground, 7: “[…] because it exists outside the world of
commerce and education, Internet fan fiction can be seen as a democratic field of experiment and play that is, on the face of it, exempt from outsider regulation and authority,”
and 8: “‘Beta readers’ are often strongly recommended. These are readers who act as editors, checking the work before it is posted for errors in spelling, grammar and punctuation, and even sometimes advising on characterisation and plot development”; Spierings,
Rewriting Xena, 32.
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have the “Review & Reply” option to leave a comment.61 Thus does the living
audience manifest itself—one of the most important and characteristic traits
of the fan-fiction community, which is much more personal than that which
usually arises between “traditional” authors and their readers. Everybody may
get in direct and immediate contact with the chosen writer,62 whether to
praise her/him or even to ask her/him for specific threads to be used in further
chapters of a given fanfic. For example, the twelve-year-old American author
of the story “What the Olympians Think of Christmas,” in which we meet the
frustrated Hermes who is forced to deliver gifts instead of Santa (he does not
exist, of course!), is asked by one of the readers to continue with a story about
Ares as a god of war unhappy with the idea of a peaceful Christmas.63 In this
community even the insufficient knowledge of languages is no barrier—one of
the readers ends her comment with disarming sincerity:
I most likely made thousand of mistakes while writing this review. Sorry
I’m french and not ashamed to use that as an excuse…64
Positive feedback on the part of reviewers motivates the authors and makes
them strive to fulfil the desires of the living audience, though that is not always
easy, especially when one writes a longer fanfic and the readers are impatiently
awaiting further chapters. A Californian teen author of a story in which ancient myths are mixed with Arthurian legends in the version taken from the
recent bbc series Merlin (2008–201265), openly describes her writing problems,
promising to overcome them:
[…] Chapter six is being difficult, but I’ll try to get that out soon. School
shouldn’t interfere with my updating schedule too much but we’ll see
about that. If it gets to that point, I’ll probably start writing chapters in
the middle of geometry and hope that no one notices because that could
be a little embarrassing.66
61
62
63
64
65
66
See, e.g., Spierings, Rewriting Xena, 32.
Some authors also permit personal contact via private message.
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/4736876/1/What-the-Olympians-Think-of-Christmas
(accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
In a review of “The Lost Book 13”: https://www.fanfiction.net/r/6761443/ (accessed Dec. 11,
2015, see also above, n. 31).
And the end of a tv series does not mean the end of its fanfiction: on the contrary, the
number of fanfics often increases in such circumstances.
See http://www.fanfiction.net/s/8838323/5/To-Speak-of-Grace (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
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Subsequently, the dialogue with the public continues. The story is being followed by many readers who keep encouraging the author:
Oh, this’ll be great! Please update—I want to know more about what Arthur is thinking and how Typhon’s children (nesty [sic!] creatures, huh?)
will factor in. Please update!67
The most striking thing, however, is the fact that the fan-fiction community is
based on shifting roles. This means that each member can be a reader, an author, or a beta-reader, and this hybrid identity makes them deeply understand
other members.68 The importance of this becomes evident in the fanfics which
touch on more serious themes. If we take a look at the favourite and the most
popular stories, we find that the myth of Hades and Persephone is leading in
the rankings. As one of the authors—nicknamed “persephone-goddess”—
remarks: “As a child I most closely identified with Persephone. I’m not sure
why. There are probably issues there that will be delved into more deeply in
therapy at some point.”69 The point, however, is that this myth appeals to young
67
68
69
Ibid., in the “Reviews” section. Indeed, the realm of fan fiction is a unique platform, as the
authors and their readers are in steady contact as a premise, not selectively, as in the case
of other social media.
See Jenkins, Textual Poachers. On the notion of “hybrid identities” and mutual understanding see, e.g., Rebecca W. Black, “Access and Affiliation: The Literacy and Composition Practices of English-language Learners in an Online Fanfiction Community,” Journal
of Adolescent & Adult Literacy 49.2 (2005): 118–128, spec. 123: “Fan authors often construct
hybridised identities that are enacted through their texts. It is not uncommon for authors
to insert themselves into their fictions as characters that possess a mixture of idealised
and authentic personality traits”; 124: “Through these hybrid characters, fanfiction authors
are able to use literacy skills to articulate and to publicly enact concerns from their daily
lives”; and 128: “In the new perspective, language, literacy, and text are seen as integral
components of how adolescents construct and maintain their sense of place, identity,
and value in the social and academic worlds.” See also Lam, “Culture and Learning,” 222:
“First, these studies show that in the global transit of youth cultures, young people are
developing affiliative identities and shared practices that cut across national, ethnic, and
linguistic lines and simultaneously involve them in multiple attachments at the global
and local levels. These identities and practices disrupt a one-to-one correspondence of
culture and ethnicity and thrive on hybrid innovation to create new forms of competence
and knowledge and to reach a wider audience.” See also Derek Foster, “Community and
Identity in the Electronic Village,” in David Porter, ed., Internet Culture (New York: Routledge, 1996), 23–37.
See http://www.fanfiction.net/u/470160/persephone-goddess (accessed Dec. 11, 2015). By
the way, the author refers to Ingri and Edgar Parin d’Aulaires’ Book of Greek Myths (1962)
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female authors as a story about initiation—the passage from a girl’s world into
womanhood.70 Thus, it does not take us by surprise that the fanfic of a thirteenyear-old author about “Persephone’s 21st century incarnation” and “the problems that come with being a teenage goddess,” triggered some vivid reactions
and one particularly elaborated comment on the part of the readers.71 And
many fanfics deal with even more serious problems, like abuse, alcoholism,
and violence in the family.72 In such cases the number of comments increases.
The living audience offers support and comfort to the victimised protagonists
of the stories, and this permeates from the virtual to the real world. We become
aware of the importance of this feedback once we notice how many fanfics
speak about loneliness, such as the poem To Muse, by a thirteen-year-old author, based on the Odyssey:
This is what the intro for an odyssey based on my life would have looked
like. I wrote this when I was thirteen, so any critic would be appreciated.
O Muse of my heart, weave a song through me of the young woman of
many places,
The girl who brought to the advanced world dreams of another land.
Guilty only of memories of a better time was she.
In Claremont in the New World she stared freshman year in the face,
Scared of seeing former friends bygone, of classmates in whose minds
have forgot.
70
71
72
as her first source of inspiration.
On this issue see, e.g., the study by Holly Virginia Blackford, The Myth of Persephone in
Girls’ Fantasy Literature (New York–Oxon: Routledge, 2012). For the popcultural context
see also Camille Bacon-Smith, Enterprising Women: Television Fandom and the Creation of
Popular Myth (Philadelphia, Pa.: University of Pennsylvania, 1992); Sarah K. Day, Reading
Like a Girl: Narrative Intimacy in Contemporary American Young Adult Literature (Jackson:
University Press of Mississippi, 2013).
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/6771972/1/Redemption (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
See Jenkins, Textual Poachers, 283 (quoted also by Spierings, Rewriting Xena, 8): “Fandom’s
very existence represents a critique of conventional forms of consumer culture. Yet fandom also provides a space within which fans may articulate their specific concerns about
sexuality, gender, racism, colonialism, militarism, and forced conformity.” See also Black,
“Access and Affiliation,” 124: “It is also significant to note that when authors publicly
perform distress through their fictions, such as intimating suicide, they often receive an
outpouring of community support (through reviews, e-mail, and instant messenger services). These hybrid texts represent communicative events, situated in specific contexts,
that are intended for an audience of peer readers who have similar interests and may
share many of the same concerns.”
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Marciniak
A schedule given and her path of life was written.
A closed heart she kept with secrets buried in an unfathomable depth,
Almost more introverted than in years gone by,
The true feelings of the young woman of many places masked by an
outer facade.
Following what life set out for her: early mornings and overscheduled
days,
Waking up before the rainbow colored dawn lit up the sky, time and
time again,
Almost shattering into little pieces: the tension mounting up
incessantly.
History made her who she is and using that she has stepped onto the
path of life.
An earthquake upsets the memories of a happy childhood,
The fear of another and the pain of losing friends fastens her heart,
Waiting until the day she can unlock it and face the world again.73
At the same time we should not forget one of the most important functions
of mythological fan fiction—the joint fun of the authors and their living audience. The ludic aspect is recalled even by “persephone-goddess”—the writer
who is seriously(?) concerned about the ancient gods’ reaction to her fanfics:
I truly don’t believe I’m hurting anyone. If I am wrong, I will certainly pay
for it in the Underworld when my life is over. I would like to apologise
here for any immortals I may offend in my stories. […] Remember, this is
all in fun!74
In the opinion of Jenkins, who focuses on stories based on tv shows, the phenomenon of fan fiction is a kind of revival of the oral community, where the
members take up and process in electronic form the traditional communication modes of storytelling, and, in addition, rebel against the modern management of culture in which everything is for sale.75 The case of mythological
73
74
75
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/9215065/1/O-Muse (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
See http://www.fanfiction.net/u/470160/persephone-goddess (accessed Dec. 11, 2015), see
also above, n. 69.
See Jenkins, Textual Poachers; John Fiske, Television Culture (London: Routledge, 1987).
As I can tell from my last update of the relevant bibliography before the printing process, the aforementioned (n. 18) special issue of the journal Transformative Works and
Cultures edited by Ika Willis is of importance in this regard (see, e.g., Willis’s introduction:
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449
fanfics is, however, even more complex. As we have learnt in the course of the
present survey, no strict copyrights exist for myths, so the disclaimer I put at
the opening of my paper has in fact no raison d’être here. We all do own them
and the link to the ancient sense of community is stronger in “mythical” fanfics than in stories with other cultural texts as background. At the same time,
however, such mentions as “Odyssey (c) by Homer”76 testify to both the young
authors’ knowledge of and respect for the ancient classics (and their sense of
humour, too). All that in times when we incessantly hear about the crisis of
education and the lack of authorities!
At this point, what becomes particularly interesting in fan fiction from the
perspective of classicists is to observe the remarkable inversion in the process
of initiation of today’s children and young adults into the realm of ancient
myths. While mythology helped our ancestors and still helps those generations
that grew up in the twentieth century to cope with and mentally tame new
technologies (see, for example, the name Zeus for a robot used in heart surgery, Pegasus for a game-console, or the spacecraft Apollo), for young people
the newest technologies and the references to popular culture help tame and
make them familiar with ancient myths which are often exotic because of the
changes in the educational system. Thanks to Internet fan fiction, Dionysus
in Ozzy Osbourne glasses or Aphrodite immersed in Beyoncé’s song on her
iPhone become surprisingly close to the modern audience that strives for more
and grows up aware of the presence of mythology all around. As a fanfic author
from Sweden remarks:
76
“The Classical Canon and/as Transformative Work” and her paper “Amateur Mythographies,” and Tony Keen’s “Are Fan Fiction and Mythology Really the Same?,” at: http://journal.transformativeworks.org/index.php/twc/issue/view/23, accessed July 20, 2016). See
also Cornel Sandvoss, Fans: The Mirror of Consumption (Cambridge, uk–Malden, Mass.:
Polity Press, 2005), 64–66 (on the sense of belonging, a “Heimat”); Kem, Cataloging the
Whedonverse, 45; Spierings, Rewriting Xena, 25: “Due to the aspect of community building,
and the subordinate position of fans and fan culture, fan culture shares quite some similarities with oral and folk culture. The link with oral culture lies in the overlap between
the medium of orality and the medium of television”; and 7: “‘Fanfiction’ is something
to be taken seriously: a modern and relatively new form of resistance against undesired
representations in cultural products.” See also Sonia K. Katyal, “Performance, Property,
and the Slashing of Gender in Fan Fiction,” Journal of Gender, Social Policy & the Law 14.3
(2006): 482, online (accessed Oct. 15, 2014).
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/8015320/1/Chimeria (accessed Dec. 11, 2015), see also
above, n. 15.
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Marciniak
I see it here as well as in every art museum, in the movies, computer
games, on the stages and the catwalks. The gods are still alive and vibrant
around us in their own way.77
At the same time it is striking how perfectly the ancient myths adapt to modern media and maintain their function of offering support and contributing
to reciprocal understanding between ever-new generations. And we—the oldsters from Before the Internet Era—may profit from mythological fanfics, as
well. We have a rare opportunity to know what interests and what is important
for today’s youngsters, to be able to communicate with them and to draw them
deeper into ancient culture. We do not have to prove its worth. It is enough to
be open to the new to be able to share what is timeless. And the idea of sharing is one of the fundamental virtues of the fan-fiction community—a unique
community, where strangers share stories,78 and thus create the identity of
a group for which age, origins, and other differences are of no importance,
where all can access the magic of the Word without the necessity to logging
in, and where the cyber-aoidoi and their audiences are gathered by a common passion: “[…] I love the story and I thought it was worth sharing”79—the
teenage author of the fanfic “Perseus and Andromeda” states simply. With this
opportunity we can discover thrilling stories embedded in the mythical frame,
like the Harry Potter heptalogy, Susan Collins’s the “Hunger Games” trilogy, or
the Percy Jackson series—those ever-new proofs that the classics pass the test
of eternity.
The iPhone 4s is already an obsolete device, supplanted by newer models.
And I am not sure whether in one thousand years our descendants will remember much of Beyoncé and her impressive voice. However, I am pretty certain
they will still know the face that launched a thousand ships and her blind bard
Homer. What is more, if I am allowed to hazard a guess, I suspect they will continue the dialogue with Graeco-Roman myths much as we do, reshaping the
ancient tales to cope with their present challenges of initiation into adulthood,
keeping the door open to our common mythical childhood.
77
78
79
See http://www.fanfiction.net/u/911222/Smiling-Eyes (accessed Dec. 11, 2015).
Littleton, The Role of Feedback, 1, 70, 100.
See https://www.fanfiction.net/s/1004097/1/Perseus-and-Andromeda (accessed Dec. 11,
2015), see also above, n. 59. See also Littleton, The Role of Feedback (with a reference to
Jean Lave’s and Etienne Wenger’s term “communities of practice,” of 1998), 8: “In communities in practice individuals with a common interest participate in the activities of a
community and continuously create a shared identity through contributing to the activities and practices of the group.”
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As for the Internet references, links are provided: to texts and journals published first in electronic versions, to unpublished MA theses and Ph.D. dissertations, to digitalised versions of
old prints consulted by the authors online, to texts published originally in Hebrew, Japanese,
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Index*
abandoned child 333n2
Abbas, Shlomo
The Best of Mythological Stories for Children 325, 327
Abbott, Tony
The Battle Begins 292, 296–299, 305–306
Abgarowicz, Maja
The Sirens (ill.) 308
absent parents 333n2, 417
Accademia Platonica 70
Achebe, Chinua
Chike and the River 184
The Drum 184–186
The Flute 184
How the Leopard Got His Claws 184
Achilles 83–86, 123–124, 222n2, 257, 317, 327,
373, 440–441, 442–443
Acropolis 127
Actaeon 327
Adaf, Shimon 319
adaptation 30, 31, 32, 34, 113, 183–190, 198,
289, 293, 295, 305, 322, 336, 365
Admetus 329
Adonis 326
Adorno, Theodor 52
Adrados, F.R. 208
adventure stories 202, 222, 223, 226n15, 227,
228, 234, 243, 250, 264, 334, 348, 419
The Adventures of Odysseus (Balit) 329
Aeneas 85, 257, 369, 382, 412
Aeneid (Virgil) 7, 281, 368–370, 373, 374–375,
430n8, 431, 437, 440–441
Aeschylus
The Libation Bearers 405–406
Aesop, Fables, Ancient and Modern Adapted
for the Use of Children from Three to Eight
Years of Age (Godwin) 171–172
Aesopian imitators 30, 208–218
Aesopian language 7, 20, 208, 218
Aesop’s Fables 4, 5, 29–31, 32, 59–60
after invention of printing press 178–179
The Ant and the Grasshopper 176
anthropomorphism in 173–176
audience and readership of 176–178,
178–182, 190–192
The Bat and the Weasels 176
and Christianity 179
The Cockerel and the Jewel 176
commercialization of 180–182
cultural penetration of 179–180
The Dog and the Shadow 176
The Eagle and the Jackdaw 175–176
edited and enhanced versions of 171–172
during Edo period in Japan 191–192
The Fox and the Crow 172, 175, 198
The Fox and the Grapes 175, 176, 198
The Frogs Who Wanted a King 176
gender in 173
The Gnat and the Bull 176
The Hare and Hound 175
The Hawk and Birds 179
illustrations of 181
introduced in early Japan 190–191
The Jackdaw and the Doves 176
in Japan 189–200
Kiswahili translation 187–188
The Lion and the Mouse 176
Locke’s interest in 171
The Mice in Council 176
and modern Japanese children’s
literature 192–195
in modern language editions 179–180
power fables 175–176
Rousseau on 172–173
The Tortoise and the Hare 176, 195–197
types of 175–176
unsuitability to children 171–182
The Wolf and the Lamb 175
Xhosan translation of 187
Æsop’s Fables, in English & Latin, Interlineary
(Locke) 171
Aesop’s Fables for the Very Young (Grindley &
Bendall-Brunello) 175, 181
Aesop’s Fables (James) 194, 195
African literature for children 183–188
Age of Empires (computer game) 332
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Age of Mythology (computer game) 332
The Age of Reason (Rousseau) 172–173
Akomanis, Orion 138, 139
Albrecht, Michael von
Simius liberator 34
Alexander the Great 141n24
Alice in Marbleland (Zei) 131, 132, 135–138
allegory 47n10
Aloadae 326
Aloni, Nissim 317
alternate endings 430
alternate universe 437–438
Altneuland (Herzl) 318
Alvermann, Donna E. 436–437
The Amazing Winged Horse (Harel) 323, 326
The Amber Spyglass (Pullman) 278, 279–281
American children’s literature
World War i and 222–240
Amery, Heather
Greek Myths for Young Children 330
Anabasis Alexandri (Arrian) 130
ancient Greek language 130
ancient Greek literature 73–74
children’s 177–178
Colloquia 177
Hermeneumata 177
ancient history
Greek modern education 129–130
Andersen, Hans Christian 193, 194
animal stories
anthropomorphic 173–176
Brzechwa’s Vitalis the Fox 203–207
Annales ecclesiastici (Baronius) 37
Anonymus Neveleti 30
anthropomorphic animal stories 173–176
Antigone (Sophocles) 186, 188, 313, 317
Antikythera Treasure 138
anti-Semitism 19, 244n11, 248n22, 422
aoidoi 1–2, 5
Aphrodite 326, 327, 442
Aphthonius
Progymnasmata 43
Apollo 164, 326, 327, 328, 329, 403, 443
Apollonius of Rhodes
Argonautica 125
Apology of Socrates (Plato) 285–287
appropriation 186, 362
Arabian Nights 188, 202
Arachne 326, 327
Index
architectural ruins 127, 128, 141n24
Ares 326, 445
Argonautica (Apollonius of Rhodes) 79–80,
125, 243
Argonauts 201, 294, 322, 327, 329
Argus 296, 297, 298
Ariadne 123, 162, 260, 356
Aristeiai 376, 383
Aristophanes 171n3, 317, 324
Birds 130, 178
Arnold, Gottfried 179
Arrian
Anabasis Alexandri 130
Artemis 166, 326, 425
“Artes Liberales” Institute Foundation 14, 15
Asclepius 373
Asimov, Isaac 350–351
Asterisks and Obelisks: Classical Receptions in
Children’s Literature (conference) 13
Asterix (Rubricastellanus) 34
Atalanta 295–296, 326, 329
Athena 164, 326, 327, 442
Athens 41, 127
athloi 374
Atlantis 326
Atlas 326
Atticus the Storyteller (Coats) 329
audience, ideological shaping of 128
Auxier, Randall E. 273n19
Avantures de Télémaque (Fénelon) 32
Avellanus, Arcadius 33
Avianus 29, 30, 175, 204
Avisrur, Efrat
Greek Mythology 329
Axer, Jerzy 8, 14
Azrael, fallen angel 283–285
Bacchae (Euripides) 74, 178, 317
Bahdaj, Adam
biographical items 333–334
references to Odysseus 338–344
references to Telemachus story
335–338
Telemachus in Jeans 334–345
Where Is Your Home,
Telemachus? 334–345
Bakhtin, Mikhail 47n10, 51n26
Bakhtinian chronotope 48n15
Balde, Jacobus 31–32
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index
Balit, Christina
The Adventures of Odysseus 329
Bambi. Eine Lebensgeschichte aus dem Walde
(Salten) 174
Baras, Asher 322
Barlow, Steve
Don’t Look Back! 291
Baronius, Caesar
Annales ecclesiastici 37
Barrie, J.M.
In the Land of Twilight 52–53
Peter and Wendy 47
Peter Pan; or, the Boy Who Wouldn’t Grow
Up 173
Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens 44, 45,
47–54
Barthélemy, Jean-Jacques
Voyage du jeune Anacharsis en Grèce dans
le milieu du ive siecle 131, 251–252
Bates, Katharine Lee 232–233
Batrachomyomachia 31–32
Bąk, Aleksandra Rara avis (ill.) 170
“Becoming Roman, Staying Greek”
(Woolf) 412n3, 421n19
Behold the Minoan Story of Crete
(Żylińska) 123, 125
Bellerophon 79, 326n63, 327
Belykh, Grigory 241
Bendall-Brunello, John
Aesop’s Fables for the Very Young 181
Benjamin, Walter 9, 45–48
Karussellfahrendes Kind 46
Trauerspiel 54
The Best of Mythological Stories for Children
(Abbas) 325, 327
Bett (char.) 233–240
Betwixt-and-Betweens 45, 49
Beyond the Pleasure Principle (Freud) 47n12
Bialik, Chayim Nachman
Don Quixote 113
Bianki, Vitaly 241
Bildungsroman 112, 386, 391
Birds (Aristophanes) 130, 178
Blake, William 215, 267
Bloom, Harold 387–388
The Book of Myths: Myths and Legends from
Greek Mythology (Guri & Ofek) 324, 327
Books, Children and Men (Hazard) 230–231,
232
Bor, Matej
A Certain, Not Very Big, Mouse 213
Magpie Court 212–213
Bosnian Fables (Lavrič) 213–217
Botvinnik, Mark 252
Boulotis, Christos
Pinocchio in Athens 135, 141n26
The Statue That Was Cold 131, 132–135
Bradley, Marion Zimmer 433n19
Brenn, Edwin 188
British Classical Association 13
Bromba (char.) 155n46
Bromley, Natalia
The Adventures of a Boy with a Dog 250
Brunhoff, Jean de
The Story of Babar the Little Elephant 174
Bryher 234
Brzechwa, Jan
Story of the Steel Hedgehog 205–207
The Tricks of Vitalis the Fox 203–207
Bulfinch’s Mythology 296, 298
Bulgakov, Mikhail 242
Bulychev, Kir 346–349, 360–361
“Alice” series 348, 349–354, 356–357
An Attempt on Theseus 346–347,
354–355, 356–359
“Chronos River” series 359
“Galactic Police”/“Kore” series 349,
354–356
The Girl nothing Ever Happens to 347
A Million Adventures 352–353
When Dinosaurs Died 348
Burnett, Frances Hodgson
The Little Lord Fauntleroy 194
Busch, Wilhelm
Max und Moritz 33
Byatt, A.S. 387, 389
Byzantines 31
Caesar 223–229
Calentius, Elysius 31
Campbell, Joseph
The Hero with a Thousand Faces 414
Campe, Johann Heinrich 32
canon 11, 271–272, 380–381, 439
The Case of Peter Pan (Rose) 173
Castel-Bloom, Orly 319
Castor 96, 97, 104, 327
ÇatalHöyük 120–122
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Cato 178, 179
Cavafy, Constantine
“In a Township of Asia Minor,” 210
Centre for Studies on the Classical Tradition
(obta) 8, 14–15
Century of the Child 6
Ceres 260, 261
Chalomot Be’aspamia (magazine) 320
character dislocation 437–438
Charles, Ron 390n22
Charskaya, Lidia 241
The Child and the Book: A Psychological
and Literary Exploration (Tucker) 174, 180
childhood, universality of experience 112n9
children
dictionaries for 143–168
mythologies for 79, 100, 123–125, 243,
296, 322–325, 329–330, 336, 355, 441
and war 6, 7, 93
children’s education. See education
children’s literature 4–6, and passim
adaptations to 5
anthropomorphic animal stories 173–176
emotionality in 137–138
in Graeco-Roman Antiquity 177–178
in Japan 192–195, 197–198
origins of 5–6
power relationships in 175–176
Rose on category of 173, 174
time travel in 438
translations of 410n78
Children’s Literature: A Reader’s History
from Aesop to Harry Potter (Lerer) 175,
177, 178
Christianity
and Aesop’s Fables 179, 190
in Harry Potter 380, 398
in Lawrence’s “Roman Mysteries”
series 422–424
in Pullman’s His Dark Materials
trilogy 267–290
Chronica sive Historiae Polonicae compendiosa
[…] descriptio (Herbertus) 37
chronotope 46, 47n10, 48, 48n15
Chukovsky, Korney 180, 242
Cicero 37–38, 43, 151
De divinatione 377
Pro lege Manilia 39–41
civic education 14, 41
Clack Clack Mountain 193
Index
classic, definitions and conceptions of 3–4,
6–7, 9–10
classical languages. See Greek language; Latin
classical mythology
in Hebrew children’s literature 321–330
classical studies, in Israel 311–315
Claudian 37
clown 51n26
Clytemnestra 437
Clytie 327
Coats, Lucy
Atticus the Storyteller 329
Coetzee, J.M. 9
Collodi, Carlo
Pinocchio 33
colonialism 7, 8, 18, 57–58, 183, 187
comic books, strips, and magazines 20, 34,
123, 213–214, 295
communism 7, 20–21, 123, 205, 206, 250,
342–343, 350–351
continuations 430
Coolidge, Olivia
The Trojan War 322
Crane, Walter 181
Creuzer, Friedrich 54
Cribiore, Raffaella 177
Cronus 326
cross-generational readership 269–273,
344–345, 363–364, 436
cross-platform products 364, 365–368, 382
Cruel and Merciful (play) 317
culture and cross-platform
products 365–366
Cupid 326, 327, 328
curriculum. See education
Cyparissus 326
Daedalus 123, 326, 327, 328
daemons 285–287
Dalman, Ofra Deshe
The Iliad and the Odyssey 323–324, 326
Stories of Greek Mythology 323–324, 326
Dangerous Spaces (Mahy) 260–261
Dante 3, 257, 282
Daphne 326, 328
de Chirico, Giorgio 50n23, 53
De divinatione (Cicero) 377
de Worde, Wynkyn
Aesopus. Fabule Esopi cum Comento 178
death of a parent 174, 260, 333n2
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Index
Defoe, Daniel
Robinson Crusoe 32, 187, 190n4
Delphi 326
Demeter 123n13, 157, 273n19, 326, 327
Demetrius of Phalerum 178
Democritus’s Journey (Luria and
Botvinnik) 252, 254
determinism 377
Dialogi de Passione Domini 38
Diaspora 19, 111, 310, 318, 321
dictionaries for children
classical reception in Polish 146–167
as cultural texts 143–144
Polish monolingual 144–146
Dictionary of Polish with Proverbs and
Idioms (Dereń et al.) 147, 159–160,
161–162
Dionysus 326, 329, 373, 443, 449
Diostur 353
Disney, Walt 174, 180, 327, 331–332
divination 377–380, 382, 403–404
The Dog Koganemaru (Iwaya) 193
Don Quixote (Bialik) 113
Don’t Look Back! (Barlow and Skidmore) 291
Dumas, Alexandre
The Three Musketeers 374
Dunban, Robert 142n28
Duse, Eleonora 74, 75n26
“The Eagle and the Wren” (Goodall) 61
East and West 412–413, 415
Echo 235, 238
education. See also school story; textbooks
Aesop’s Fables and 171–182, 189–200
in ancient Greece 177–178
classical transmission shifting
from 380
educational values 7, 15–16, 127, 200, 309,
311–315, 380–381
effects of 1968 on 7
Greek modern curricula 127–142
humanistic education of Jan
Sobieski 35–43
Israeli educational system 311–315,
318–320
Japan’s use of Aesop in 190–195
Locke on 171
obta (Centre for Studies on the Classical
Tradition) 8, 14–15
Orvieto’s ideas on 90–92
Polish dictionaries for children 143–147
Pullman on 271–273
Rousseau on 4–5, 172
in Russian and Soviet Union 243–244
slavery as Soviet topic in 248–250
Egyptology 201, 251
Eliot, T.S. 10
What Is a Classic? 6–7
Elka’s Wedding (Tchernichowsky) 111–119
Ellerman, Annie Winifred 234
Émile: ou, de l’éducation (Rousseau) 172
emotionality 137–138, 416
England
war and children’s literature 221–222
“An English School” (Kipling) 57n, 62
Enlightenment 5
epic 367, 382
Eris 428
Errera, Rosa 67, 68
Esopus (Steinhoewel) 30
ethics 13, 32, 41, 179, 195, 378
ethnography 127–129
Euripides
Bacchae 74, 317, 188
Helen 130
Iphigenia 317
Medea 312, 317
Orestes 74
Europa 46, 47, 326
Eurydice 2, 257, 278, 291–306, 326, 327
Eve 282–285
The Expedition for the Golden Fleece
(Żylińska) 123, 125
fables. See also Aesop’s Fables
in African literature for children
in Japanese literature for
children 192–200
Slovenian trends and
characteristics 208–218
survey of Latin 29–34
fairy tale
in Kiplings’ “Regulus,” 62–63
and myth 44–54
in Orvieto’s works 92–93
family 424, 427, 447
family romance 416–418
fan fiction
about 428–429
copyright issues 433n19
183–188
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fan fiction (cont.)
definitions 430n8
function of 443–446
genres 438–440, 442–443
Harry Potter series 364, 365, 384–385, 443
history of 429–432
participants in 435, 443n54
perception of 432–433
reception of myths in 433–434
research 429n5
as revival of oral community 448–449
roles of participants in 446–448
Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them
(film) 386, 391
fantasy 45, 242, 256–266, 292n5, 297, 309,
318–320, 331–332. See also Harry Potter
series (Rowling)
The Fat Man (Gee) 264–265
feminist perspectives, in Żylińska’s
works 122, 124, 125–126
Fénelon, François
Avantures de Télémaque 32
Fenrir 296, 297, 298
Feuchtwanger, Lion 204
film 174, 331–332, 386, 391, 442
Flagg, James Montgomery 227
Flavia Gemina (char.) 413, 420, 424–427
flying 50–51
folk tale 60, 62, 183–188, 368, 449n75
fool 51n26
force majeure 175–176
Foucault, Michel 366
Fountain of the Horse: Tales from Greek
Mythology (Regelson) 322–323, 326
Frazer, James
The Golden Bough 230
Frederick i 179
Freese, Peter 302
Freud, Sigmund
Beyond the Pleasure Principle 47n12
From I, Claudius to Private Eyes: The
Ancient World and Popular Fiction
(conference) 13–14
From the Legends of the Greeks
(Gur-Grasowski) 322
From the Mixed-Up Files of Mrs. Basil E. Frankweiler (Konigsburg) 411
Froschmeuseler (Rollenhagen) 32
Fugard, Athol
The Island 188
Index
Fukawa, Gen’ichirō 196
Funke, Cornelia
Inkdeath 303
Inkheart 302–303
Inkspell 303, 304
Inkworld trilogy 292, 293, 302–306, 415n
Gadamer, Hans-Georg 2n2
Gafla, Ofir Touche 319
Gaia 326
Gaidar, Arkady 241
Galatea 326
Gandalf (char.) 257
Gaul 223–229
Gee, Maurice 262–266
The Fat Man 264–265
Under the Mountain 262–263
Salt 263–264
Gellert, Christian Fürchtegott
Das Kutschpferd 210
Fabeln und Erzählungen 210
gender 173, 412
genres 438–440, 442–443
“A German and Carniolan Horse”
(Vodnik) 209–210
Gębal, Joanna
The Minotaur (ill.) 28
Giovagnoli, Raffaello
Spartaco 113, 243
Girl Guides 237
Glaucus 327
Gluś (char.) 155n46
Gnosticism 286–287
God of War (computer game) 442
Gods and Heroes of Ancient Greece: Myths and
Epics of Ancient Greece (Schwab) 330
The Gods Are Not to Blame (Rotimi) 187, 188
Godwin, William
Aesop, Fables, Ancient and Modern
Adapted for the Use of Children from Three
to Eight Years of Age 171–172
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von 3, 204
Hermann und Dorothea 112
The Golden Bough (Frazer) 230
The Golden Compass (Pullman). See His Dark
Materials (Pullman)
The Golden Quest: A Legend Based on
Mythology (Zablotzki) 322
Gomulicki, Wiktor
Recollections of a Blue School Uniform 394
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Index
González-Haba, Mercedes
Tacitus cattus 34
Goodall, Jane
The Eagle and the Wren 61
Goran (char.) 52
Graeco-Roman culture 7
and Jewish tradition in Israeli children’s
literature 309–311
Grammaticarum institutionum libri iv pro
usu scholarum Novodvorscensium in
Alma Academia Cracoviensi, opera et
studio magistri Lucae Piotrowski 35–36
Graves, Robert 125, 325
The Greek Myths 125, 355
I, Claudius 244
The Great Heroes of Greek Mythology
(Hicks) 329
Greek education, modern 127–142
Greek language 130–132, 177–178, 309–310
Greek Legends: A Selection of Greek
Mythological Stories (Rosenstein) 322
Greek Legends (Mitlopolitanski) 322
Greek literature, modern contemporary
children’s 127–142
Greek Mythology (Avisrur) 329
Greek myths
African reworkings of 183–188
in contemporary Polish dictionaries for
children 150, 154, 156, 157, 159, 160, 162,
164, 168
in modern children’s stories 53–54
in modern Greek education 130,
141n26
in modern Israeli literature for
children 315–318, 321–330
Orphean quest in children’s
literature 291–306
as paradigms 232
in Pullman’s His Dark Materials
269–290
reception in fan fiction 436–450
in Soviet children’s literature 241–244
Żylińska’s interpretation of 123–126
Greek Myths for Young Children
(Amery) 330
Greek Myths (Morley) 329
Grenfell, Bernard P. 71, 247
Grimm, Brothers 61, 62, 193, 194, 271, 324,
325, 406
“The Willow-Wren and the Bear,” 61
Grindley, Sally 175
Aesop’s Fables for the Very Young 181
Gur-Grasowski, Yehudah
From the Legends of the Greeks 322
Guri, Sharona
The Book of Myths: Myths and Legends
from Greek Mythology 324, 327
Tales from the Greek Theater 324
Ha-Ezrachi, Mordechai 322
Hades 166, 257, 291, 297, 406, 446–447
Hall, Edith
The Return of Ulysses: A Cultural History of
Homer’s Odyssey 333
Hamilton, Edith
Mythology 322
The Hand in the Deep (Sinou and HookApostolopoulou) 131, 132, 138–142
Harel, Nina
The Amazing Winged Horse 323, 326
harpies 281–282
Harris, Joel Chandler
Uncle Remus 63
Harry Potter and the Classical World: Greek
and Roman Allusions in J.K. Rowling’s
Modern Epic (Spencer) 10n22,
362n, 385n1
Harry Potter and the Cursed Child
(play) 386, 390
Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows
(Rowling) 405–406
Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire
(Rowling) 391
Harry Potter series (Rowling)
adult editions of 10n22
classical antiquity references in 395–406
classical motifs 402
criticism 387–389, 390n22
culture and cross-platform
products 365–366
dichotomies present in 374–375
divination and magic in 377–380, 382,
400–404
fan fiction 364, 365, 384–385, 443
hidden adult in 10
influence on Latin in later audiovisual
magic 406–409
intertextuality in 373, 381, 409
language references to classical
antiquity 395–398
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Harry Potter series (Rowling) (cont.)
Latin and spells 400–402
links with Classics 382–383, 395–406
magical objects and quotations 405–406
mythical creatures 404–405
names in 399–400
observations 380–382
plot and hero of 372–375
popularity and readership of 363–365,
388–392
prophecies 403–404
repetitive and parallel structures in 376
scholarly analyses of 385–386
as school story 392–395
secondary literature of 384–385
sound effects in 399
time-structure and poetic geography
of 371–372
as tradition-based narrative 370–371
transmedia convergence
network 390–392
Hass, Ulrike 143–144
Hasson, Guy 319, 320
Hawthorne, Nathaniel 79, 80, 229–230,
231–232
Tanglewood Tales 79, 229–230, 441
A Wonder-Book for Girls and Boys 79,
229–230
Hazard, Paul
Books, Children and Men 230–231, 232
H.D.
The Hedgehog 233–240
Hebrew children’s literature
development 320–321
Hector 42, 91, 276, 327, 369
The Hedgehog (H.D.) 233–240
The Heel of Achilles (play) 317
Heiduczek, Werner
Orpheus und Eurydike 292, 293–295, 296,
305–306
Helen (Euripides) 130
Helios 327
Hensher, Philip 388
Hephaestus 83, 84, 85, 159, 326, 327
Hephaistos Painter 283
Hera 326, 327, 354, 428, 442
Herbertus, Johannes
Chronica sive Historiae Polonicae compendiosa […] descriptio 37
Index
Hercules 77n31, 123, 148, 243, 293, 320, 324,
326, 329, 353–354, 374
Hercules (film) 331–332
Hermann und Dorothea (Goethe) 112
Hermes 44, 45, 47, 49, 50n23, 52–54, 326,
327, 329
The Hero with a Thousand Faces
(Campbell) 414
Herod 318n36
Herodotus 204, 254, 327
Histories 130
The Heroes, or Greek Fairy Tales for My
Children (Kingsley) 79–80, 187, 322
heroism, mythical 222, 233, 243, 264, 326,
368–370
hero’s quest 256–266, 369–370
herstory 122
Herzl, Theodor
Altneuland 318
Hicks, J. Emmerson
The Great Heroes of Greek
Mythology 329
hidden adult 10, 234
hidden child 10
hidden text 418, 421n
Hinds, Stephen 365
Hippolytus (Seneca) 38
His Dark Materials (Pullman)
audience and readership 269–273
Christianity and 279–281, 282, 284,
287–290
daemons and the daimonion 285–287
epic simile in 275–276
Greek mythological and textual references
in 273–290
harpies 281–282
Lyra and Orpheus 276–279
Pandora myth and Pantalaimon
282–285
Plato’s Cave and consciousness 287–289
Underworld and ghosts of dead 279–281
Histories (Herodotus) 130
history, as source of stories 1
history of classical scholarship 69, 73
Hitchens, Christopher 392n29
The Hobbit (Tolkien) 402n54, 411
Hodkinson, Owen 13
Hoffmann, Heinrich
Struwwelpeter 33
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Index
Homer 1, 5
allusions to in Tchernichowsky’s “Elka’s
Wedding” 113–119
Iliad 440
Odyssey 313, 439–440, 447–448
in Orvieto’s works, 79–89, 103
Pullman’s Underworld and 280–281
Pullman’s use of Homeric
simile 275–276
read in Greek modern education 130
Hook-Apostolopoulou, Eleni and Sinou, Kira
The Hand in the Deep 131, 132, 138–142
Horace 37, 63n14
Odes (Carm.) 56–64
“Horace’s Kipling” (Medcalf) 58
hubris 204
humanistic education 35–43
humanistic values 4
Hyacinth 326
Hyperboreans 326
I, Claudius (Graves) 244
Icarus 251, 326, 327, 328
identity 78n33, 128, 237, 335, 411–427, 434,
437, 446, 450
ideology 184–185, 243
The Iliad and the Odyssey (Dalman)
323–324, 325, 326
The Iliad and the Odyssey (Watson)
322, 324
Iliad (Homer) 440
imitation 63, 250, 268, 276, 278, 365
In the Land of Twilight (Lindgren) 52–53
initiation, stories of 56, 302, 446–447
Inkdeath (Funke) 303
Inkheart (Funke) 302–303, 304
Inkspell (Funke) 303, 304
Inkworld trilogy (Funke) 292, 293, 302–306,
415n
inspiration 11, 43, 119, 274, 297, 345, 406,
434, 441
“Instrukcyja” (Sobieski) 36
intertextuality
in African children’s literature 183
in Harry Potter series 373, 381, 409
in Kipling 56, 59, 61, 62
in Orphean myth’s reception 292, 296,
298, 300–306
in Pullman’s works 274, 284, 287–289
Io 326
Iphigenia (Euripides) 317
Iser, Wolfgang 2n2
Israeli literature for children
about 331–332
classical mythology in Hebrew children’s
literature 321–330
classics and educational system 311–315
fantasy in modern Israel 318–320
Graeco-Roman and Jewish
tradition 309–311
Greek mythology in modern
Israel 315–318
Hebrew children’s literature
development 320–321
Israeli theater 317–318
Israeli Society for Science Fiction and
Fantasy 319
Israeli Society for the Promotion of Classical
Studies 312–313
Istituto Papirologico 73n22
Italian literature for children 78–79
Iwaya, Sazanami
The Dog Koganemaru 193
Jabotinsky, Vladimir 113
Jakobovitch, A.L.
World of Legend 322
James, Thomas
Aesop’s Fables 194, 195
Janka, Marcus 14
Japanese literature for children 189–200
Jason 125, 294, 322, 327, 329
Jauss, Hans Robert 2n2
Jenkins, Henry 434–435, 436, 438n35
Jesus Christ 38, 257
Jewish and Graeco-Roman
tradition 309–311
Johnson, Frederick 188
Jojo (char.) 340–343
Jolobe, James Ranisi 187
Jonathan (char.) 413, 421–424, 425, 426
Judaism 309–312, 421–424
Judgment of Paris 327, 428, 442
Jungle Book (Kipling) 62, 202, 215
Karlson on the Roof (Lindgren)
Karolcia (char.) 155n47
Karsai, György 8
6, 44, 48–54
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katabasis literature 256–266, 277–279
Key, Ellen 6
Kharms, Daniil 241
Kieniewicz, Jan 15
King, Stephen 389
King Matt the First (char.) 155n48
Kingsley, Charles
The Heroes, or Greek Fairy Tales for My
Children 79–80, 187, 322
Kipling, Rudyard
“An English School” 57n, 62
Jungle Book 62, 202, 215
Just So Stories 63, 202
Puck of Pook’s Hill 224
“Regulus,” 55–64
Stalky & Co. 55, 56n, 63, 394, 395
“The United Idolaters,” 63n13
Kiswahili literature 187–188
Klaniczay, Gábor 8
Kolobova, Kseniya
How the Ancient Greeks Lived 251
Komorowska, Anna 17
Konigsburg, E.L.
From the Mixed-Up Files of Mrs. Basil E.
Frankweiler 411
Kōno, Yoichi
Aesop’s Stories 198–199
Konopnicka, Maria 156n51
Kosidowski, Zenon
When the Sun Was God 244
Krawczuk, Aleksander
Pericles and Aspasia 244
Kuglasz, Agnieszka
The Torment of Tantalus 451
Kuhn, Nicholas
Legends and Myths of Ancient Greece 243
Künstlerroman 415n
La Fontaine, Jean de 30
Landa, Natalia
Fingaret, Samuell
The Sun Is Born from a Lotus 251
landscape 257, 263, 265–266
Lane, Dakota
The Orpheus Obsession 292n5
Lang, Andrew
Tales of Troy and Greece 79, 80
Latin
break with, in 1968 7
Index
children’s literature in 29–34
in Harry Potter series 379–380, 382,
395–398, 400–402, 406–409
instruction 35, 39–41, 57–58, 62, 63–64,
178, 312, 313
in school stories 55–64
Lausus 373
Lavinia (Le Guin) 441
Lavrič, Tomaž
Bosnian Fables 213–217
“Mačka” 214–217
Lawrence, Caroline 13–14, 414, 422
The Assassins of Rome 423
The Beggar of Volubilis 415
The Charioteer of Delphi 415
The Colossus of Rhodes 415
The Dolphins of Laurentum 415
The Enemies of Jupiter 423, 424
The Fugitive from Corinth 415
From Ostia to Alexandria with Flavius
Gemina 414
The Prophet from Ephesus 415
“Roman Mysteries” series 411–427
The Slave-girl from Jerusalem 422, 423
Le Guin, Ursula
Lavinia 441
Le petit prince (Saint-Exupéry) 34
Leary, T.J. 56n
Leeuwen, Richard van 183
Lenard, Alexander
Winnie ille Pu 33
Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich 208
Leonard, John 389
Lerer, Seth
Children’s Literature: A Reader’s History
from Aesop to Harry Potter 175, 177, 178
Leśmian, Bolesław
The Adventures of Sinbad the Sailor 202
Sesame Tales 202
A Letter from a Greek Boy (Luria) 244,
246–248, 250
Lewis, C.S. 12
Narnia series 277, 404, 411
Lewy, Hans 312
The Libation Bearers (Aeschylus) 375, 405–406
Lieberkühn, Philipp J.
Robinson secundus 32
Life of Homer 103–104
lightning bolts 373
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Index
Lindgren, Astrid
Karlson on the Roof 6, 44, 48–54
In the Land of Twilight 52–53
Mio My Son 50
Ronia, the Robber’s Daughter 50
The Lion King (film) 174
literacy education 177–178
The Little Refugee Boy (statue) 134
Llewellyn’s 2008 Magical Almanac: Practical
Magic for Everyday Living 377–378
Locke, John
Some Thoughts Concerning Education 171
Lofting, Hugh
The Story of Doctor Dolittle 180, 202
Loki 297
The Lord of the Rings (Tolkien) 363, 371, 405
Lovatt, Helen 13
Lupus (char.) 413, 417–418, 425, 427n25
Luria, Salomo 244–250, 252–255
Democritus’s Journey 252, 254
A Letter from a Greek Boy 244, 246–248, 250
Luria, Yakov
The Story of One Life 246
Luther, Martin 30, 179
Lyra (char.) 276–279, 282–285
Maciek (char.) 334–338
“Mačka” (Lavrič) 214–217
Madge (char.) 233–240
magic 258–260, 261–262, 377–380, 382
Mahy, Margaret 257–262, 265
Dangerous Spaces 260–261
The Tricksters 258–260, 261–262
Makowiecki, Witold
Diossos 202
Marsh, Katherine
The Night Tourist 292, 299–302, 305–306
Marshak, Samuel 242, 246
Mister Twister 206
Marshall, Lily 68, 75
Marsuppini, Carlo 31
Marsyas 326
Mary Sue/Gary Stu 438
Mason, Tim
Goldcrest (ill.) 60
Matejko, Jan 156n52
Mathieu, Miliza
A Day in the Life of an Egyptian Boy 251
Maurice, Lisa 13–14
519
Maximi et Mauritii malefacta (Busch) 33
Max et Moritz (Steindl) 33
Medcalf, Stephen
“Horace’s Kipling,” 58
Medea 125
Medea (Euripides) 312, 317
Medusa & Co. Reloaded—Verjüngte Antike im
Mediendialog 14
Meleager 329
Menelaus 80, 82, 87, 91, 93n56, 105–106
Mercury. See Hermes
Merlin 379
Merlin (tv show) 320, 445
Metamorphoses (Ovid) 259, 261–262,
277–278, 294, 299, 300, 301, 304, 372, 379,
382, 409
metamorphosis 62, 262, 434
Mfalme Edipode (Mushi) 186, 187
Mickiewicz, Adam 156n53
Pan Tadeusz 112
Midas 79, 326, 327
Middle Ages
Latin children’s literature in 29–31
Miller, Madeline
Song of Achilles 440, 441
Milton, John 3
Paradise Lost 267, 270–271, 283–285
A Minimum Dictionary of Polish Language.
A Textbook for Learning Polish in Primary
Schools and for Foreigners (Kurzowa and
Zgółkowa) 147, 152
“The Minotaur” (Gębal) 28
Mio My Son (Lindgren) 50
mirrors 382
Mithridates 39, 243
Mitlopolitanski, A.
Greek Legends 322
Miwa, Hirotada
The Treasure of Boys 193
modern Greek literature for children 131–142
Montgomery, Lucy Maud 415n
Morley, Jaqueline
Greek Myths 329
Mozheyko, Igor. See Bulychev, Kir
multiple identity 419–421
Mushi, Samuel S.
Mfalme Edipode 186, 187
My First Real Dictionary (Krajewska) 147,
152–158
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Myrmidons 297, 298
mystery stories. See “Roman Mysteries” series
(Lawrence)
myth
audience and 4–5
children’s natural connection to 229,
231–232
and fairy tale 44–54
in Harry Potter 362n, 367, 383
in Orvieto’s works 92–93
reception in fan fiction 436–450
as source of stories 1
translation and 231
as universal heritage 229, 230, 232,
235–236, 237
mythical creatures 404–405
Mythology (Hamilton) 322
Mythology (Parandowski) 164, 322, 323,
441–442
Narcissus 235, 238, 327, 382
Narnia series (Lewis) 277, 404, 411
narrative 367, 368–370
narrator 62, 292n5, 293, 294, 302
Nemirovsky, Alexander
Purple and Poison 243
neopaganism 377–378
Nesbit, Edith 202, 395
The Phoenix and the Carpet 404–405
New Zealand children’s literature 256–266
Nikolajeva, Maria 45n5, 48n15
Nishimura, Suimu
Stories of Aesop 195
Nodelman, Perry 132n10
Northern Lights (Pullman). See His Dark
Materials (Pullman)
nostalgia 135
nostoi 430
Nowodworski College 35–38
Nubia (char.) 413, 419–421, 424, 425, 427n
Nuwas, Abu 186, 188
obta (Centre for Studies on the Classical
Tradition) 8, 14–15
O’Connor, George
“Olympians” series 330
Odes (Horace) 56–64
Odysseus 326, 327, 328, 373, 412
Bahdaj’s references to 338–344
Index
Odyssey (Homer) 313, 439–440, 447–448
Oedipus 295n9, 327
Oedipus Tyrannus (Sophocles) 74, 75,
186–188, 313, 317
Ofek, Bina and Guri, Sharona
The Book of Myths: Myths and Legends
from Greek Mythology 324, 327
Stories of Ancient Greece 329
Tales from the Greek Theater 324
Okudzhava, Bulat 206n7, 207
Oleynikov, Nikolay 241
Olszewska-Wolańczyk, Maria 123
“Olympians” series (O’Connor) 330
Once Upon a Time (tv series) 406–407,
408
One day in the life of Ivan Denisovich
(Solzhenitsyn) 255
oracles 375n28, 403
oral tales 183, 186, 188, 273n21, 430n8, 448,
449n75
Orestes (Euripides) 74
orientalism 412nn3, 4
Ormsby, Eric 175
Orphean quest
in Abbott’s The Battle Begins 292,
296–299, 305–306
in Funke’s Inkworld trilogy 292, 293,
302–306
in Heiduczek’s Orpheus und Eurydike 292, 293–295, 296, 305–306
in international children’s
literature 291–306
in Marsh’s The Night Tourist 292,
299–302, 305–306
in New Zealand children’s
literature 257–266
in Pommaux’s Orphée et la morsure du
serpent 292, 295–296, 305–306
in Pullman’s His Dark Materials 277–279
Orpheus 1, 2, 9, 326, 327, 328
Orvieto, Angiolo 67–76, 103, 104
Orvieto, Laura 78
biography 67–76
death and later projects 103–104
educational ideas in 67, 90–92
and G. Vitelli 98–101
genres of writing 78–79
and La Settimana dei Ragazzi 101–103
Leo e Lia 77, 78
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Leone da Rimini 104
Principesse, bambini e bestie 78
Seguito della storia di Agamennone e
Menelao 96, 97
Sono la tua serva e tu sei il mio Signore.
Così visse Florence Nightingale 78
sources of classical myth 79–88
Storia del principe Agamennone e della
Principessa Clitennestra 94, 104–110
Storia del principe Paride e della regina
Elena 95, 98
Storia della principessa Ifigenia 96
Storia di due re e di due schiave 97
Storia di Paride, di Enone e della mela
d’oro 95
Storia di Paride e delle feste di Troia 96
Storie della storia del mondo. Beppe racconta la guerra 77, 78
Storie della storia del mondo. Greche e
barbare 66, 77, 78, 80–92, 95–98,
100–101
Storie della storia del mondo. Il natale di
Roma 77, 78
Storie della storia del mondo. La forza di
Roma 77, 78
Storie della storia del mondo series
77–78
Storie di bambini molto antichi 78, 80,
93, 100
style and formularity 88–89
workplace and process of 94–101
Orwell, George 222
“Boys’ Weeklies,” 222, 393n29
Osofisan, Femi
Tegonni: An African Antigone 188
Ostromentskaya, Nadezhda
The Adventures of a Boy with a Dog 250
Our Mythical Childhood… The Classics and
Children’s Literature between East and
West 14–17
Ovid 2, 37
Metamorphoses 259, 261–262, 277–278,
294, 299, 300, 301, 304, 372, 379, 382, 409
Ozeretskaya, Yelena
How the Ancient Greeks Lived 251
The Olympic Games 251
pacificism 234–240
Paine, Tom 172
521
Pallas 373
Pan 44n2, 238
Pan Tadeusz (Mickiewicz) 112
Pandora myth 79, 162, 282–285, 326, 327,
328
Panteleyev, Leonid 241
Paoli, Ugo Enrico 33
papyrology 71–73
Paradise Lost (Milton) 267, 270–271,
283–285
Parallel Lives (Plutarch) 355
Parandowski, Jan
Mythology 164, 322, 323, 441–442
Trojan War 336–337
Paris 327, 428, 442
parodies 430
Parthenon marbles 136–137
Patroclus 373, 441
Peach Boy 193
Pegasus 327
Peleus 124, 428
Pelias 294
Percy Jackson series (Riordan) 239, 330,
443
Perrault, Charles 201
Persephone 12, 79, 257, 291, 260, 261, 291,
294, 326, 327, 328, 446–447
Perseus 320, 326, 327, 328, 329, 374, 439,
444, 450
Persius 37
personalisation 438
Peter and Wendy (Barrie) 47
Peter Pan; or, the Boy Who Wouldn’t Grow Up
(Barrie) 173
Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens (Barrie) 44,
45, 47–54
Phaedrus 29, 30, 175, 212
Philostratus
Life of Apollonius of Tyana 177
picture books 132n10
Piłsudski, Józef 201
Pink literature, Soviet 351n23
Pinocchio (Collodi) 33
Pinocchio in Athens (Boulotis) 135, 141n26
Pinsent, Pat
“School Story,” 393n30
Pippi Longstocking (char.) 50
Plank, George 239–240
Plastuś (char.) 155n49
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Plato 41, 405
Apology of Socrates 285–287
Plato’s Cave 274, 287–289
Theaetetus 312
Platonov, Andrey 241, 242
Plato’s Cave and consciousness 287–289
Plutarch 59, 397
Parallel Lives 355
poetics 37–38, 369, 371–372, 383
Polish dictionaries for children 143–167
Polish history 201–207, 333–345
Polish literature for children 201–207,
333–334
A Polish School Language Dictionary (Dunaj)
147, 158–159, 161
Pollux 96, 97, 104, 327
Pommaux, Yvan
Orphée et la morsure du serpent 292,
295–296, 305–306
Pompey 412
Poseid0n 95, 160, 239, 326, 438, 443
post-wwii generations 7
Potter, Beatrix 180–181
power 175–176, 184–186, 215
Priestesses, Amazons, and Witches
(Żylińska) 120–126
Pro lege Manilia (Cicero) 39–41
Procrustes 327
Progymnasmata (Aphthonius) 43
Prometheus 284–285, 326, 329
propaganda 137–138, 140, 141, 206
Psyche 150, 326, 328, 383
Puck of Pook’s Hill (Kipling) 224
Pullman, Philip 267–290
The Amber Spyglass 278, 279–281
His Dark Materials 269–290
intertextuality in 274, 284, 287–289
Pygmalion 326
Raven-Hill, Leonard
Mr. King (ill.) 58
readership, cross-generational readership
178, 268, 269–273, 344–345, 363–364,
390, 436
reception studies 2n2, passim
refugees 134n13
Regelson, Avraham
Fountain of the Horse: Tales from
Greek Mythology 322–323, 326
“Regulus” (Kipling) 55–64
Index
Rémi, Cornelia 384n
Remus 232, 373
revenge 375
Reynard the fox (char.) 179
Rhea 326
rhetoric 35–43, 382
Ricketts, Harry 59n, 63
Ridington, Edith Farr 181–182
Riordan, Rick 439
Percy Jackson series 239, 330
Robinson Crusoe (Defoe) 32, 187, 190n4
Robinson secundus (Lieberkühn) 32
rogue 51n26
Rollenhagen, Georg
Froschmeuseler 32
Le Roman de Renart 179, 204
Roman history 223–229
“Roman Mysteries” series (Lawrence)
about 411–416, 427
closure in Ephesus 424–427
Jonathan and Judaism 421–424
Lupus and the family romance 416–418
Nubia and multiple identity 419–421
Romanian literature for children 201
Romer, Adam 39–40
Romulus (author) 29–30
Romulus (myth/legend) 232, 373
Ronia, the Robber’s Daughter (Lindgren) 50
Rose, Jacqueline
The Case of Peter Pan 173
Rosenstein, I.D.
Greek Legends: A Selection of Greek
Mythological Stories 322
Rotimi, Ola
The Gods Are Not to Blame 187, 188
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 4–5, 32
The Age of Reason 172–173
Émile: ou, de l’éducation 172
Rowling, J.K.
Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them
(film) 386, 391
Harry Potter and the Cursed Child
(play) 386, 390
Harry Potter series 362–383
on Latin 396–397
writing development 391–392
Rubinstein, Rebecca
A Clay Envelope 251
Rubricastellanus
“Asterix” series 34
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Rudnicka, Halina
The Disciples of Spartacus 202, 250n26
Russian literature for children 241–255,
346–361
Saint-Exupéry, Antoine
Le petit prince 34
Sainte-Beuve, Charles-Augustin 3
Salt (Gee) 263–264
Salten, Felix
Bambi. Eine Lebensgeschichte aus dem
Walde 174
Salvini, Gustavo 74
Scarrow, Simon 14
Schaffner, Perdita Macpherson 234
Schaps, David 311, 313
Schimmel, Harold 316
Schliemann, Heinrich 1
school story 55–64, 57n, 62, 392–395.
See also education
The School Student’s Big Dictionary
(Bańko) 147, 159–160, 164–167
Schwab, Gustav
Gods and Heroes of Ancient Greece: Myths
and Epics of Ancient Greece 330
Schwabe, Max 312
science fiction
in Soviet Union 346–361
Scylla 327
self-image 382
Seneca 397
Hippolytus 38
Thyestes 38
Septuagint 310
Sergeyenko, Maria
The Fall of Icarus 251
La Settimana dei Ragazzi (journal) 101–103
Shabtai, Aharon 316
Shakespeare, William 3, 61
Sharona, Guri See Ofek, Bina
Shvarts, Yevgeny
The Dragon 242
Sienkiewicz, Henryk 204, 432
Simius liberator (von Albrecht) 34
Sinou, Kira and Hook-Apostolopoulou, Eleni
The Hand in the Deep 131, 132, 138–142
sirens 282, 342, 383
Sisyphus 327
Skidmore, Steve
Don’t Look Back! 291
523
slavery 248–250, 421
Slomšek, Anton Martin 210–212
Swallow and Ants 211–212
Slovenian literature for children 208–218
Smidge (char.) 48–49, 52
Smyk, Ewa
Between Scylla and Charybdis (ill.) 220
snakes and serpents 374
Snow White (char.) 52
Sobieski, Jakub
Instrukcyja 36
Sobieski, Jan iii 35–43
social media 11
Società Italiana per la ricerca dei papiri greci
e latini in Egitto 72–73
Socrates 274, 285–287
Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr
One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich 255
Some Thoughts Concerning Education
(Locke) 171
Song of Achilles (Miller) 440–441
Sophocles
Antigone 186, 188, 313, 317
Oedipus Tyrannus 74, 75, 186–188, 313, 317
Soviet children’s literature 241–255. See also
Bulychev, Kir
Soyinka, Wole
The Bacchae of Euripides 188
Spartaco (Giovagnoli) 113, 243
Spartacus story 250
Spencer, Richard A.
Harry Potter and the Classical World: Greek
and Roman Allusions in J.K. Rowling’s
Modern Epic 362n, 385n1
Springer, Nancy
The Friendship Song 292n5
Stalky & Co. (Kipling) 55, 56n, 63, 394, 395
Stargate sg-1 (tv series) 408–409
The Statue That Was Cold (Boulotis) 131,
132–135
Steere, Edward
Swahili Tales 188
Stefanidi, Foteini 132
Steinhoewel, Heinrich
Esopus 30
Steindl, Erwin
Max et Moritz 33
Stephens, John 16n36, 141n25, 184n4, 224n12,
305n23
Stirling, Kirsten 44n2
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Storia del principe Agamennone e della
Principessa Clitennestra (Orvieto) 94,
104–110
Storie della storia del mondo. Greche e barbare
(Orvieto) 66, 77, 78, 80–92, 95–97, 98,
100–101
Stories of Aesop (Nishimura) 195
Stories of Greek Mythology (Dalman) 323–
324, 325–326
The Story of Babar the Little Elephant (de
Brunhoff) 174
The Story of Doctor Dolittle (Lofting) 180,
202
storytelling 1–2, 63, 188, 273–274
Strasburg Gymnasium 36
Stritar, Josip 212
Struwwelpeter (Hoffmann) 33
Stwosz, Wit 156n54
The Subtle Knife (Pullman). See His Dark
Materials (Pullman)
Swahili Tales (Steere) 188
Swallow and Ants (Slomšek) 211–212
symbol 54
Szancer, Jan Marcin 203
Szczęsna, Ewa 143
Szyszko, Marek 123
Tacitus cattus (González-Haba) 34
Tales from the Greek Theatre (Guri &
Ofek) 324
Tales of Troy and Greece (Lang) 79, 80
Tanaka, Tatsusaburō 195
Tanglewood Tales (Hawthorne) 79, 229–230,
441
Tantalus 94, 327
Taylor, Jerzy Mariusz
The Last Pharaoh 201
Tcherikover, Victor 312
Tchernichowsky, Saul
“Berele ḥoleh” 111–112
biography and influences 111–113
“Elka’s Wedding” 113–119
on Greek and Hebrew culture 315–316
“Keḥom ha-yom” 111
“Levivot” 112
Teiresias 326
Telemachus in Jeans (Bahdaj) 334–345
Telemachus reception 333–345
Index
television shows
Merlin 320, 445
Once Upon a Time 406–407, 408
Stargate sg-1 408–409
The 10th Kingdom 406
Warehouse 13 407, 408
Witches of East End 407–408
Xena: Warrior Princess 442
Teruminkofu, Odekake Times
The Race of a Hare and a Turtle (ill.) 196
textbooks. See also education
Aesop’s Fables in Japanese 195–197
Batrachomyomachia 31
in Japanese literary education 191, 195–197
Latin textbooks of Jan Sobieski iii 35,
39–41
in Middle ages 30
in modern Greek education 127–135
The 10th Kingdom (tv series) 406
Theaetetus (Plato) 312
A Thematic Dictionary of Polish. People in
the Land of Words (Kita, Polański) 146,
148–149
A Thematic School Dictionary of Polish. Not
Only for School Students (Iwanowicz,
Polański) 146, 148, 149–150
Theocritus 111, 112
Thersites (char.) 115, 118
Theseus 125, 295, 326, 327, 328, 329,
355–359, 374
Thessaloniki 127
Thetis 124–125, 428
A Thousand and One Nights 188
Thyestes (Seneca) 38
time travel 352–353, 438
Titans 326
Tochterman, Vered 320
Tolkien, J.R.R.
The Hobbit 402n54, 411
The Lord of the Rings 363, 371, 405
Tonelli, Luigi 67n7
Tongue-cut Sparrow 193
totalitarianism 7–8, 242
Townsend, Flyer 194
translation 231, 316, 364, 382
transmedia 390–392
Trauerspiel (Benjamin) 54
Travis, Madelyn 421–422
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Index
Treasure Island (Stevenson) 33, 187
The Treasure of Boys (Miwa) 193
The Tricks of Vitalis the Fox
(Brzechwa) 203–207
trickster 18, 48, 53, 179, 258–260
The Tricksters (Mahy) 258–260, 261–262
Trojan War 1, 80, 243, 322, 326, 327, 328, 329,
336
The Trojan War (Coolidge) 322
Troy (film) 442
Truby, John 414
Tsilimeni, Tassoula 142n28
Tucker, Nicholas
The Child and the Book: A Psychological
and Literary Exploration 174, 180
Tudoran, Radu
All Sails Up! 201
Tudorovskaya, Yelena
Odysseus’s Adventures 243
The Trojan War and Its Heroes 243
Tuwim, Julian 156n55
Twain, Mark 63
Twenty-Five of Aesop’s Fairy Tales 199–200
Typhon 326, 329
Uncle Remus (Harris) 63
Under the Mountain (Gee) 262–263
Underworld 382
journey to the 256–266, 277–279
Orphean quest in international children’s
literature 291–306
in Pullman’s The Amber
Spyglass 279–281
“The United Idolaters” (Kipling) 63n13
United States of America
war and children’s literature 222–240
University of Warsaw 8
Uranus 326
Valignano, Alessandro 190
Valkyries 296, 297
Valla, Lorenzo 30
video-games 12, 332, 384, 391, 392, 442
Virgil 37, 57, 430–431
Aeneid 281, 368–370, 373, 374–375, 430n8,
431, 437, 440–441
Culex 103
Vitelli, Girolamo 69, 98–101
Vodnik, Valentin
“A German and Carniolan
Horse,” 209–210
Poems for Sampling 209–210
Voldemort (char.) 370, 373, 390, 398
Voltaire 3
von Kleist, Heinrich
On the Marionette Theatre 267n3
Voronkova, Lyubov 243
Vvedensky, Alexander 241
Waldemar (char.) 338–340
Waligóra and Wyrwidąb (chars.) 155n50
war 6, 7, 93, 221–240
Warehouse 13 (tv series) 407, 408
Warsaw 128n2
Watanabe, On 194–195
Watson, Jane Werner
The Iliad and the Odyssey 322, 324
Wells, R.F.
With Caesar’s Legions: The Adventures
of Two Roman Youths in the Conquest of
Gaul 223–229, 233
Weltgeist 238
werewolf stories 382
Westman, Karin E.
“Specters of Thatcherism: Contemporary
British Culture in J.K. Rowling’s Harry
Potter Series,” 393–394
Where Is Your Home, Telemachus?
(Bahdaj) 334–345
Whited, Lana A.
The Ivory Tower and Harry Potter 387n11,
393–394
Wilder, Thornton
The Ides of March 244
Willis, Ika 433n18
“The Willow-Wren and the Bear” (Grimms) 61
Winnie ille Pu (Lenard) 33
Winter, Milo 181
Witches of East End (tv series) 407–408
With Caesar’s Legions: The Adventures of Two
Roman Youths in the Conquest of Gaul
(Wells) 223–229, 233
Within the Power of the Great Goddess
(Olszewska-Wolańczyk and Szyszko) 123
A Wonder-Book for Girls and Boys
(Hawthorne) 79, 229–230
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526
World of Legend (Jakobovitch)
World War i 221–240
Index
322
Xena: Warrior Princess (tv show)
442
Yalta Conference 7
Yanai, Hagar 318–319
Yaniv, Nir 319–320
Yefremov, Ivan
Tais of Athens 244
Yokoyama, Yōko 199
young adults’ literature 9–10 and passim
The Youth of Achilles (Żylińska) 123, 124
Zablotzki, M.
The Golden Quest: A Legend Based on
Mythology 322
Zambrzycki, Władysław
Our Lady of Joy, or Strange Adventures of
Gaston Bodineau, a Colonel in the Belgian
Army 202
Zarabouka, Sofia 135, 136
Zei, Alki
Alice in Marbleland 131–132, 135–138
Zeus 236, 326, 438
Zhebelev, Sergey 244, 249–250
Zieliński, Tadeusz 2n2, 244
Zionism 19, 111, 318
Zohar, Rakefet 324–325, 326–327
zoomorphic human stories 173–176
Zoshchenko, Mikhail 241, 242
Zuckerman, Amir 329
Żylińska, Jadwiga
The Expedition for the Golden Fleece 123,
125
Behold the Minoan Story of Crete 123, 125
Daedalus the Master 123
Golden Spear 121
Piast Daughters and Wives 121
Priestesses, Amazons, and
Witches 120–126
A Tale of Hercules 123
Theseus and Ariadne 123
The Youth of Achilles 123, 124
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