HCllUJng Movements, and Popular Culture in Latin America tity, SEMINAR ON THE ACQUISITION OF LATIN AMERICAN LIBRARY MATERIALS XLIV LEE LIBRARY BRIGHAM YOUNG UNIVERSITY PROVO, UTAH HAROLD B. Documenting Movements, Popular Culture in and Latin America Identity, SALALM Secretariat Benson Latin American Collection The General Libraries The University of Texas at Austin Documenting Movements, and Identity, Popular Culture in Latin America Papers of the Forty-Fourth Annual Meeting of the SEMINAR ON THE ACQUISITION OF LATIN AMERICAN LIBRARY MATERIALS Nashville, Tennessee May 30 -June Richard 3, 1999 F. Phillips Editor SALALM Secretariat Benson Latin American Collection The General Libraries The University of Texas at Austin ISBN: 0-917617-63-0 Copyright © 2000 by SALALM, Inc. All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America LEE LIBRARY BRIQHAM YOUNG UNIVERSITY PROVO, UTAH HAROLD B. 2 . Contents Preface ix I. 1 Considerations for Outsourcing Cataloging Claire-Lise 2. Challenges for Librarianship Bénaud 3 Documenting Cultural Heritage: The Oral History Collections at The University of the West Indies Margaret D Rouse-Jones and Enid Brown . 3. La importancia de la información en la 1 construcción de la identidad cultural Saray Córdoba G. 4. 27 Selecting for Storage: Local Problems, Local Responses, and an Emerging Common Challenge Dan Hazen 5. 34 Centros de documentación y bases de datos sobre asuntos de la mujer y género en América Latina /. Félix Martínez Barrientos II. 6. 7. Culture The Tango and the Buenos Aires Urban Simon Collier The Body 46 Identity 63 as Vehicle of Political Identity in the Art of José Clemente Orozco Leonard Folgarait 8. 72 Pan, Parang, and Chutney: Identity, Music, and Popular Cultural Forms in Trinidad and Tobago Kathleen Helenese-Paul 9. Preserving Our Heritage: The Folklorist of Trinidad 80 Work of Al Ramsawack, and Tobago Jennifer Joseph 10. The Way We Live: 100 Fetes and Festivals of the English-Speaking Caribbean Elmelinda Lara 108 CONTENTS VI 11. In Their Own Words: The Folk Literature of South American Indians Series Colleen H.Trujillo 12. "Yo vivo de lo 121 que escribo": Antonio Paredes Cândia, Bolivian Folklorist John B.Wright 13. 130 Los esfuerzos por recuperar y preservar el cine puertorriqueño Víctor Torres 148 Women and Identity III. 14. A Bolivian Literary Minority: Women Writers Nelly 15. S. González Memory and Identity 157 in Selected French Caribbean Women Maryse Conde and Simone Schwarz-Bart Marian Goslinga Writers: 16. Menchu, Stoll, and Ideology: Oral History and Documentation MarkL.Grover 17. The Urban 169 179 Woman in the Electronic Age: A Survey of Electronic Resources Mina Jane Grot hey 18. 188 Frances Toor and the Mexican Cultural Renaissance 200 Peter Stern 19. Escritoras cubanas en el exilio 220 Lesbia Orta Varona IV. Society 20. Cultural Amnesia: Systematically Erasing the History of Brazilian Industrialization 229 Marshall C. Eakin 21. Documenting Maya Resurgence: Trends in Maya Scholarship and Publishing Edward F. Fischer 236 Power and Privilege Suggestions on Sources Wendy Hunter 22. Military 23. Searching for Maroons Jane Landers in Contemporary Latin America: in the Historical Record: 244 New Approaches 253 CONTENTS 24. Vil Unintended Outcomes: William Walker and the Emergence of Nicaraguan Nationalism 265 Emily Story 25. Dual Identities? The Andean Gentry 1533-1826 in Peru and Alto Peru, 270 Rafael E. Tarrago 26. Old Pitfalls and New Opportunities in Documenting Popular Political Culture in Latin Kurt Weyland America 290 Contributors 305 Conference Program 307 Preface As I look back on my Peace Corps service days in Brazil in 1971-1972, being profoundly struck with an eager interest in all 1 recall things sertanejo, an expres- sion of the truly essential character of the hearty folks of the rugged interior of Pernambuco. In my mind it is no great leap to see where the inspiration for the theme of the 1999 meeting of the Seminar on the Acquisition of Latin American Library Materials (SALALM) came from. One draws from experience. Indeed, I have always drawn upon my experiences. I grew up in a diverse community in eastern New necock Indians from the nearby reservation. ing my was in my York and count among I also shared friends many Shin- many good times dur- youth with migrant workers in the area. To me, living in Pernambuco some ways like living in that community. But, of course, Latin America ing years have been is not the same as it was in the 1970s. Ensumarked by an opening of the cultural and political channels of Latin American societies to marginalized groups. Voiceless groups are sud- denly organizing, sharing experiences, clamoring for opportunity, and generating documentation of their goals, dreams, and objectives. Faced with new flows of information in formats and vehicles previously known and often undervalued, libraries, librarians, and libreros have had to look for new ways to identify, collect, and organize such materials. Nontraditional publishing presents many challenges for both collector and dealer. I want to thank many people who helped organize the SALALM meeting. little Paula Covington, local arrangements chair, provided vision and "savvy." Her staff and assistants were extremely valuable grateful to Vanderbilt University for its in many ways. commitment to I am also very making our meeting a success. Thanks also go to the panel organizers and participants. Their ideas formed the SALALM XLIV program. I want to express my gratitude to the SALALM Secretariat as well for acknowledge Dale Canelas, its efficiency and helpfulness. Let me also Sam Go wan, John Ingram, and Mary Gallant at the University of Florida Libraries for their support. Carole Bird, Justino Llanque- my profound thanks. mention are in my prayers Chana, Irmi Feldman, and Paul Losch also merit Last, family and friends too numerous to thoughts. These are special people. These are special times. IX and I. Challenges for Librarianship 1 Considerations for . Outsourcing Cataloging Claire-Lise Outsourcing is Bénaud the transfer of an internal function to an outside vendor. In most basic form, it is a fancy term for paying someone else to its do your work. It "someone else" will provide the product cheaper than can be achieved in-house. The growth of outsourcing in cataloging departments in the implies that the 1990s can be attributed to budgetary shortages and advances in technology. The practice perhaps reinforced by cataloging 's lack of visibility in the is The cataloging community has been vocal about outsourcing: the for catalogers remains the accuracy of the bibliographic record library. main concern and the integrity of the online catalog, while the main concerns for library administrators are The cost and productivity. — user is recipient of the bibliographic record often not consulted. — the library l General Considerations Most academic increases. If maintained, new if libraries made, if library hours have to be reference desks have to be staffed, the funds to support these ser- come from vices must today are not receiving substantial funding acquisitions have to be the library's budget. Cataloging is invisible to patrons and administrators, whereas reference services, teaching, and computer terminals for Internet access are visible to all. The high cost associated with pro- book and serial and the perception that cataloging can be done more cheaply by a vendor make cataloging an obvious target for budget cuts. Cataloging is also a good target because, unlike other library departments, it is cessing every a production department: it is easy to quantify output and to specify the num- ber of records that can be purchased from a vendor. Outsourcing also allows amount of money for cataloging. In staff does not guarantee that a certain number of books will be administrators to budget a predictable contrast, hiring cataloged. When a library finds itself in the opposite situation, that receives extra funds, these typically go toward acquisitions. There is is, when it usually no corresponding funding increase for processing, and administrators are more willing to spend money on outsourcing than to hire more Although the motivation staff. to outsource is based on the need to save money, making outsourcing of cataloging a viable option. For example, records can be loaded into databases quickly and effortlessly and optical technology is 4 CLAIRE-LISE scanning technology tents, for is readily available, example. Vendors are taking developments. While libraries vendors, they dor: the book may may making full it BENAUD easy to add table of con- advantage of these technological purchase cataloging records from various also purchase a full package of products from a single ven- the matching catalog records (bibliographic, authority, itself, and/or item), and physical processing for the book. The position of the OPAC relative to other databases also affects how cataloging is perceived. Web-based products are playing a more prominent role and many no longer see the OPAC as the library's central database. For example, at the University of New Mexico (UNM) General Library, access to the electronic journal holdings is more efficient through a specialized Web page than through the OPAC. The OPAC is simply one of many databases available to library users. Vendor-produced indexes and Search, Lexis/Nexis, and low the same logic for EBSCO their commonplace. Other are OPAC, full-text databases that is, they such as libraries may have First- may fol- produced and it maintained by a commercial vendor rather than by the library's cataloging department. It is conceivable that libraries can build an OPAC without a cata- loging department. Outsourcing: An Evolving Concept The concept of outsourcing has evolved during the last three decades. The business literature reveals that in the 1970s outsourcing simply involved a supplier providing a service to a company by managing and performing a function formerly done in-house. During the 1980s there evolved closer collaboration between the vendor and the company, while fuller partnerships. means finding new suppliers and new ways rials, in the 1990s the trend is toward Consider the following definition: "Outsourcing really goods, components and services." Similarly, outsourcing cataloging to secure the delivery of raw mate- 2 was at first limited to selective, well- defined processes (retrospective conversion, authority control processing for an initial Today load of bibliographic records into the it encompasses all OPAC, or government documents). of these processes and can also include purchasing bibliographic and authority records for books received on approval plans, books received on firm order, and, in certain cases, all the books purchased by a library. Vendors can also offer value-added services, functions not routinely performed by catalogers, such as adding table of contents. A shift is taking place from selective outsourcing to total outsourcing. What to Outsource As a rule, companies outsource nonessential activities and retain in-house essential functions, referred to as core competencies. tial to the identity of the organization need for the company to and if taken These activities are essen- away would eliminate the be in business. Core competencies, also called "key," CONSIDERATIONS FOR OUTSOURCING CATALOGING "critical," or 5 "fundamental," are not easy to define. They are a set of core competencies. A host of peripheral operations which provide the infra- structure are also needed. Thus, a car manufacturer, a software library all vices. skills by performing rather than specific tasks. Organizations cannot function only need personnel departments, These functions enable them janitorial services, to operate but company, and a and security do not define ser- their business. Outsourcing such peripheral operations allows the company to pay more attention to its core competencies. Defining what the core competencies are ject of debate is a sub- and has far-reaching consequences for the labor force. Whether to outsource cataloging depends upon whether cataloging is considered a core competency: is it mission-critical? If so, to what degree can it be outsourced? Until recently, cataloging was considered central to a library's mission. The very coreness of cataloging is now under scrutiny. How can a function defined as "core" become less "core"? Part of the explanation lies in the fact that the model has changed. Advances in automation and cooperative cataloging make it possible for large amounts of cataloging data to be produced, shared, and distributed to a virtually unlimited number of libraries. Along these lines, Arnold Hirshon argues that while the product of cataloging is a core function, its creation is not. 3 Selective outsourcing, an increasingly common practice, does not fully answer the question of "coreness." The level of editing performed may define what is a core cataloging activity for a particular library. On the one hand, some may argue that original cataloging is core but that if substantial copy editing is copy is may say core. On the not. Others performed, then cataloging is means that cataloging is no longer considered a core competency and no longer represents a basic professional activity. Even though what is core and what is not is not completely other hand, total outsourcing, a rare practice, clearly answered, a set of circumstances leads every library to evaluate its in-house cataloging operation. Usually these circumstances involve the continued erosion of the budget, reductions in staff, the existence of backlogs, the perceived high cost of cataloging, a reemphasis on public services, or inefficient cataloging departments. Why Outsource? Economic Gains Cost savings. —Cataloging costs libraries performed in-house. The question is: money, whether outsourced or will outsourcing cost less or more than in- house cataloging for a similar level of quality? Outsourcing cataloging reduces staff salaries, overhead costs, database searching and telecommunications charges, hardware and software costs, and the need for training and evaluation. Vendors can provide catalog records more cheaply. Rather than cataloging the same book hundreds of times, vendors benefit from an economy of scale, selling the same record to many libraries. Savings occur when libraries outsource O CLAIRE-LISE mainstream materials. For example, a vendor may mainstream publications over and over but materials held materials, to it is BENAUD resell the cataloging for may not be able to do so for esoteric by a handful of libraries. Similarly, for older or foreign language unlikely that the vendor can find acceptable copy or it may have perform original cataloging. In that case, vendors do not realize economies of scale and pass on the cost to libraries, requiring them to pay a premium for this type of cataloging. 4 Greater Efficiency. —While a basic motivation of outsourcing costs, the business literature claims that almost all outsourcing are vulnerable to failure if the organization In the is is to cut arrangements concerned only with cost savings. not only to save money become more competiefficiency, more timely cata- view of these observers, the vendor's function is for the organization but also to help the organization tive. 5 In cataloging, this translates into greater loging, increased productivity, and value-added services. In academic libraries, a cataloger show ond. Studies cataloging. 6 is a librarian that original catalogers Another survey shows first, and a cataloger sec- spend only 40 percent of their time that professional catalogers spend 22.1 ARL libraries (and 20.6 hours per week in nonARL libraries) and that paraprofessional catalogers spend 30.1 hours per week cataloging in ARL libraries (and 28.9 hours per week in non-ARL libraries). 7 hours per week cataloging in The rest ties, and research. In-house catalogers, under the pressure of other responsibil- ities, can put cataloging work aside. In contrast, because catalogers working for of the time is devoted to management, meetings, professional vendors devote less time to nonproduction activities, activi- vendors can be more pro- ductive than libraries. Libraries outsource their cataloging operations because they are unable to increase in-house productivity. Vendors may provide a shorter turnaround time. When outsourcing with a materials jobber, the vendor typically delivers the cataloging record at the time book is selected for the library. If the library sends the book to the vendor, the book is returned and cataloged, usually within a month. This prevents backlogs from accumulating. Libraries expect greater productivity from a vendor. Psychologically, when the library buys cataloging from a vendor, a time factor enters the equathe tion. It is not acceptable for the vendor to backlog cataloging, but the culture of academic libraries tolerates backlogs. Indeed, reports from the field support this assertion. For example, outsourcing cataloging Chicago resulted in a 50 percent increase at Loyola University of in productivity over the previous year and 151 percent over the previous five years. The library's backlog was significantly reduced and books were cataloged, processed, and placed on the shelves within ten days. 8 The question of value-added services adds another dimension to the debate. Each time an in-house cataloger or a vendor handles a record, what further value do they add to it? In his study, James E. Rush writes that "most local CONSIDERATIONS FOR OUTSOURCING CATALOGING 7 cataloging contributes nothing to the value of the bibliographic record." In his opinion, repetitive cataloging when considered provides." effort. He is leading to unacceptably high costs, "especially in light of the lack of sees outsourcing as a added value the way repetitive cataloging to eliminate wasteful duplication of 9 Access to Experts. —Lack of in-house expertise reason for outsourcing. Employers are looking at because they do not have people with the necessary ing to acquire expertise is frequent when is outside labor resources skills in-house. we would Outsourc- the cataloging department lacks per- sonnel with language or format expertise. For example, Library, invariably cited as a like to outsource the cataloging at the UNM General of approximately 270 San- would be cheaper to buy these records from a vendor than to catalog in-house but there is no extra money in the budget right now to do this. Buying expertise is not a panacea. Because the department skrit monographs. It certainly lacks the expertise in the first place, it will be unable to verify the accuracy of the vendor records. Ideological Motives Reasons for outsourcing can also be ideological. private sector is inherently more efficient nomically than the public sector. because it is trendy. 10 At Many believe that the and can provide services more eco- UNM, some support outsourcing just The whys and hows and pros and cons have not been ade- quately explored. There is a sense, however, that outsourcing is inevitable and no longer spend a great deal of time cataloging and should instead participate in the library's new paradigm. This new paradigm is not yet well defined but outsourcing seems to fit into its definition. Catalogers feel like the craftsmen who still work at perfecting the horse buggy when the that catalogers should automobile is just around the corner. Political Motives Outsourcing can also be used as a political tool to eliminate poor performers, to deal with difficult personnel problems, or to reduce the power of internal troublemakers. Drawbacks to Outsourcing Cataloging There are many potential problems associated with outsourcing: loss of intellectual capital, loss of institutional memory, deterioration of staff morale, loss of flexibility, diminished quality of records, loss of spirit of national cooperation, and lack of fairness. I will elaborate on a few of these. Loss of Control Loss of control over the content of the database alogers. Cataloging is is a major concern for cat- about bibliographic control. The cataloging apparatus õ CLAIRE-LISE consists of sets of national and local BENAUD rules, hair-splitting rule interpretations, few can appreciate. While vendors focus on fulfilling their contractual obligations, they may not be concerned with the intellectual framework that undergirds cataloging. When difficulties occur with a vendor, and subtleties that no mechanism the library has is to correct the problem promptly. the only tool that gives the library leverage over its A good contract vendors. Libraries that have extensive experience working with materials vendors know that it can often take several months to resolve a problem. Loss of Expertise is A common apprehension regarding outsourcing is that once an operation A certain level of internal contracted out, expertise leaves the company. expertise is needed to manage the outsourcing arrangement and to negotiate present and future contracts. In cataloging, gaining or losing expertise ter a mat- of degree and depends on whether the library engages in selective or outsourcing. of is its It is clear that the library loses expertise when it outsources total some do not catalog out of context. They are not catadescribe specific items. The broader aim of cataloging is to pro- cataloging. Catalogers loging just to vide access to a particular library's collections for particular library users. Quality of Records Outsourcing generates quality-control issues, a prime concern for catalogers. 11 From ciency a decrease in quality because libraries are forced to accept is the cataloger's point of view, the One else's cataloging without revision. title at downside of increased effi- somebody a time, in-house catalogers review and edit records found in national databases to assure quality. Libraries are often disappointed with the quality of the product they receive dors. Libraries get what they pay for from ven- and should not expect quality records for a low price. The Cookie Cutter Approach In-house departments can respond to the special needs of public services. Catalogers work closely with the reference how consult with catalogers about improve access. For example, staff, and many reference to find items or to UNM catalogers routinely alter classifications to help patrons browse the reference collections, improve access to cana by adding contents notes, and add statements to library benefactors. librarians have them recataloged Vendors are less gift books New Mexi- to recognize capable of providing customized cata- loging and are often unwilling to do so. If they do perform this additional function, the price goes up, making of service on a regular basis. it too expensive for libraries to request this type — CONSIDERATIONS FOR OUTSOURCING CATALOGING 9 Losing the Spirit of Cooperation One where thousands of academic, research, benefit of the current system, public, and special libraries contribute cataloging to cooperative union catalogs, is breadth and depth of cataloging. 12 In the last quarter century, catalogers huge bibliographic and authority databases. Both endeavors are labor-intensive and costly, but they have greatly benefited the cataloging community. The number of cooperative programs has increased since the development of the online union catalog. In order to maintain an acceptable level of quality in these databases, the library profession, with leadership from the Library of Congress, is addressing the issue of quality. The Program for have built Cooperative Cataloging (PCC) across the country. It is hoped by training librarians that this initiative will result in better and more is raising the standard usable records, thus eliminating the need for local libraries to enhance or change those records. OCLC's Enhance and Upgrade capabilities enable ber institutions to records in the make permanent mem- corrections or additions to bibliographic OCLC database. All these measures are designed to improve the quality of the database and of the records. These cooperative efforts cannot be duplicated by vendors since the primary goal of a commercial operation profit rather than benefit to the cataloging logers have participated in countless meetings to make those agreements work- able. Catalogers feel responsible for the quality of national databases question The how and the outsourcing of cataloging will affect that quality. Reality Libraries a is community. Over the years, cata- means want view outsourcing of cataloging to increase productivity, it all dollars, a some as a in different way editing, authority control, table of contents, it as to reduce costs, while others and expect top-quality records for the lowest vendor will provide a generic record. ways: some see price. If the library For a couple of wants additional and physical processing, the price goes up accordingly. Outsourcing can be used to support contradictory objectives. Routine cataloging can be outsourced in order to enable experienced in- house catalogers to do complex cataloging. Complex and original cataloging can be outsourced to supplement the library's expertise. At records for federal documents. are adequate, but there are The bibliographic records and with items records (the generic location does not allow codes for branch and reference locations). A is — problems with authority records (some are dupli- cates, others are not provided) mation Department UNM, we purchase created by GPO The Government continuously fixing these problems. survey of academic cataloging departments conducted in the 1996 shows Infor- of on the rise. Sixty-three percent of some form of cataloging outsourcing: that outsourcing of cataloging is respondents indicated that they engage in fall 10 CLAIRE-LISE TECHPRO; 44 percent use Marcive; 25 percent use loging vendors; 8 percent use PromptCat; and 1 BÉNAUD 21 percent use other cata- percent use Diogenes. Regard- ing the types of records acquired, 45 percent of libraries buy bibliographic records for federal documents; 14 percent buy records for unique collections; buy records 11 percent and Arabic; for unique languages such as 11 percent acquire Library of Congress bibliographic records; and 15 percent report buying other types of records. libraries CJK, Judaic languages, The survey revealed that purchase a remarkable variety of records for a remarkable variety of materials: for all monographs received through approval plans; member cataloging; original cataloging only; all monographic input records only; English- language materials only; foreign-language materials only; original cataloging of Latin American collection materials; scores, sound recordings, special collections materials only; children's literature only; generic backlog material; HTML processing of texts; item records; upgrading of CIP records; and videos. The scope of outsourcing its is One library reports that it outsources also broad. all cataloging, 45,000 records a year, while another library indicates outsourc- more than 35 records a month. As a rule, ARL libraries outsource cataloging more than non- ARL libraries (7 1 percent of ARL libraries outsource some cataloging compared with 56 percent of non- ARL libraries). ing no Conclusion from a number of vendors In the early 1990s libraries could select purchased mainstream materials and if who was source records. But this picture Outsourcing It was more difficult to find a could supply cataloging for non-English materials or for special- ized classification systems and there utilities for they they had few needs for customization, such as classification, subject headings, or notes. vendor if is a heavy reliance on bibliographic is changing, though incrementally. evolving as vendors gain experience meeting the needs of cata- loging departments and introduce new dors hire catalogers, offer original Today vencataloging and authority control, and work services and improvements. directly with bibliographic utilities to provide better services. Vendors often advertise services that promise quick and accurate cata- loging of materials for a price which cataloging departments cannot possibly match. Nonetheless, both sides describe the value they can add to bibliographic by customizing records for local needs, by performing extensive quality control, and by participating in various national programs. Vendors provide services such as table of contents and records. In-house catalogers add value physical processing. In all cases, the result is a better product, and in all cases more time to enhance or upgrade a record than to simply produce and download an existing record. Similarly, vendors charge a premium for adding table of cona price is associated with the added value. It takes in-house catalogers tents to bibliographic records or to physically process the books. 1 CONSIDERATIONS FOR OUTSOURCING CATALOGING 1 Evidently, outsourcing cataloging reduces the library. number of catalogers in a This situation raises the following questions. Will catalogers go the way of full-time bibliographers? Will only the largest academic libraries retain their catalogers, while small to medium-sized libraries will turn to age their cataloging activities? Outsourcing trators, not by rank-and-file catalogers. is need to that they will be aware of all the implications of outsourcing and take an active role in determining Otherwise, vendors and administrators will they may by adminishave a voice in typically advocated To ensure the future of their profession, catalogers vendors to man- make its shape and content. the decisions for them and not like the results. NOTES 1. For detailed discussion of these Outsourcing Library Operations in issues, see Claire-Lise Bénaud and Sever Bordeianu, Academic Libraries: An Overview of Issues and Outcomes (Englewood, CO: Libraries Unlimited, 1998). 2. Brian Rothery and Ian Robertson, The Truth about Outsourcing (Hampshire, England: Gower, 1995), 3. p. 4. Arnold Hirshon, "The Lobster Quadrille: The Future of Technical Services in a Now: The Changing Face of Technical Services; ProSymposium ALA Midwinter Conference, February 4, 1994 (Dublin, OH: Online Computer Library Center, 1994), p. 16. Re-engineering World," in The Future Is ceedings of the OCLC 4. OCLC Colleen Hyslop, "PromptCat Prototype: Accelerating Progress in Technical Services," F. Now: The Changing Face of Technical Services; Proceedings of the OCLC Symposium, ALA Midwinter Conference, February 4, 1994 (Dublin, OH: OCLC Online Computer in The Future Is Library Center, 1994), p. 35. 5. Dennis Livingston, "Outsourcing: Look Beyond the Price Tag," Datamation (November 15, 1992), 93. 6. Nancy J. Gibbs, "ALCTS/Role of Services Departments Discussion Group," 7. the Professional in ALA Midwinter Claire-Lise Bénaud, Sever Bordeianu, and Academic Research Technical 1994 Conference Reports, p. 322. Mary Ellen Hanson, "Cataloging Production Standards in Academic Libraries," Technical Services Quarterly 16:3 (1960), 50. 8. Ellen J. Waite, "Reinvent Catalogers! Reply to (November 1,1995), 9. Future Is ALA M. Gorman," Library Journal 120 37. James E. Rush, "A Case for Eliminating Cataloging in the Individual Library," in Now: The Changing Face of Technical Midwinter Conference, February 4, Services; Proceedings of the 1994 (Dublin, OH: OCLC The OCLC Symposium, Online Computer Library Center, 1994), pp. 9-10. 10. Murray 11. Glen E. Holt, "Catalog Outsourcing: (September 12. S. Martin, "Outsourcing," The Bottom Line 8:3 (1995), 28. No Clear-Cut Choice," Library Journal 120 15, 1995), 34. Daniel CannCasciato, "Tepid Water for Everyone? The Future Outsourcing," OCLC Systems & Services 10 (Spring 1994), 7. OLUC, Catalogers, and — Documenting Cultural Heritage: The Oral History Collections The University of the West Indies 2. at Margaret D. Rouse- Jones Enid Brown It has become increasingly evident that oral history, "the recollections and rem- iniscences of living people about their past," has a valid role in the education process in that it provides an approach and opportunity for reflection and data gathering on cultural issues. Consequently, there has been increased use of oral history as a eties that means of capturing popular historical memory, have a multicultural base. particularly in soci- 1 This paper examines the development of oral history collections St. Augustine and after U.W.I. ). Mona campuses The two can be considered of The University of the West Indies (here- societies discussed, Trinidad fertile and Tobago and Jamaica, ground for the flourishing of oral history programs, given their cultural diversity occasioned by historical experience settlement, at the European colonization, slavery, indentureship, consequent cross-fertilization of peoples The University of is a gold mine —Amerindian and migration. The for the oral history West Indies with its three campuses Mona, Jamaica; St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago; and Cave Hill, Barbados is considered one of the truly regional institutions and the primary university student. the — serving the English-speaking Caribbean. In the fifty years 2 of its existence, the faculties to and departments, including the keep abreast of contemporary trends information provision. This tions have been developed is at libraries, have assiduously attempted in all aspects of teaching, learning, the backdrop against which and oral history collec- U.W.I. Rationale and Organization of Programs One main difference between the tions at the main two campuses is establishment of the oral history collec- that at U.W.I. , St. Augustine, the library has the responsibility for all aspects of the collection. Willa Baum, writing about the librarian's role in oral history, sees the major steps as "creating," "curating," "consuming," and "counseling" (the four Cs). Although the creation of oral tory archives is not essentially a library function, 12 his- many oral history projects do , . DOCUMENTING CULTURAL HERITAGE emanate from oral history at libraries. 3 The perception of the role of the librarian in collecting seemingly prompted the establishment of the oral history project The University of the West St. 13 Indies, St. Augustine campus (hereafter U.W.I. Augustine) in April 1981. According to the then campus librarian, the pro- ject "grew out of the perceived need for the study of Trinidad to enhance historical research resources and Tobago by drawing mainly on available human resources in the society which were then largely untapped." 4 A group of inter- ested persons, mainly academics, responded to an invitation from the librarian to attend collect oral and campus an informal meeting to discuss the possibility of a project to pictorial records. From these tentative beginnings in 1981, the project was renamed a continuing program in 1983, the Oral and Pictorial Records Programme (sic) hereafter OPReR The program is managed by an executive board 5 and has the following — objectives: 1 To gather historical data with persons 2. who have on Trinidad and Tobago through interviews created history or witnessed important events. To identify other repositories/researchers in the field of oral history and other sources of pictorial research. 3. To photograph notable old lect buildings, monuments, and and sites to col- photographs, sketches, and other illustrative material of historical interest. 4. To lodge all material gathered, organize it, and make it accessible in order to facilitate research into the history and culture of Trinidad and Tobago. It is understandable that in the process of gathering historical material, popular culture will also be been the documented as part of the historical record. This has indeed OPReP experience. In order to accomplish number of themes were its main the gaps in historical knowledge. political in nature, for program a objective, at the start of the identified as areas in which the These included topics oral record could that were fill historical/ example, the 1937 labor disturbances; the Second World War; the history of the university; and others that seem to fall into what might be called culture the development of the Calypso, steel band, and other art — forms. At the same time, certain elderly persons part at various levels of the society who had played an important were also identified as persons to be inter- Owen Mathurin, Lulworth Punch, prominent citizens of Trinidad and Tobago in different spheres were included in this category. viewed. Individuals such as C. L. R. James, J. D. Elder, of activity, As ple, the all program continues, other names and themes are added. For exam- one of the senior lecturers in the Faculty of Natural Sciences, is also we conduct a series of interviews with some Similarly, when the library and personal papers of a cricket enthusiast, suggested that of the retired cricketers. who MARGARET 14 D. ROUSE-JONES / ENID BROWN the late Dr. Eric Williams, former prime minister, were deposited at U.W.I., St. Augustine Library, a decision was made to conduct a series of interviews with people who knew Dr. Williams to supplement the collection. OPReP's second major materials being collected. researchers who have keep abreast of thrust is to the area of oral history in Trinidad and As Tobago and all work being done in to serve as a repository for work by other tapes with OPReP. Students a result, the collection includes deposited copies of their doing final-year undergraduate Caribbean Studies Projects as well as those reading for a master's degree in history are urged to explore themes using the oral history method under the supervision of members of the OPReP executive. These students and other researchers both of U.W.I, and overseas universities who conduct oral history interviews as part of their research are encouraged to OPReP has also been who pioneered anthropo- lodge copies of their taped material with the collection. able to acquire copies of work done by researchers logical material in Trinidad The and Tobago. pictorial side of the program is subsumed in the library's general pol- icy regarding the collection of West Indian materials. OPReP's role has tended on locating sources of historical photographs and encouraging the acquisition of maps, prints, postcards, and other types of pictorial material that may be of historical interest, and bringing them to the attention of readers and users (by means of displays and the like). One set of photographs, commisto focus sioned by the program in 1982, captured the architecture of Trinidad's oldest town. These photographs, the peoples of the island, have which reflect the St. Joseph, cultural history of become invaluable because some of the ings no longer exist or are too dilapidated to be studied in detail. build- 6 The library at The University of the West Indies, Mona campus (hereafter U.W.I. Mona) does not attempt to collect and document oral material in the same manner as its sister campus library at St. Augustine. It also has not taken , responsibility for the housing and organizing of such collections where they on the campus. The U.W.I., Mona Library has a very small collection of audiocassettes and videocassettes which document Jamaica's cultural heritage. These include recordings of Jamaican folk singers, recordings that trace the exist and a conversation with C. L. R. James. However, other departments at U.W.I., Mona have been active story of Jamaican music, in collect- ing and documenting various aspects of the cultural heritage of Jamaican society. The university is currently showing great interest in cultural studies. It intends to upgrade staffing, introduce graduate studies in the area of culture, establish a nonprint archive of cultural material, development and support significant library in the area. Foremost among the oral history collections on the Mona campus is the Social History Project, based in the department of history of the Faculty of Arts and Education, part of the as it is OPReP now known. This project can be considered the counter- collection at St. Augustine. The Social History Project, DOCUMENTING CULTURAL HERITAGE 15 Higman, 7 was established in 1979. It later became incorporated within the Institute of Caribbean Studies, which was established by the same faculty member. Since its inception the project has been administered by a director who is assisted by a committee comprising members of the staff of the history department; later, postgraduate input was the brainchild of Professor Barry added. The Social History Project differs from its St. Augustine counterpart in that it "was established with a view to guiding and supporting postgraduate research in the Department of History." Consequently, there was more systematic was involvement of students . . . at all levels in the life of the program. "Its focus confined essentially to the study of Jamaican social history in the post emancipation period," 8 and one of its main objectives is the collection and preservation of oral history data. The project received some measure of separate institutional support through grants from the Board of Postgraduate Studies and the Research and Publications Committee of the University. Tape recorders were also acquired for loan to students interested in conducting research in oral history or were involved who in projects that required the use of oral testimonies. Students reading for the master's by course work carried out systematic interviews with persons working in certain occupations, in particular dressmakers and The project acquired the completed tapes and transcripts tailors. from the final-year and postgraduate students, covering a wide variety of subjects. Popular Culture Content It is interesting to note that the all-embracing nature of the program, in terms of the informants interviewed, has resulted in the collection of information on a variety of cultural themes. For the most part, OPReP has concentrated on interviewing elderly persons; our oldest informant, Anne Murray (popularly known as "Teacher Thynie"), was born in 1886 and was 102 years old at the time of the interview. 9 Many others (for example, C. L. R. James, Ivan Rouse, Lulworth Punch) were born in the first two decades of the twentieth century, and thus were able to give a firsthand account of many of the social and eco- nomic conditions in Trinidad and Tobago at that time. Because informants also came from different parts of the island and from various socioeconomic backgrounds, the result is a rich and varied picture of life in several communities of Trinidad and Tobago. Indeed, a substantial portion of the content deals with aspects of the popular culture of Trinidad and Tobago: East Indian immigration, economic diversification in the post-emancipation period, cultural continuities of the different ethnic groups, social and economic movements toward inde- pendence, and social life and art forms in the Caribbean, to mention a few. Among the interviews commissioned by OPReP are several that document and development of distinctive communities in Trinidad and Tobago: Belmont, Chaguanas, Charlotteville, Tunapuna, Arouca, and Princes the history MARGARET 16 Town. For example, one informant, talking about exists. The details about ROUSE-JONES BROWN savanna are not popularly known, but this at the time. China was that supplied labor to Trinidad in the years after 1840. other hand, describes in vivid detail the visit of the gov- — ernor to Tunapuna in 1894 remembers the ENID the popular Port of Spain sub- they shed light on the complexities of race relations among the countries Anne Murray, on the / known as "Chinese Savanna" which urb of Belmont, describes a small savanna, no longer D. request, —and she was about eight years old at the time made to the governor, for basic amenities such as a school, a market, and piped water. Scattered throughout the interviews on tices estates, which provides insight post-emancipation era. is information on agricultural prac- economic into diversification in the James Barratt examined the economic life of Chagua- nas which he describes as a "factory village," served by two estates, cocoa and cane. He also describes the farming activities of the sugarcane laborers were also independent small farmers. In contrast, J. who D. Elder's interview sheds on estate life in Charlotteville, a rural area on the sister island of Tobago whose historical experience differed somewhat from that of Trinidad, but where land was given over to pasture and a variety of crops, in addition to light cocoa production. With regard groups, there is to the everyday social life of specific social and ethnic considerable documentation of the two major ethnic groups in the society. Three sets of interviews, one dealing with the Bhojpuri-speaking Indians, another with East Indian family life, and a third with the experiences of indentured laborers and their descendants, give a clear picture of many among East Indians. Interviews with J. D. Elder and other Tobagonian informants and with Andrew Beddeau (an Orisha priest, African aspects of social life drummer, and masquerader) examine African elements of the migration of persons within the region, interviews conditions of life in other islands. For example, about oral traditions handed Saraka feasts down and celebrations The interviews on in to him by Grenada in the society. may also Because shed light on Andrew Beddeau, in talking his parents, gives information on as well as in Trinidad. cricket (an important aspect of the culture of the English-speaking Caribbean) deal not only with the technicalities of the but also with the childhood experiences of those who became game professionals. The narratives relate to the broader themes of social life, recreation, and the use of free time. In Rouse's interview, which includes details of many of his extracurricular activities, societies of the 1930s much can be learned about the literary and debating and 1940s. This material is also supported by evidence from an interview with another informant, Max Ifill. The 1930s was a period of great social unrest throughout the region and culminated in the rise of nationalist movements. Sir Philip Sherlock, a Jamaican who served as the first campus principal of the St. Augustine campus of U.W.I. gives some insight into the development of national and regional , 17 DOCUMENTING CULTURAL HERITAGE identities. He describes the bad economic conditions and deprivation that were building up in Jamaica and the English-speaking colonies, the low wages and unemployment, and poor living conditions, all of which spawned an anger that was expressed in violence and unrest. Sherlock describes the impact of this period on his own thinking and how it engendered in him a "move to a Jamaican outlook." In the wake of this turmoil he became secretary of a group of Jamaicans and English who were agitating for a University of Jamaica and committee sent out from the United Kingdom to the Caribbean to plan for higher education in the region. His involvement in this effort, and the fledgling University College of the West Indies, caused him to was later named to a move from a Jamaica-centered outlook to a West Indian one. 10 This views is set of inter- a key element in the documentation of the development of West Indian identity. In considering the historical experience of Trinidad and Tobago, in particular the use of indentured labor, mention was made above of the fact that Trinidad experimented with other sources of labor before the use of East Indians was agreed upon. In the years after emancipation and apprenticeship, Portuguese labor was brought in for use on the plantations. descendants form an ethnic minority in Trinidad, and mental in uncovering oral and other data about 11 OPReP has this group. some Portuguese been instru- A descendant of one of these families recorded interviews with grandparents and other elderly mem- bers of the Portuguese community. All of them had at least one Madeiran-born parent and two of them were born in Madeira and migrated to Trinidad and in the 1930s. 12 The research indicated that a few Portuguese had come to Trinidad in 1834 to work on the sugarcane plantations but they all died or returned to Fayal in the Azores. The descendants of the modern-day Portuguese came from Madeira beginning in 1 846. They came in two waves one group Tobago — from severe economic disaster and the other from extreme religious persecution. The economic refugees came to several territories of the West Indies and in particular to Trinidad and Guyana as indentured laborers. They fleeing did not remain long on the plantation, however, and soon became shopkeepers. who arrived later were converted Protestants who had fled increasing hostility in Roman Catholic Madeira. Generally these were educated urban dwellers who began as owners of dry goods stores and as market The religious refugees gardeners. One of with Sir Ellis fairly more noteworthy interviews conducted by OPReP was that Clarke while he was president of Trinidad and Tobago. From the humble beginnings in Belmont, Clarke trained as a lawyer in England and served in many areas of public office and the diplomatic service over his long career before becoming a resident of the republic. The interview gives much insight into significant political events in the history and political/cultural heritage of the twin-island state. Clarke discusses the events leading up to the aborted Federation of the West Indies and subsequent independence of Trinidad 8 MARGARET 1 and Tobago. He also goes into considerable BROWN detail about his thinking on the among the Federation, relationships between and time (Grantley Adams, ENID D. ROUSE-JONES / other Caribbean leaders at the Norman Manley, Robert Bradshaw), and the drafting of He also deals at length the independence constitution of Trinidad and Tobago. with the events surrounding the death of Prime Minister Williams and the naming of the new head of government, an issue over which there were many con- flicting reports. The Social History Project mirrors the on the events of 1938. 13 St. Augustine program in These interviews are derived from field its focus assignments given to students reading for a degree in the then Faculty of Arts over a threeyear period (1986-1988) who had registered for a history course titled "Tech- niques of Historical Investigation." The students were required to do an oral history exercise, who had which sought to build a database of interviews of individuals taken part in the 1938 labor disturbances in Jamaica. More than 140 eyewitness accounts were collected including testimonies from journalists, lawyers, political activists, and port workers at the time. This labor struggle contributed significantly to the development of Jamaican national conscious- ness in the pre-independence period. The interviews conducted by the three research fellows focused on Ora- town on the north coast of Jamaica from which bananas were exported; The University of the West Indies, Mona; individuals in the banking industry; women in the banana industry; and women employed as nursemaids. cabessa, a once bubbling seaport Other topics covered in lifestyles, culture, festivals this oral history collection are the history of and celebrations, domestic architecture, internal migration (country to Kingston), ethnic groups, minorities (the Chinese and Lebanese) and their distinctive cultures, folklore (duppy or ghost crafts, and customs (for stories), example, faith healing, urban and rural death rituals, herbal medicine, rural birth rituals, tea meetings, and morning sport which community cooperation is for building purposes). Interviews also cover the first election, held in 1944, after the granting of universal adult suffrage in Jamaica, the Salvation Jamaica. Army School for the Blind, and the development of Ports in Mento yard (an exposition of Jamaica's traditional music and folk songs, dance, food, arts and crafts, and a popular feature of Jamaica's national heritage celebrations held annually) Issues of Collection, Access, The OPReP at U.W.I. , St. is also captured on tape in an interview. and Retrieval Augustine has received no separate budget or funding but has been considered part of the collection development activity of West Indiana and Special Collections Division (hereafter WISCD) of the Main Library. At present (May 1999) the collection consists of more than 380 the audiocassettes and a small number of videocassettes and reel-to-reel tapes. DOCUMENTING CULTURAL HERITAGE 19 Despite the modest nature of the program, it maintains a regular schedule of interviews. Once and ownership of the right to program became formally established, the the literary property rights be addressed. This was also necessary because legal issues of copy- of the material collected had it was thought that would it be advantageous to encourage informants to disclose information they might consider "sensitive" by offering them an option to keep it closed for a specific A questionnaire explains the policies regarding literary property period of time. rights, access to the material, copying, and dissemination. Informants are asked any restrictions on the material. An to state whether they wish ment then entered into by both parties with the interviewer representing the is university library. the material. 14 So far to place agree- very few interviewees have placed restrictions on In practice, however, some informants prefer to make the deci- sion after seeing the transcript rather than at the time that the interview is conducted. The material constitutes one of the special collections of the Library's closed access postgraduate/research collection. WISCD, the The material does not appear in the library's online public access catalog. Details about material collected are also available in a separate database. material added is to the collection of OPReP. The database is The database and therefore represents the available for searching in the is updated as entire holdings WISCD. There published guide to the material in the collection as of December 1997. the tapes are transcribed and the transcript is is is a Ideally generally the document that used for historical research. The process from "tape to type" and the program has a backlog 15 is a lengthy one in this area. The Social History Project at Mona has approximately two hundred tapes, some of which have been transcribed. Focus has been on occupations. The project owns the copyright to the material and use is restricted to the university community. Transcripts and tapes are cataloged and stored as a resource able to the research community. The avail- 16 by the name of the interviewer and then filed room where they air-conditioned, the air-conditioning is turned on only when the tapes are identified alphabetically in cabinets according to subject. Although the are housed room is use. This fluctuating temperature could affect the shelf-life of the is in tapes and result in the loss of very valuable information. Owing largely to a lack of funding, the Social History Project has not been was originally anticipated. The inability to of research fellows on a consistent basis has hampered data as active in oral data collection as employ a staff collection, but the project also needs staffing in just about every aspect of its operations. Cullom Davis, a visiting Fulbright professor at the university during the winter of 1987-1988, Mona campus of the on special assignment as oral MARGARET 20 history specialist in the Social History Project, development of oral history The combination of tioners, ENID BROWN as follows on the ROUSE-JONES commented / in Jamaica: strong raison d'etre, highly qualified and eager practi- and impressive beginnings ought to have produced a rich harvest of Jamaican oral histories by somewhat this time. Regrettably, the short of that promise. . . . The problems everywhere but perhaps unusually acute ils D. of under-staffing and under-funding. record to date falls familiar to oral historians in Jamaica, have been the twin per- 17 In a recent report, the director of the Social History Project states that one of the goals of the project for 1998-1999 alternative or folklore medicinal practices this initiative. makes a being He expresses concern to conduct an island- wide study of and that funding is being sought for is at the underutilization of the facilities An special appeal for use of the available research material. made to make the material more accessible. and effort is 18 Publications Since March 1988 OPReP has published the OPReP Newsletter. every quarter and has in a sense served as to report on activities fillip to It appears the program, in that the need has often been the driving force to sustain the schedule of interviews. Each issue of the newsletter carries a feature the transcript of an interview, one or article, excerpts of two photographs, and other miscellaneous items. In one issue, for example, an article discusses the importance of pho- tographs in preserving the historical record for tracing African cultural continuities in Trinidad. The feature article in the same issue, titled "Oral Tradition in Caribbean Research: Case Studies from Jamaica, Trinidad and Guyana," argues for the use of oral evidence in Caribbean social history and makes the point that "historical, oral and anthropological evidence suggests . . . dynamic processes of creolisation ... in colour-class stratified societies, and of culture building in response and resistance to colonialism, slavery, plantations and the capitalist The world system." 19 Social History Project has also published the Social History Project Newsletter since June 1980. It research in progress, and covers tion relating to oral history One is outlines the news on the work of the project, reports on work of related bodies. Informa- very often highlighted. on a local symposium that marked the tenth anniversary of the project. The symposium included a panel discussion on oral history research in Jamaica. Presentations included "Jamaican Family Hisissue of the newsletter reports by Charles Carnegie of the African-Caribbean Institute of Jamaica; "Oral Histories of the 1938 Labour Unrest in Jamaica," by Karl Watson; "Occupations in Oracabessa in the Early 20th Century," by Erna Brodber, the project's first research fellow; and "Testimonies by Women of the Jamaica tories," Federation," by Linnette Vassell. 20 21 DOCUMENTING CULTURAL HERITAGE Mona campus In addition to the Social History Project, the also the is repository for other oral history collections: the Folklore Studies Project; the Social Welfare Training Centre Tape Project of the sociology department of the Faculty of the Social Sciences; the Library of the Spoken Word; and the Cultural Studies Initiative Visual Library. Folklore Studies Project. —This which sought project, lore studies as a legitimate area of research, interdisciplinary committee to direct research to was established in how Caribbean the folk: beliefs of the natural dom." 21 in 1982 by an such areas as music and dance, language, folk festivals, proverbs, religion, and ring games. cerned with the documentation of our 'verbal encourage folk- art' — It "is largely con- the expressive behavior of people view their world; their religious based folk and spiritual During the period of its world and the unique expression of wis- activity, the Folklore Studies Project received funding and the interviews concentrated on folk medicine. Several interviews were conducted between doctors and their patients and with and bush doctors. Professor Mervyn Alleyne holds approximately on folk medicine. tapes 22 The Folklore Studies Unit also has mothers spiritual fifty of these housed within the department of language, linguistics and philosophy hundreds of reel-to-reel by Professor Frederic Gomes Cassidy which contain interviews conducted throughout the Caribbean during his "Linguistic Survey of the West tapes donated Indies." Though the aim of this survey was to understand the languages of the peoples of the Caribbean, several tapes document Caribbean traditions, customs, life experiences, family connections, occupations, folktales, and songs. Social Welfare Training Centre Tape Project. some of the needs of social work training at the —A study designed U.W.I. , to meet Mona resulted in many available oral accounts documenting cultural heritage, identity, and popular culture in Jamaica. In their interviews, students have identified the characteristics and cultural patterns of "yards" and "yard-life." 23 The tapes record the life the following themes: fashion to the Nana experiences of mainly octogenarians and cover and social life; color and class; customs relating or local midwife; the newly born and the burial of the dead; court- ing styles and marriage customs; church and religious life; family life and chil- dren's upbringing; childbearing as therapy; "taking children" (the informal adoption of children); medicinal cures and balm-yard healers; and sex role differentiation especially in agricultural occupations. 24 Funds were allocated for the Institute of Social and now housed in the field study and for transcription of the tapes by Economic Research. The tapes and Documentation Centre of the Institute transcripts are of Social and Eco- nomic Research on the Mona campus. Library of the Spoken Word. Also located on the Mona campus, the Library of the Spoken Word falls under the administration of the Cultural — Studies Initiative Office of the Vice Chancellor. It is an exclusively nonprint , MARGARET 22 repository of university and regional history and D. ROUSE- JONES / ENID BROWN a research facility serving is not only the U.W.I. community but other tertiary- and secondary-level educational bodies, as well as local beyond what is and overseas researchers. The collection goes traditionally accepted as oral history. In addition to 5,000 recordings of interviews, it includes conferences, lectures, seminars, and drama of an educational or historical nature. Dating from the early 1950s and collected over more than a forty-year period by the Radio Education Unit of the University, the recordings cover a wide range of subjects. Included vast collection is material relating to Caribbean culture — life, among the music, lan- guages, sociology, and social studies. The collection consists largely of edited recordings of lectures and talks given on the campus, rather than taped interviews. These are usually final productions of the university's Radio Education Unit. Many The of these items document our heritage. subject matter includes Rastafarianism, Jamaican dancehall styles its philosophy and music; and substyles; lectures from the "Reasonings in Culture" and "Arts and Cultural Studies" series; Jamaican rhythms; and national identity and attitudes to race and color. A few of the recorded productions of the Philip Sherlock Centre of the Creative Arts are also housed in this library, but only duced by the Radio Education Unit. ment of materials make them if the recording was pro- A rough catalog and the physical arrange- easily accessible. The Philip Sherlock Centre, a division of the Office of Outreach and Institutional Relations of the university, is an active cultural body which coordinates both entertainment and intellectual Other recorded material activities. Although there at U.W.I. , St. is no is held in the center itself. parallel collection to the Library of the OPReP Augustine, also has among its Spoken Word holdings tapes of three major conferences held on campus: "The African Past and the African Diaspora"; "Slavery, Emancipation and the Shaping of Caribbean Society"; and "Challenge and Change: The Indian Diaspora temporary Contexts." As the titles aspects of the cultural heritage family, role of religion — in Its Historical and Con- suggest, these conferences deal with various —race relations, music, language, kinship and of the two major ethnic groups in the islands. Other fringe collections of videocassette recordings at both campuses should be mentioned because of their relevance to the musical and literary heritage of the region. The U.W.I. , St. Augustine Library holds, as a part of its audiovisual collection, the Calypso Showcase Series produced originally for television viewing. It consists of more than 120 interviews with snippets of per- formances of the calypsonians and constitutes important documentation of the calypso as well as other aspects of Trinidad and Tobago's literary and musical heritage. Cultural Studies Initiative Visual Library. Mona, administered by the Library of the —This collection at U.W.I. Spoken Word, houses about fifty videocassettes. Coverage includes interviews with and documentaries of the 23 DOCUMENTING CULTURAL HERITAGE lives of famous West Indians, for example Louise Bennett, noted Jamaican and dialect performer and one of Jamaica's precious national treasures. The documents include cultural studies, lectures and conferences, recordings of the first Research Day at the Mona campus, and medical and dialect author health material of the Diabetes Outreach Project of the Faculty of Medical Sciences. In order to expand the collection, donations are solicited trator of the library has recently tapes of the annual festivals made arrangements and the adminis- to collect and house the of the Jamaica Festival Commission. However, unless substantial funding can be identified, the ability to purchase blank tapes and to reproduce and convert master tapes, which are loaned for the purpose of building the collection, will be severely limited. Technology and the Changing Face of Oral History It may be some of argued that because the narrators are not being interviewed, the material held in the Library of the (lectures, conferences, Spoken Word, by OPReP and discussions), and by the Cultural Studies Initiative Visual Library should not be considered oral history. These collections are described here because they document identity and popular culture of particular societies. However, they also raise issues related to technology and the changing face of oral history. The use of the videocamera is yet another means of supporting and enhancing the preservation of history for our descendants. There are owned videocassette many on the campus, but their owners will have to be persuaded to donate the material to the main collections in order to make them more accessible. These videocassettes capture on tape much of our cultural heritage and form a visual complement to the oral small privately oral history collections history documents. Oral history, as defined by Martha Zachert, ... a record of recall. pated in, The record is oral author is aided in his recall of life to record. authored by an individual or observed at close range, events future researchers in understanding be recorded and To . . . who whose documentation partici- will aid some facet of twentieth-century life. The by an interviewer versed both in the segment in appropriate techniques for creating this this extent oral history is a collaboration: the oral the contributor of substance, the interviewer skill. is For accuracy the record is is unique author is the contributor of recording tape recorded; for convenience it is usu- ally transcribed. 25 Clive Cochrane discusses the changing nature of oral history. that local news programs, magazine programs, He argues studio discussions, and phone- ins all reflect current trends, issues, and developments would provide an invaluable resource for the future. He in a community and states: 24 MARGARET Oral historians look both contemporary information . history. . . there at history in the Local radio is is D. ROUSE-JONES ENID / more conventional sense and BROWN at an important creator and source of admittedly a huge difference between a well- researched interview with a carefully selected informant and a short radio interview which broadcast. It may have been edited for a variety of reasons before being cannot be denied, however, that archival collections of oral his- tory in the conventional sense and broadcast material each in their contribute to our understanding of society. . . . own way mind Nevertheless, bearing in the advantages and disadvantages of each, the oral historian's collection of the recorded sound has a vital role to play in supplementing documentary evidence and providing rich source material for the local historian. history sound. is is . . . . . Oral . becoming an audiovisual technique rather than one using only The idea that oral history is primarily concerned with past events being questioned as the concept of contemporary history receives greater attention. 26 Chris Baggs talks about the increasing trend toward using videotape interviewing rather than audiotape. radio archives have found their 27 way Cochrane notes, "[the into a number of when fact that] local libraries . . . together with other developments such as the use of video and the growing interest in contemporary history." history, is challenging the commonly accepted definition of oral 28 The University of been successful in West Indies through its oral history program has documenting various aspects of the popular culture of two the of the larger nations in the English-speaking Caribbean. Although the programs are is that the U.W.I. , St. Mona campus at the researchers Mona is the issue Although some attempt has been made It is for reflection and data to the collections becomes to provide access to both col- needs to be pursued more vigorously. evident that as they allow library-based, whereas significant role of oral history —providing an opportunity — of access gathering on cultural issues lections, this effort is broader in scope. become more aware of the in the education process critical. one of the major differences, as noted, the collections reside in various faculties and centers. Also, the collection at As similar, Augustine oral history program some thought is being given to new technologies, insofar multimedia access and dissemination of popular culture. This would suggest a broadening in the definition of the oral history method and process and a challenge for future researchers to document this convergence. NOTES 1. D. Kyvig and M. Marty, Nearby History: Exploring TN: American Association for State and Local History, 1982). 2. in 1948. the Past The first campus of The University of the West Indies was Around You established at (Nashville, Mona, Jamaica, 25 DOCUMENTING CULTURAL HERITAGE 3. Willa Baum, "The Expanding Role of the Librarian in Oral History," in David K. Dun- away and Willa K. Baum, American Association Baum was written, eds., for State Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology (Nashville, TN: When and Local History, 1984), pp. 387-406. was this article director of the Regional Oral History Office at the University of California, Berkeley, a position she had held since 1954. 4. Alma 5. An creative artist Jordan, "Introductory Message," executive of five persons — currently librarians, one 1 historian, 6. one sociologist, and one the program. These photographs were the subject matter for a B.A. Undergraduate Final-Year Caribbean Study Project. See Shurla A. Henry, "Trinidad Architecture: Forms of Architecture 7. West Indies, 1989. Higman was Professor Barry the former head of the department of history of the then Faculty of Arts (now Faculty of Arts and Education) on 8. 9. She died Given the West Indies are 5. in 1990. West Indies Federation and the uncertain success of other a popularly held view is that the sport cricket and The University of failure of the attempts to unify the region, 11. the campus. Brian L. Moore, "The Social History Project: Ten Years and After," Social History Project Newsletter 2\ (December 1990), 10. A Study of Some of the Dif- Joseph with Reference to the History of the Area," Caribbean in St. Studies Project, University of the the 1. any given time. at ferent (March 1988), The composition of the executive changes accordmembers and the particular thrust of the interview pronon-library manages ing to the responsibilities of the gram —two OPReP Newsletter two of the main institutions that hold the former British Caribbean together. See Bridget Brereton, "The Experience of Indentureship: 1845-1917," in John La Guerre, ed., Calcutta to Caroni: The East Indians of Trinidad, 2d rev. ed. (St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago: University of the West Indies, Extra-Mural Unit, 1985), 12. Jo- Anne Tobago: While rials An Sharon Ferreira, "Some Aspects of Portuguese Immigration into Trinidad and OPReP Based on Oral History," Investigation Newsletter 8 (December 1989), 3-5. conducting her oral history research, Ferreira also unearthed some privately published mate- about the Portuguese community in Trinidad. Photocopies of these have been added to the West Indian collection. Her study began as an undergraduate Caribbean Studies Project expanded and subsequently published under the trait p. 21. of an Ethnic Minority (St. title Augustine: Institute and was The Portuguese of Trinidad and Tobago: Porof Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1994.) 13. Although pus, Barbados, it is this paper does not focus on the oral history collections useful to note that an Oral History Project 1974-1975, through the initiative inactive for many at the Cave started at U.W.I., Hill Cave cam- Hill, in of Professor Woodville Marshall, Dr. Tony Phillips, and a few graduate students of the history department, the politics of the 1930s, and was all of whom were interested in the labor movement, the evolution of villages in Barbados. Unfortunately, the project was The Barbados National Library was started in 1987 as a spin-off from an The collection includes 83 audiotape and 20 years and has only been recently being revived. Service also has a modest Oral History Project which exhibition to commemorate the 1937 disturbance. videotape interviews that document social and folk medicine in Barbados. life, personalities, crafts, festivals, folklore, customs, We are grateful to Dr. Aviston Downes of the Cave Hill campus and Mrs. Evonda Callender of the Barbados National Library Service for supplying 14. In one OPReP interview done in 1984, the informant requested that the material be closed until the year 1991 or until his death whichever was 15. this information. later. He died in 1992. Margaret Rouse-Jones and Kathleen Helenese-Paul, Spoken History: Material Collected by the Oral and Pictorial Records Programme Library, University of the West Indies, 1997). (St. A Guide to the Augustine: The Main . MARGARET 26 16. ROUSE-JONES / ENID BROWN Lesley Lim, "Dr. Erna Brodber's Report on Her Term of Appointment as the Social His- tory Fellow," Social History Project Newsletter 21 17. D. Cullom Davis, "Oral History (December 1999), 17. in Jamaica," Social History Project Newsletter 17 (May 1988), 5-6. 18. "From 19. See items by 20. Moore, 21 Erna Brodber, "The Second Generation of Freemen the Director," Social History Project Newsletter 31 Kwaku Senah and Jean Besson As West a result of the Indies, work of Erna Brodber's Life in Its and Economic Research, 1980) is guage used It It 1907-1944," Ph.D. dis- approved a graduate program in Phil, graduate in this area. in the Early Twentieth Century, a Presentation of Ninety Institute of Social a product of these oral studies. These ninety oral narratives of life experiences up to 1944 form the basis of Erna Brodber's gives an interesting account of the process of documenting oral history also lists and annotates the documents collected during in these narratives (Creole dialects) has also Time Expression in Jamaican Creole: Implications versity of the West Indies, Mona, 1987. 24. Regardless of the in Jamaica, Purpose and Contents (Kingston, Jamaica: Jamaicans born around 1900 and their dissertation (see note 21). M. Jamaica Oral Accounts: Some Notes on for social workers. 18 (June 1992). Mona, 1984. this project, the university folklore studies and there has been one 23. OPReP Newsletter 2. p. 4. sertation, University of the 22. in (December 1998), main interviewing this project. been analyzed by Velma Pollard The lan- in "Past for Teaching English," Ph.D. dissertation, Uni- topic, the interviewees frequently mention the 1938 labor disturbances in Jamaica. 25. Martha Jane K. Zachert, "The Implications of Oral History Research Libraries 29:2 (March 1968), 101 . and for Librarians," College When this article was written Zachert was an assistant professor at the Library School, Florida State University. 26. Clive Cochrane, "Public Libraries sual Librarian 11:4 faculty of the (Autumn and the Changing Nature of Oral History," Audiovi- 1985), 204—206. When this article was written Cochrane was on the Department of Library and Information Studies, Queen's University of Belfast. 27. Chris Baggs, Weekend School on "Video and Local Studies Librarianship —A Slight Return: Report 'Video History,' " Audiovisual Librarian 11:1 (Winter 1985), 28. Cochrane, "Public Libraries," p. 206. 47-49. on a La importancia de 3. en la información la construcción de la identidad cultural Saray Córdoba G. La información es un producto del trabajo samiento, interpretación y organización de intelectual que procede del proce- los datos, producidos a su vez por la investigación; esto es, por el conocimiento que se genera. Por ello es que la información adquiere valor de uso, pues es uno de los objetos que contienen y permiten la transmisión del conocimiento en presencia de un sujeto: el usuario. En la sociedad de la información ese valor se ha traducido en poder, pues humano con el conocimiento, ese objeto, que es su soporte tangible, se torna valioso como mercancía al ocupar el lugar que anteriormente ocupó la máquina y aún más atrás, la naturaleza. Por ello Robert al reforzarse la relación del ser Vitro ha afirmado que el sector información es el medio a través del cual una sociedad se expresa cultural, educativa y científicamente (Vitro 1989:2). Esto ha provocado que de otro concepto: la información la información como bien social, pasemos a como mercancía y consecuentemente, a la división entre países pobres y países ricos en información. Nunca antes el conocimiento había sido tan determinante para las leyes del mercado y nunca como ahora han surgido tantas compañías transnacionales dedicadas a mono- y consecuentemente, controlar las bases de datos a nivel estudio realizado en 1984 detectó que en 1980 existían 86 empre- polizar, comercializar mundial. Un sas transnacionales que controlaban la producción de más del 75% de los bienes y servicios de información del mundo. Esa división entre países info-ricos e info-pobres (Morales 1996) es otra consecuencia de la concentración de la riqueza que en nuestro caso está dada por de la la tenencia y control de la infraestructura informativa; esto es, la tecnología información, a lo cual se (Menou 1996:298), aspecto suma la ausencia de una cultura de información casi inexistente en los países de la subregión centroamericana. No obstante, ria al igual que sucedió en otras épocas, contamos con la mate- prima, pues generamos nuestra propia información, lo cual nos da una cuota no tener conciencia de ella. No obstante, en la red de relaciones mundiales, la costumbre y las relaciones del mercado nos llevan a consumir el conocimiento que se produce y difunde en los países del norte. Por ello es que cada vez nos parecen más familiares las de poder que no siempre sabemos explotar, 27 al — 28 SARAY CÓRDOBA como G. BRS, GPO, que aunque haya que pagar un alto costo por ellas, creemos que es lo único que existe en el mundo, sin cuestionarnos si son las fuentes más adecuadas que justifiquen su inversión. bases de datos Dialog, First Search, meros consumidores de tecnología importada, que no siempre llena nuestras expectativas, pues en ellas no se refleja la producción intelectual de nuestros países pobres, sobre todo en los campos de las humanidades y ciencias sociales. Así, nos convertimos en Esta situación nos ha permitido "ignorar" nuestra realidad, evadir la riqueza que tenemos encubierta y lamentablemente podríamos correr el riesgo de repetir de nuestros antepasados: cambiamos la historia el oro (la informa- ción) por cuentas de vidrio (los productos tecnológicos). Ese oro que poseemos es diversidad —como la el conocimiento de nuestra realidad, es llama Morales (1996) que contiene la info- la realidad vario- y compleja que nos caracteriza. Nuestra identidad cultural es parte de esa realidad y por ello es determinante que en estos momentos en que pinta, diversa la globalización pretende absorbernos para uniformarnos, encontremos los mecanismos que coadyuven a dar respuesta a la pregunta ¿cómo somos? La tarea de rescatar la infodiversidad pluricultural y pluriétnica de nuestros países, para agregarle valor y no ofrecerla como simple materia prima, es una urgencia que no podemos seguir soslayando; ésta será una manera de favorecer el conocimiento de la realidad social, económica y política para lograr una visión prospectiva, que tona y contribuir así Tal como al promueva mejoramiento de lo afirma el desarrollo de la ciencia autóc- de vida. la calidad Páez (1992:111) "el problema de menos los países avanzados económicamente no es que carezcan de información (o estén subinformados), sino en que no generan su propia inteligencia o no inteligencian incorporación de más y mejores niveles de conocimiento en los bienes y servi- que generan". Esto se debe precisamente a cios instrumentos que faciliten el la acceso a la la ausencia de más y mejores información autóctona, a la falta de una cultura de información que aumente su uso y además, a la necesidad de un reconocimiento acerca de la importancia que tiene el aprovechamiento y explotación de nuestras oportunidades. Pero sobre todos estos factores, se encuentra la ausencia de una política nacional y regional de información que podría promover la formación y desarrollo de estas bases de datos que inteligencien el conocimiento y la convergencia de ellas en redes especializadas que faciliten su acceso. La información se vende a precio de oro en los países del norte, porque poder que les da no solo tienen conciencia de su valor, sino que tienen el la tecnología para lograr su manejo eficiente. En el caso de la región centroamericana sin embargo, la información debidamente organizada y sistematizada coadyuvaría a integrar comunidades regionales, mostrando puntos de ellos 29 INFORMACIÓN Y LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA IDENTIDAD CULTURAL encuentro que identifiquen esas características que nos rigen, nos ayuden a tomar las decisiones precisas para fortalecer el "cómo somos" y promuevan el como lo plantea el venezolano un imaginario colectivo que, tal Andrés Serbin, construya una identidad inclusiva y no exclusiva, que comparta valores, objetivos comunes y los mecanismos para fortalecerla. desarrollo de El Centro de Información y Referencia sobre Centroamérica y el Caribe Ante este contexto deseo destacar la experiencia ción y Referencia sobre Centroamérica y el Caribe llando durante seis años. En que el Centro de Informa- (CIRCA) ha venido desarro- su afán por responder a la dispersión de datos en la subregión, a la fragmentación informativa y a la subinformación, este Centro ha desarrollado varias herramientas que facilitan la obtención de diversos productos de actividades y servicios variados. Pero además, se ha empeñado en generar nuevo conocimiento a partir de encuentros de especialistas de diversas y la oferta áreas y de facilitar el intercambio por Su ámbito medio de su Boletín CIRCA. temático es pluridisciplinario, pero gira alrededor de un eje aglutinador: la cultura y la identidad en la región Centroamericana y del Caribe. sombra del Centro de Investigación en Identidad y Cultura Latinoamericanas (CIICLA) de la Universidad de Costa Rica, ha permitido que se conjuguen diversas actividades que alimentan los instrumentos de trabajo con que cuenta, lo cual a su vez facilita la ampliación de la oferta de ser- Su crecimiento vicios, a la según vemos a continuación. Instrumentos de trabajo El CIRCA cuenta con tres bases de datos públicas que favorecen el acceso a la información que no solo se almacena en su acervo bibliográfico, sino que se encuentra ubicada en otras unidades dentro del país. Estas son: 1. CIRCA: Es una base que contiene cerca de 4,500 registros, los cuales componen su acervo básico. Éste se ha construido con base en donaciones y el canje que mantiene con diversos centros de investigación homólogos, ubicados tanto dentro como fuera de 2. CANJE: Contiene alrededor de 600 direcciones de personas, institu- ciones u organizaciones afines, interesadas en el la identidad la región. campo de la cultura y centroamericanas y latinoamericanas. Ella nos permite mantener relaciones de intercambio para la investigación, publica- ciones, organización de eventos e información en general, contribu- 3. yendo a formar una especie de colegio invisible para diversos fines. BIB LIO: Es la base para la elaboración de uno de nuestros productos: los Módulos lante. Bibliográficos, cuyas características se exponen más ade- Esta base contiene actualmente 500 registros de documentos 30 SARAY CÓRDOBA G. existentes en el país sobre identidad latinoamericana. Sin embargo, su contenido puede variar de acuerdo con el módulo que se esté preparando y además, puede trasladarse a otra computadora para que el investigador interesado prepare en su oficina el módulo que desee publicar. Servicios, productos y actividades A partir de los instrumentos supracitados, el CIRCA ofrece varios servi- cios y actividades que se sintetizan en los siguientes: 1. Documentales: Incluye los servicios típicos de una biblioteca, como préstamo de documentos, búsquedas tales bibliográficas, disemina- ción selectiva de información y alerta. Varios de estos servicios son restringidos a sus investigadores, pero también se ofrecen a estudiantes y usuarios extranjeros utilizando el correo electrónico, a quienes estén interesados en su temática, tanto dentro como fuera del país. 2. Boletín CIRCA: Constituye con que cuenta el medio de comunicación más importante CIRCA y pretende coadyuvar a la comunicación interregional para dar a conocer las actividades docentes, de investiel gación y divulgación que se desarrollan tanto dentro área. Su publicación es semestral y supone como la realización fuera del de un trabajo colectivo interinstitucional e interdisciplinario que permita enriquecer y retroalimentar 3. Módulos las actividades que se bibliográficos: Consisten realizan. en trabajos bibliográficos de diversa temática que facilitan la divulgación del conocimiento que genera CIICLA. Incluyen tanto bibliografías sobre biobibliográficos e historiográficos sobre autores, obras o temas generales. Aunque el un tema, como estudios más su publicación es irregular, la preparación es constante y se lleva a cabo por parte de los especialistas que colaboran con 4. el CIICLA. Encuentros de especialistas: Son eventos que se realizan alrededor de un tema determinado, cuyo propósito fundamental es favorecer la confluencia de ideas que se estén generando dentro o fuera de la región centroamericana, pero relacionada con su eje aglutinador primordial. Estos encuentros han permitido realizar contactos con numerosas personas, de manera que podamos ampliar la red de relaciones con especialistas afines. Como y productos que ofrecemos se convierten a la vez en la entrada de datos que alimentan la investi- puede observarse, gación, lo cual lo vemos las actividades, servicios ilustrado en el siguiente gráfico. INFORMACIÓN Y LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA IDENTIDAD CULTURAL CIRCA: Organización y gestión A Quiénes Cómo Qué Recuperación de Organización y funcionamiento 1 ^l Información De 31 Sectores \ Meta ¡ CIRCA, como uno de sus ejemplos, deja de ser en el insumo que genera nueva investigación esta manera, el Boletín un producto para convertirse sobre un tema determinado. Esta doble condición hace que la información sea el enlace obligado de los componentes de un ciclo que facilita la generación, divulgación y organización del conocimiento. Productos Varios Textos Documentos Bases de Datos Boletín Encuentros de Módulos Especialistas Bibliográficos Personas Instituciones Publicaciones Por lo anterior, la documentales para CIICLA misión del CIRCA trasciende las tareas simplemente facilitar la transferencia del conocimiento que genera hacia los usuarios y otros centros de investigación afines. nología con que cuenta— aunque para facilitar este trabajo; lo prensión de cómo limitada — más importante las tec- más com- constituye una herramienta es el recurso llevar a la práctica este cometido, evolucionando de acuerdo con La el humano y la que desde 1992, ha ido necesidades de los usuarios, los programas de posgrado afines y los especialistas sobre la región centroamericana que colaboran con el Centro. No obstante, el uso de la tecnología de información ha ampliado infinitamente esa gama, abriendo sonas que estudian el tema de la cultura y las puertas a multiplicidad la identidad de per- latinoamericanas alrede- dor del mundo. La apertura de una página Web (http://cariari.ucr.ac.cr/~filo/ciicla/ CIICLA, ha generado numerosas consultas y nuevas relaciones, facilitando también el envío y la comunicación con esos nuevos index.html) para el 32 SARAY CÓRDOBA usuarios, distribuidos alrededor del mundo. Recientemente también G. se ofrece como servicio el Boletín CIRCA en su versión electrónica, lo cual facilitará aún más la recuperación de las reacciones de sus usuarios y ampliará la diseminación del conocimiento que se produce en No el CIICLA. obstante la limitación de recursos que enfrenta el que se realiza es satisfactorio, CIRCA, el trabajo por cuanto ha permitido elaborar un modelo para la Universidad de Costa Rica, cuyos centros e institutos de investigación, en su mayoría, carecen de un instrumento tan útil como es el CIRCA para el Centro de Investigación en Identidad y Cultura Latinoamericanas. Así nos lo han hecho saber nuestros usuarios en las evaluaciones realizadas. Queda pendiente organizar una red de investigación e información sobre cultura centroamericana. Sólo así se podrá cumplir con el cometido que dio ori- gen al CIRCA pues ella reforzaría el nexo entre las organizaciones colabo- radoras y que de por sí, ya forman una red informal en este campo. El campo de la identidad y la cultura latinoamericanas es un terreno fértil conocimiento y agregarle valor. Centroamérica es una región políticamente dividida pero unida por características comunes: desigualdades para cultivar el económicas y sociales; costumbres arraigadas, a veces, pero en peligro de ser arrebatadas, en otros casos; recursos naturales todavía florecientes e información concentrada en escasas manos y en manos de pocas Conocer nuestra realidad es vital personas. para actuar en ella y solo facilitando la recuperación de la información existente es posible llegar se encuentra encubierto. Descifrar el "cómo somos" al conocimiento que es imposible sin informa- ción y sin conocernos, es probable que el fenómeno globalizador nos absorba para igualarnos al resto del mundo y así quedar sumergidos en él. BIBLIOGRAFÍA Córdoba González, Saray. 1996. "Estudiando práctica". Revista . AIBDA las necesidades del usuario a partir de su 17 (2), 149-161. 1997. "La relación, información y desarrollo en el contexto de América Latina". Ciencias de la Información (Cuba) 28 (4), 234-240. Menou, Michel J. 1996. "Cultura, informação e educação de profissionais de informação nos países em desemvolvimento". Ciência de Informação 25 (3), 298-304. Morales, Estela. 1996. "Infodiversidad y cooperación regional". Revista Interameri- cana de Bibliotecología 19:2 (julio-diciembre), 47-60. Iraset. 1992. Gestión de la inteligencia, aprendizaje tecnológico y modernización del trabajo informacional: retos y oportunidades. Caracas: Instituto de Estudios del Conocimiento de la Universidad Simón Bolívar y Con- Páez Urdaneta, sejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Tecnológicas. Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo. 1999. humano 1998. Madrid: Ed. Mundi - Prensa. Informe sobre desarrollo LA IDENTIDAD CULTURAL INFORMACIÓN Y LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE The Librarian as Smith Jack T. 1996. "Meta-Analysis: Research Team". Library Trends 45 Member of an Interdisciplinary 265-279. Development as an Incentive for 1989 "Prospects: Knowledge-Based Scientific and Cultural UnnovatL". United Nations Educational, tatemaand Informatics: Strengthening Organization Congress, "Education Robert Vitro Vl ' (2), a 33 A Slna tional Cooperation" (Paris). 4. Selecting for Storage: Local Problems, Local Responses, and an Emerging Common Challenge Dan Hazen Off-site storage has of space and become the political increasingly common as academic run out and financial costs of central campus construction soar out of reach. Storage, as it splits collections and denies browsability, commonly regarded as a necessary evil for which there tives. How we select what we store is therefore central disrupt students, scholars, and collections as storage as a local libraries phenomenon can are no obvious is alterna- in ensuring results that as possible. Grappling with little also highlight some of the challenges it shares with cooperative programs to create shared or distributed collections. More imaginative ways to describe and manage all of our holdings may emerge as a result. This essay, after reviewing the purposes of off-site storage, considers the conditions necessary for viable storage arrangements and suggests basic conditions have evolved over time. employed how these then explores criteria that can be It in selecting materials for storage as well as the interplay between these criteria, the mechanics of storage operations, and the pressures associated with storage goals. The paper closes by suggesting some of the larger challenges for which our struggles with storage may provide useful models. Why Store? and foremost, we store our books when the library runs out of space. Lack of space is a condition normally determined as much by economics and First by absolute physical limitations. Building new libraries is far more expensive than warehousing little-used materials in remote storage: some pro- politics as jections put off-site construction costs at about 10 percent of those for central facilities. other Unoccupied space new construction, is accommodate enlarged libraries, or any premium in campus centers. Promises of that could often at a eventual empty space as digital collections replace print holdings have not yet borne fruit. In the meantime, remote storage provides a compelling solution. While space constraints are the most common cause considerations can also enter into the mix. One rationalize the physical distribution of library collections. 34 for storage, other such element Two is the need to scenarios are 35 SELECTING FOR STORAGE particularly common. Space constraints have often resulted in collections in which topically related materials are some stacks. In split older libraries, the scatter classification schemes. (Many of between different sections of the is even worse as a these libraries result of multiple developed idiosyncratic local classifications in their early years, eventually switching over to the Library of Congress system but without then recataloging their older holdings.) Full shelves make it difficult to shift books around, so users are expected to do the moving instead. interests, book A collections, The and library buildings leaves high-use materials patrons can, once again, be difficult to achieve is when the stacks are far readily at by moving heavily used books close efficiencies possible Preservation more to the stacks, with little-used collections from entry points hand. second problem emerges when the evolution of research to library full. another consideration in storage decisions, since off-site housing can provide secure and environmentally favorable conditions for materials that would be at risk in open books or news- stacks. Deteriorated items, papers with inherently fragile paper, and materials susceptible to vandalism or theft can thus be relocated to remote for controlled use. Storage facilities from which they can be recalled can normally accommodate a broad range facilities of at-risk holdings. Finally, programs. tions. cial remote storage can provide a lever for certain kinds of cooperative Two examples may The Center for Research suggest both the possibilities and their limita- (CRL) has appointed a "Foreign Libraries Gazettes Task Force" to formalize its effort to absorb Offi- hardcopy backfiles of foreign official gazettes, heretofore collected extensively by perhaps a half dozen North American libraries, in order to create master sets. 1 These publica- on poor quality paper, and used only occasionally. They are also essential research resources for which a single, well-managed collection of record may suffice. Cooperative reliance on remote tions are voluminous, normally printed storage at CRL's Chicago headquarters will at once ensure the availability of the materials, rationalize access, produce savings for participating institutions, and strengthen CRL's institutional presence. Other attempts to make the leap from a cooperative storage common collections policies have proven more problematic. Some facility to consortial storage facilities, for instance, have insisted that they will accept but one copy of any work. 2 Should a second copy be submitted, the duplicate will either be The effects can be volume counts may suffer. Local and not just because returned or discarded. difficult, ipants' collection integrity this is partic- challenged by kind of approach. Scarce or unusual materials sent to storage for security reasons, or materials acquired regardless of whether the by title is gift or donation, can for cooperation. be important to retain already held within a certain group of libraries. Insisting that a storage facility can only resort can, paradoxically, all house non-duplicative materials of last undermine the potential of remote storage as a tool 36 DAN HAZEN Making Off-Site Storage Whatever the reasons how well its Work remote storage, for its success depends heavily on proponents address several philosophical, psychological, and operational concerns. Technological change has permitted ever tory arrangements over time, though our solutions are still far more from satisfac- ideal. The areas requiring attention include bibliographic control, inventory control and physical access, political and financial support, and the adequacy of the storage facility itself. Bibliographic Control The possibilities of bibliographic control, and also user expectations con- cerning bibliographic access, have expanded with time. Early storage for instance the Midwest Inter-Library Center (the predecessor of for Research Libraries) or the era of catalog cards and facilities, The Center New England Deposit Library, were created in an manual files. Book catalogs, printed lists, and general —proclamations of CRL's commitment —were only access The statements of collecting policy eign dissertations, for instance to for- the available tools. lim- itations of this approach, in turn, affected the nature of storage decisions. It proved more satisfactory to relocate categories of materials or entire classifi- cation segments (some newspaper backfiles and certain classification segments from Harvard's holdings move than to to the New England Deposit Library, for instance) a scatter of unrelated pieces. Online catalogs, and more recently the gradual implementation of meaningful serial holdings statements, have transformed both possibilities tations. Storage decisions by now and expec- almost invariably focus on materials with complete online records. Processing and retrieval efficiencies are thus possible for the library, while users have a better chance of identifying the materials that they need. Fully adequate bibliographic access remains a weak point in remote storage operations, but the improvements have nonetheless been dramatic. Inventory Control and User Access Early storage facilities in libraries that they many ways simply replicated the central supplemented. Whether the stacks were open or restricted, materials were shelved in call number order because that was the only way to arrange and then retrieve them. Bar codes and computer-assisted methods for inventory control have since enabled age is built more efficient arrangements. Current stor- around bar-coded materials that are packed in cartons sized for books of specific dimensions and then housed in efficient, quasi-industrial structures. These systems save space and facilitate retrieval. Physical browsing, however, has become impossible. Libraries, as they have coped with limited space, have typically adhered a fairly predictable sequence of palliatives. Parts of the central collections to may 37 SELECTING FOR STORAGE in the first place be hived off to form independent fine arts, for instance, may units. Holdings in music or thus be relocated to separate quarters, usually proclamations of increased efficiency for both specialized users and the of library patrons who work with the general collections. Compact shelving, to house more efficiently parts of the library's classified collections, next step. Frazzled users and damaged books are amid mass is often the more common than we like to admit, though at least the materials remain on-site. The next tier Some off-site. of decisions often focuses on relocating little-used materials library systems library for these resources, ties in locations have constructed what amounts to a branch which are maintained in open-stack, staffed facili- where costs are cheaper than on the central campus. 3 Remote, most such arrangements appear to have been implemented when sophisticated methods for inventory control (bar codes and the like) were not available. Some storage facilities have provided reading rooms as well. Size-based shelving in book warehouses completely dissociates book locations from users, leaving comclosed-stack, classified collections are another possibility, though puter-based tracking systems as the only means to reestablish the connection. The best bibliographic ments mean little control and the most sophisticated storage arrange- unless users can readily get hold of the materials they want. Efficient delivery services are therefore essential. facilities ing now promise more frequent deliveries within Most libraries with storage one working day. Some are consider- runs, as well as the use of Ariel or other document delivery software to service requests for specific articles and other "small" pieces. Requirements concerning delivery locations can raise additional complications. Most online coming to a circulation desk. site. 4 catalogs allow users to request stored materials without But the books typically need to be retrieved on- In multiunit library systems, each unit will often retain formal rights of ownership and control over the materials users can pick it up or use the materials only has deposited. This at the library itself. may mean that may thus Users face a continued profusion of service points, even though the items they request are all coming from Political a single location. and Administrative Support Users particularly resist off-site storage because it limits browsability. Librarians typically counter that our collections are already fragmented and incomplete, with the holdings main stacks, the reference split among shelving locations that include the room, the current periodicals invisible portion of materials checked out, on reserve, area, and with an in preservation queues, or otherwise not on the shelves. Such correct but not necessarily helpful clarifications aside, access materials are libraries moved whose materials. and browsability clearly become more off-site. The degradation is difficult when especially palpable in strength and appeal include extensive holdings of little-used . 38 DAN HAZEN Careful politicking, as well as effective financial and operational support, is essential. Service and deliveries must be quick and reliable, and both the stor- age facility and the units fer must be that prepare books and bibliographic records for trans- fully staffed. Service guarantees must come from the the library. Even typically highest levels of the university administration, as well as when remote storage is a fiscal and operational imperative, implementation only work when the tradeoffs are openly acknowledged and when there clear-cut, ongoing institutional commitment for support. The Storage Facility will is a Itself Arrangements for remote housing have evolved from makeshift shelves in unappealing and environmentally inappropriate basements or attics, to rented warehouse space, and most recently modular structures to specially constructed featuring state-of-the-art security systems and environmental controls. Here, as in other areas associated with remote storage, standards and expectations have risen together. Quarters that might once have passed muster are no longer acceptable. Criteria for Selecting for Storage Once off-site storage has been embraced (or mandated), both the political process to secure user acceptance and the logistics of relocation require decisions concerning general selection criteria and specific transfer procedures. Users must be convinced that the decisions will be as sensible as possible. They must likewise know that mistakes can be corrected. Librarians of course more likely to feel the pressure of their over- share these goals, even as they are way flowing shelves. The that the process typically plays out suggests a num- ber of general observations: 1 Libraries usually begin to full. "Full" in much often, shifts, only when their buildings are piled it are a comfortable shelving load with as accommodate and open shelves for users and dramatically, which books areas. some cases implies as 15 percent free space to minor stack More move materials can reflect on windowsills, to spread out books. an emergency situation in floors, Such conditions can be compelling collection growth, and in special staging in presenting the case for storage to reluctant library users. 2. Starting to store when the library is full implies that one volume must be relocated for every volume added to the stacks. This usually leads to arrangements to divide current receipts between materials for the stacks and for storage. Selectors typically make the libraries also display all decisions,* incoming materials so that users any items that they find particularly important. "unknown" though some to the existing collection, and choices New can identify receipts are made upon receipt allow these items to be directed off-site through a single decision and 39 SELECTING FOR STORAGE processing sequence. Storing many may current materials ever, be an optimal approach in terms of research priorities not, how- and needs. The criteria for relocating materials that are already in the stacks tend to be more contentious, and the processes more complex. Priorities for this process usually include the following considerations. Easy Decisions Storage decisions reflect the relationship between transfer candidates and bibliographic control, at times with unintended consequences. Contemporary library systems stored items. and practice mandate automated bibliographic records for New receipts all are ordinarily processed entirely online, so they are easy candidates. Research libraries that have fully converted their card catalogs can freely draw from retrospective holdings as well, since But some are also represented online. progress with jects to RECON. libraries Their automated records all these materials have made only piecemeal may thus reflect specific pro- to particularly important parts of the collection. Virtu- improve access by now rely on automated circulation, so items charged out online records are normally processed fully upon their return. ally all libraries without full Under these circumstances, records for older materials that are considered important, plus those for items that have actually been used, will be the first to appear in automated form. Storage decisions in these repositories are thus limited to a universe comprised of recent receipts, high-profile holdings, and high- use parts of the collection. The dusty volumes that no one wants are likely to remain untouched. The rhetoric of storage typically speaks of moving research materials that exhibit low use. In collections not yet fully converted, this "use" can easily be turned upside down. criterion Shelf space and decision-making time are typically the commodities in multivolume shortest supply as transfer processes are put into place. Serials, sets, and can free fat lots books are especially of shelf space; location than to adjust it attractive candidates for storage: is easier to change a single record many; the impact one decision new to reflect a in the stacks is visible and dramatic. The unintended consequence, however, can be an in-house collection increasingly biased toward thin books and pamphlets. Moving long runs of unindexed serials can be particularly grave in terms of diminished user access. The simplest sort of storage decision is cation segment or category of materials. As simply to research agendas and the supporting resources more encompassing, is less and less likely to work. move an When it does, it this entire classifi- become broader kind of "clear cutting" can be extremely effective. A Hassle-Free Process Goodwill and efficiency are alike served by storage decisions ily borne by both users and the library in some cases want to staff. review carefully that are eas- Certain faculty constituencies all may storage recommendations. Other 40 DAN HAZEN groups may remain more comfortable with decisions made within the library. A balanced approach is essential in order to demonstrate that no collections are exempt from storage. But it is also important to minimize antagonism and disruption. A Reversible Process Users require general assurances, and also concrete procedures, to bring back permanently materials retrieving materials that have been transferred from storage incurs real costs, so Repeatedly off-site. many libraries also utilize "automatic" procedures to identify heavy-use off-site items that might be returned to the stacks. Circulation counters, for instance, can generate reports of materials reaching a predetermined circulation threshold. (Some rare or vulnerable items, of course, may deliberately remain off-site, regardless of their level of use.) A Cost-Effective Process Storage decisions should privilege materials that are easy to identify and process, and that will generate significant free space. Such categories cates of little-used materials, superseded editions, some foreign languages, and other libraries' accession lists as dupli- some some of translations into may represent these areas. Considerations of cost-effectiveness should inform the entire stor- age cycle, both in overall terms and for specific operations including selection, processing, and storage and retrieval. Collection Integrity Research libraries have built their collections through expensive, care- planned efforts that have extended over decades and in some cases cen- fully turies. Their holdings are deliberate creations of mutually reinforcing materials, not just haphazard accumulations of books and journals. guishes these research collections fectly, by the materials is reflected The depth most immediately, that distin- albeit imper- in the stacks. Multiple classification systems, separate shelving locations, materials not on the shelf at a given moment, and other "imperfections" of course limit apprehended tially at how much of any collection can actually be any one time. Removing materials for remote storage substan- exacerbates the problem. When criteria of costs and benefits prevail exclusively, little-used items are those most likely to be relocated. thus tends to remove precisely The process the sorts of materials that give research library collections their character. Off-site storage can easily result in on-site holdings that offer only minimally more than the core collections in much smaller libraries. some distinctive materials in For some literature collections, for Possible solutions include measures to leave the stacks, even if they have not been used. instance, at least one work by every author might be retained. A few narrow 41 SELECTING FOR STORAGE topical segments circulating) might likewise be examples of rare or otherwise never encounter. described below, Security may classic New works that students, in particular, approaches to bibliographic control, as and Preservation facilities are secure. environments for books. They therefore enable due to high value, susceptibility to physical condition. in open stacks, Practical Politics, might allow more imaginative solutions. Contemporary storage risk well as occasional (non- left intact, as and also provide near-ideal libraries to preserve materials at theft or vandalism, scarcity, or Most repositories own poor materials that should not be shelved provides an obvious solution. off-site storage Approaches They to Selecting for Storage Communication, Consensus Off- site storage is often a difficult prospect for both librarians and library Reduced access to library holdings is always unsettling, even discount5 ing users' sometimes romanticized visions of current arrangements. The mechanics of moving materials can leave everyone suspicious that his or her areas of interest are being unfairly targeted. Communication, collaboration, users. and consensus-building are crucial. Off-site storage has to be sold on two levels. The university and library administration need to explain and justify the general concept of remote stor- by demonstrating the hard facts of exhausted library space and limited capital budgets. But explaining storage as an unavoidable though abstract solution is only a first step. Focused meetings with individual departments and age, usually faculty members are also essential in order to build consensus around the spe- cific criteria that will inform transfer decisions. The choices will normally be based on local patterns of use and on research trends within each discipline and field. sors They must also reflect the concrete research interests of specific profes- and students. Agreements can sometimes be reached through discussion alone. In other cases fer candidates. or it may be useful to while they are immediately is lists of trans- And sometimes it is most productive to walk the stacks with one two faculty members, discussing ment share and evaluate sample at specific items and categories of materials hand. Whatever the approach, faculty involve- essential. Decision-Making on the Ground The simplest storage decisions are based on entire categories of materials. Hardcopy newspaper backfiles, materials housed on-site in limited access "cages" (semi-rare materials, items susceptible to vandalism or dren's books, folio volumes, and the like are classified collection esoteric they among the possibilities. Very segments can be relocated in their seem or how little theft, etc.), chil- entirety, they are used. Sooner or few no matter how later, item-level 42 DAN HAZEN selection almost always may sions becomes When also be possible. some cases "intermediate" deciowns long runs of several news essential. In a library magazines from a particular country, for instance, one it may be possible to keep and to move other backfiles to storage, often with a cut-off issues from the past five or ten years on the shelves. Users seek- set in the stacks date to keep ing to all compare accounts of a particular process or event can orient themselves by consulting the title remaining in the stacks, and then recall complementary volumes as needed. When good indexes are available, some scholarly journals can also be considered for storage. in microform editions or as Some materials that have been reformatted may digital products likewise be plausible transfer candidates, though usability, demand, and functionality must Item-level selection for storage is all be weighed. typically a two-stage process. Potential transfer candidates are first identified through a mechanical procedure, and the by bibliographers and/or users. The initial phase often consists of a broad sweep through some part of the collection to identify materials that have received little use. The threshold will vary between tentative choices are then ratified institutions, partly as a function of local decisions about the amount of space to be cleared. In Harvard's case, the automated circulation system can generate lists of all items that have not been charged out since its inception in the late 1970s. Libraries without good online circulation information may need to assess use by consulting the "date due" stamps in the back of each book. Specific approaches will also be informed by the feasibility of generating and working from lists of holdings, or sending teams of students or paraprofes- mark physical volumes. example more sophisticated computer sionals into the stacks to flyer or otherwise Variants are possible as well, for algorithms that go beyond the single criterion of past circulation to weigh differential use patterns academic fields), among separate classification segments (a surrogate for and such additional features as whether a particular work translation or an additional edition, and is pare than straightforward Such models can be costly to themselves tend to be more expensive to pre- matter how lists tallies of past circulation. the candidates for transfer are initially identified, a suc- cessful process requires subsequent review members faculty as well. machine-generated have been housed lated also fail to which lists by a bibliographer and perhaps by Apart from possible errors from coding mistakes, may include non-circulating reference-like works that in the stacks. Bare-bones lists of items that have not circu- convey the broader context of the surrounding will typically inform transfer decisions as well. When is collection, low-circulation items have been flyered or otherwise marked in the stacks (one nique whether a likely to circulate in the future. devise and validate, and the No a language and publication date. At its least in theory, the result is a weighted, rank-order list that predicts given book is common tech- to apply pressure-sensitive colored dots to the spines of transfer can- didates), both librarians and users can be invited to remove the markers from . 43 SELECTING FOR STORAGE materials that they want to keep on-site. Even in list-based storage selection most effective when the materials are also Stack reviews also can reveal other storage candi- exercises, decisions are usually inspected in the stacks. dates — for instance materials needing preservation attention, duplicates that — no longer in demand, superseded editions, and the like that may not emerge from circulation lists alone. The most common approach to storage decisions begins with preselection based on circulation. Uncritically accepting use as the primary criterion for storage, however, can easily compromise collection integrity. Some of the most difficult professional judgments concerning transfers come in attempting to represent a collection's richness and depth without subverting the economistic logic that underlies our whole concept of off- site storage. A final check on storage decisions typically comes from the staff members are who process the transfers. ume in a multivolume set Selection anomalies, for instance when a single vol- has been marked for relocation, can be returned for reconsideration. Processing staff can also keep track of items not found on the shelves in order to enable tracing activities and the possible determination that particular pieces need to be replaced or declared "lost." Remote Storage Writ Large: Problems, Link Palliatives, and the to Distributed Collections More and more facilities research libraries are grappling with storage. Off-site nonetheless remain a decidedly second-best alternative to the classi- fied, inclusive, open-stack collections whose successful expansion has them necessary. The two major disadvantages of center on bibliographic and on physical access. made off-site storage respectively Bibliographic Access Today's storage facilitate facilities house closed collections inventory control and minimize costs at the in arrangements that expense of browsing. In a non-browsing environment, books and journals can only be identified through the bibliographic records in local OPACs. Both the descriptions and the retrieval tools therefore need to be as good as we can make them. Four aspects merit particular emphasis: 1 Catalog records for materials housed off-site need to be as complete as possible. "Minimal-level cataloging" and other abbreviated records are problematic as the sole means of access to physically remote materials. Full records are essential. 2. Complete MARC text information. manipulate remains all catalog records include a wealth of coded and free- Our on-line catalogs are only slowly becoming able to these data. Constructing sophisticated searches too often difficult. Our catalogs should allow users to take quick and effective advantage of all the information built into full catalog records. 44 DAN HAZEN 3. Serials are at Moving once and problematic candidates for storage. attractive a serial can save lots of space, but effective access can then be almost impossible. In many fields, journals are the principal outlet for current research. Articles, not monographs, are the basic units in scholarly exchange. In also puts a many parts of the world, the economics of publishing premium on journals, which easily than monographs. Serials are are produced more cheaply and critical for scholarship, but their effective utilization requires access to their contents. We records. can by now represent detailed serial holdings in our online With appropriate initial processing, users should thus be able Knowing issues, however, can be far more difan obvious resource, and many serials peri- to verify a library's precise holdings of what is inside these Printed indexes are ficult. an off-site serial. volumes and odically produce cumulative indexes to their contents. External indexing services tant to may also cover a specific journal, though it is impor- confirm both time frame and completeness. Digital technologies simplest approach is may to scan also have a role to play. Perhaps the page images of tables of contents for users somewhat analogous to the notein some institutions. 6 Creating searchable text files of tables of contents, which could support queries based on author name, keywords, and the like, might be a to consult online, through a product books of photocopied tables of contents available (more expensive) next step. Full indexing, finally, could enable users to receive automatic bibliographic updates alerting them to articles falling within personalized subject profiles. 4. Digital representations ways to of serial tables of contents may suggest other exploit electronic technology in improving access library materials. Browsing often consists of quick riffles group of books. Most users can quickly assess the potential work by glancing at its table to stored through a utility of contents, gauging the level and nature of the prose, noting the presence of footnotes and the type font, title of a etc. The page, the table of contents, and the introduction are perhaps the most revealing pages. Scanning a very few "key" pages from monographs destined for storage, and then linking those digital images to catalog records, might provide a partial surrogate for browsing. Users could at least get a peek at potentially useful materials, basis decide whether to recall them from and on that storage. Physical Access Physical access can also be problematic for materials housed off-site. Stored books and journals need to be recalled through a process that involves both a time delay and occasional requirements to retrieve or consult the piece in a specific library unit. Users may eventually have to contend with a 45 SELECTING FOR STORAGE proliferation of service points, reading rooms, and access hoops. Document delivery capabilities, for instance Ariel and fax transmission of journal articles, can minimize some of the inconvenience. Additional enhancements need to be worked out as well. Conclusion More and more storage. These libraries are running out of space and turning to off-site libraries face a multitude of political, philosophical, and practi- cal challenges in selling the concept, selecting materials to move, and imple- menting their storage decisions. Browsability, bibliographic access, and physical access to collections all become problematic when materials are no longer at hand in the stacks. These same challenges also libraries. arise for materials held (off-site) Here, even more emphatically than with local storage by other facilities, users must rely on bibliographic records and on-line catalogs to evaluate materials of potential interest. Physical access is mediated through interlibrary loan and document delivery. pertinent to many The solutions we devise for off-site storage are therefore of our misgivings about cooperative collection development and distributed research collections. Both off-site storage and distributed collections are likely to be only grudgingly accepted until the issues of enhanced bibliographic records and systems, limited digitization of book contents as a partial surrogate for on-site browsing, and streamlined mechanisms for physical access are more directly confronted. When the issue of access to remote materials is cast in terms of our national and international library system, rather than as a purely local matter of storage and retrieval, the need to improve access to all of our holdings also comes into sharper relief. Off- site storage, time, requires rigorous local responses. resources pose a challenge for us which The very affects us one library at a similar problems of remote all. NOTES 1. See http://www.crl.uchicago.edu under "Special Projects Currently Underway." 2. For instance, see the general statement of "Material Eligible and Not Eligible for Deposit" in the "Statement of Operating Principles" for California's Northern Regional Library Facility (http://www.lib.berkeley.edu/nrlf). Special collections materials are exempted from NRLF's non- duplication mandate. 3. As reported during SALALM's 1999 conference, Vanderbilt University maintains this kind of facility in downtown Nashville. 4. Harvard's experiments with direct drop-offs 5. See, for example, Grace Palladino's opinion piece, "Out of Sight, at faculty offices suggest extremely high costs. by Height at the Out of Mind: Shelving Library of Congress," The Chronicle of Higher Education, June 11, 1999, p. B6. Palladino's essay reacts to proposals to reshelve the books within LC's central stacks. 6. Harvard's "Digital Contents Pilot Project" (DCPP), for scholarly journals being relo- cated to storage, is exploring this kind of approach. See http://hul.harvard.eduAdi/html/dcpp.html. 5. Centros de documentación y bases de datos sobre asuntos de la mujer y género en América Latina J. La información juega un papel Félix Martínez B amentos trascendente en la perspectiva de los cambios y la creación de instancias modificaciones de las relaciones entre los géneros y en específicas para abordar la problemática de los géneros como temas de estudio. Así mismo se dice que estos cambios y modificaciones, este forcejeo y esta aspiración legítima en la lucha por la igualdad entre los géneros constituyen un asunto profundamente político. Si así se manifiesta la problemática entre los géneros, la utilidad de la información y su impacto en la conformación de nuevas relaciones intergenéricas, resulta o se constituye en un recurso estra- tégico fundamental. El trabajo que aquí se presenta es apenas un acercamiento preliminar a las condiciones y desarrollo de los centros de documentación y bibliotecas en tema de mujer y género en América Latina y la tro genera. En las bases trabajos posteriores se deberá realizar el de datos que cada cen- un censo más completo y detallado a fin de cubrir las carencias que presenta este trabajo. Para la elaboración del tema se han utilizado las siguientes fuentes: documento de Isis Internacional, Chile, el Centros de información, documen- tación y bibliotecas en el tema de la mujer en América Latina y el Caribe: análisis y catastro; el servicio de información en línea sobre mujeres denomi- nado "Mapping the World of Women's Information Services" elaborado por el Centro Internacional de Información y Archivos para el Movimiento de la Mujer con sede en Amsterdam, Holanda; la información proporcionada por una de mis jefas, la Mtra. Lorenia Parada- Ampudia, del cuestionario aplicado a los centros y programas de instituciones de educación superior en México en el área de género y la respuesta a un cuestionario enviado a Latinoamérica que algunas/os colegas han tenido a bien contestarme. El estudio contiene dos partes: la primera consiste en una reflexión sobre la relación entre feminismo y documentación y en segundo término una descripción y análisis de las condiciones y desarrollo de los centros y bibliotecas sobre la mujer y género en Latinoamérica. 46 47 DOCUMENTACIÓN Y BASES DE DATOS SOBRE ASUNTOS DE LA MUJER Y GÉNERO Feminismo y documentación La aparición del feminismo en el ámbito internacional se da alrededor de años sesenta y setenta. Este hecho va acompañado del auge y del estallamiento de la crisis del denominado estado del bienestar y del surgimiento de un los movimiento obrero. Estas manifestainscriben dentro del tradicional esquema planteado por amplio movimiento social que incluye ciones sociales ya no se los principios y reconoce que la al organizaciones sindicales y políticas, pues se dualidad capital-trabajo no constituye el único marco de acción programas de las de los movimientos sociales. De esta manera de movimientos de carácter sectorial la presencia como de estudiantes y jóvenes, los de mujeres y los de la comunidad homosexual, entre otras, exige reconocimiento y legitimidad a su existencia como tales y la los satisfacción a sus necesidades específicas. ya no en función de la visión De dicotómica de este la modo lucha social, sino a partir del un nuevo orden reconocimiento de otros actores sociales que reclaman sin el análisis se orienta modelos preestablecidos, visión dicotómica que sustrae a lo diverso como el social reconocimiento condición básica de existencia de las sociedades modernas (Molina 1996:4). En este contexto la condición opresiva de la mujer y la voluntad de construir nuevas condiciones de existencia, pasa por la necesidad de reconocerse como nuevo sujeto, independiente, que obliga a la mujer a documentar su historia, su movimiento y a generar las bases para la construcción de un nuevo conocimiento. Se crean así, las condiciones para la aparición del trabajo documental y la conformación de centros de documentación que en algunos casos han tenido su ini- cio en el trabajo de compilación bibliográfica individual que varias mujeres han realizado con objeto de documentar la historia y lucha de las mujeres. Los centros de documentación son parte y fruto del propio movimiento feminista y a su vez lo recrean constantemente, ya que son cuerpo y sustento de la reflexión y del análisis de la condición y actividad de las mujeres. Actual- mente su ámbito de acción se ha extendido aún más a rios el y académicos, y al uso de la información con el los sectores universita- objetivo de instrumentar diseño y aplicación de las políticas públicas. En primer la declaración del taller sobre organización y funcionamiento de centros de información y documentación en el tema de la mujer en América Latina, se dice lo siguiente: . . . nuestros centros de documentación se constituyen en las únicas fuentes de suministro de información sobre la vida de las mujeres. Son espacios fun- damentales que registran día con día el protagonismo de las mujeres: su actividad en el barrio, su presencia en las fábricas, en el gabinete de trabajo en las universidades o en la soledad del trabajo creador. 1 48 J. Para América Latina ochenta constituye nista, la un los setenta pero sobre todo la de los espacio de aparición y desarrollo del movimiento femi- el pues en los noventa de se observa década de FELIX MARTINEZ BARRIENTOS la misma manera que en otras partes del fuerte proceso de institucionalización del vez que amplia los espacios de acción de las mundo movimiento, que a la mujeres suscita diversas interro- gantes y cuestionamientos. La conferencia de Beijin significó el punto culminante de este proceso pues por primera vez una parte significativa del movimiento se adentró en los espacios oficiales, nacionales e internacionales y, como sociedad civil, negoció intensamente sus propuestas desde adentro y desde afuera, desde códigos diferentes y extraños y desde lógicas que no eran las del movimiento. 2 Así los espacios documentales e informativos están sujetos a este tipo de circunstancias y asumen características propias según cada situación que se presenta. En el Cuadro 1 , hemos agrupado los centros y/o bibliotecas por década de fundación y por tipo de organización, toda vez que se busca con ello, estable- cer una relación entre la periodización natural del movimiento feminista y el año o década de fundación de los centros de documentación, y el tipo de orga- nización a la que cada centro pertenece. En el citado cuadro hemos registrado 2 centros o bibliotecas cuya fecha de fundación se encuentra en la década de los cincuenta. Uno es el Centro de Documentación e Información "Carmen Lyra" de la Alianza de Mujeres Costarricenses que es un Centro Popular de Asesoría Legal, con sede en la ciu- dad de San José de Costa Rica el cual tiene como fecha de fundación el año de 1952, es decir varias décadas antes del auge del movimiento feminista latinoamericano de la década de los ochenta. La explicación de su larga existencia puede deberse a que esta nación centroamericana siempre se ha Cuadro 1 . Número de centros y/o bibliotecas y tipo de organización por década Organización Década ONGs 1950 1 1960 4 Académico Gobierno Otro Totales 1 2 3 17 5 1 1970 13 1 1980 39 3 4 1990 18 12 2 S/año 5 3 2 80 20 8 Totales Internacional 46 1 33 10 4 1 113 Fuente: Elaboración propia con datos de catastro e información de cuestionarios y textos de "Mapping the World". 49 DOCUMENTACIÓN Y BASES DE DATOS SOBRE ASUNTOS DE LA MUJER Y GÉNERO caracterizado por la tradición de ya más de 100 años demo- del ejercicio de la cracia electoral, de la supresión de su ejército en favor de otros programas de carácter social, sin que por ello se El otro pueda hablar aún de una sociedad centro de documentación—más bien Chile fundada el año de 1957, a la biblioteca — es igualitaria. FLACSO- que propiamente no puede considerarse como resultado del movimiento feminista, toda vez que sus objetivos corresponden a otras estrategias de desarrollo como organismo internacional. No obstante eso no quiere decir que su trabajo informativo no repercuta favorablemente en el desarrollo del movimiento feminista o de las mujeres en general. Otros aspectos a destacar son la correspondencia entre el auge del movimiento feminista y el mayor número de centros fundados en la década de los ochenta con 39; el incremento de los centros de documentación vinculados a las universidades, con la posibilidad de seguir creciendo a consecuencia de la cada vez mayor institucionalización y formalización de los estudios de género y mujer en las universidades latinoamericanas en la década de los noventa; y, por último, que dan con el la persistencia fe todavía de la mayoritaria de los centros vinculados a las ONGs, importancia de la autonomía y de su vínculo estrecho movimiento feminista. De manera general el trabajo documental y la creación de centros especí- movimiento feminista y mujeres, constituyen una expresión o una extensión del propio movi- ficos para el desarrollo de esta actividad al interior del de las miento y la disciplina de estudios que de él deriva, pues los objetivos y la actividad de cada centro se encuentran inscritos dentro de la actividad general de cada organización del movimiento. Conviene destacar este vínculo, ya que institución si bien en cada organización o académica que cuenta con una biblioteca o centro, éstos forman parte orgánica de aquella, al igual que de sus objetivos y metas, en alguno pueden compararse con el carácter militante que modo tipifica a los centros o movimiento feminista y/o de las mujeres. Según Virginia Vargas, el movimiento feminista es una expresión del movimiento de mujeres que hace del conocimiento y la eliminación de las bibliotecas vinculados al jerarquías sexuales su objetivo fundamental (Vargas 1987:83-90). Así, la situación de pertenencia al movimiento de los diferentes centros de informa- ción y/o documentación hacen suyo este planteamiento y de diversas formas plasman como su objetivo más general entre los géneros. Se podría decir entonces, que movimiento feminista o con manera tal que posibilita: • la demanda de la igualdad y la equidad 3 Documentar la el vínculo de la actividad documental con el lucha de las mujeres en general se expresa de la actividad del movimiento, tanto en su acepción de proveedor de información, que busca sustentar feminista, la práctica política como la de compilador de información cuyo objetivo consiste en resguardar la memoria histórica del movimiento. 50 J. • Hacer FÉLIX MARTÍNEZ BARRIENTOS visible las aportaciones de las mujeres en los distintos ámbitos del trabajo cultural y científico, y el de la propia vida cotidiana. • Crear condiciones para mujer en permitan la sociedad y el la acceso al conocimiento sobre el papel de la oportunidad para cambiar patrones o roles que de la reinserción la mujer bajo una nueva perspectiva de acción social. • Informar para empoderar a las la mujer, que ha sido el clásico "slogan" de metas que se persiguen en los servicios de información orientados hacia la mujer, sólo que con el sentido del uso del poder no en términos de autoridad sino • Vincular como el trabajo la posibilidad de poder hacer. documental con los objetivos de equidad e igualdad entre los géneros. Por otra parte la evolución del movimiento de las mujeres y del feminismo en particular, ha repercutido de manera diversa en los centros de documentación. En primer lugar me interesa destacar aquí, la relación existente entre las deman- das del movimiento con la amplitud y flujos temáticos de la información que se observan en En el trabajo cotidiano puede decir que las demandas y la problemática mujeres constituyen los delimitadores de los contenidos este sentido se económico-social de las y los flujos temáticos de el de cada centro de documentación. la información. Considérese por ejemplo cómo cambió espectro temático una vez que el movimiento de las mujeres y del feminismo en particular, asumieron su identidad de género, propiciando que temas como la sexualidad, las relaciones de pareja, o la violencia masculina pasaran a formar parte de las demandas del movimiento de nismo se caracterizaba por hacer la las mujeres. Anteriormente defensa de las mujeres y la el femi- de sus condi- ciones de vida, es decir avanzar en la comprensión de la situación de la mujer, pero no en la suya propia, sino la de las "otras" (Vargas 1998). Otros factores relacionados con la amplitud de los contenidos temáticos de la información son: la incorporación del concepto de género que permitió una creciente apertura a nuevos temas y nuevos sectores sociales tales como el ase- dio sexual en los lugares de trabajo, la nueva masculinidad y el estudio de las homosexualidades (1998:11). El otro es la gestión gubernamental hacia las mujeres que ha detonado interesantes procesos de reflexión y debate público, mismos que han permitido visibilizar una serie de temáticas, como derechos reproductivos, feminización de la pobreza, exclusión política y otros que men- ciona en su texto, Natacha Molina (Molina 1996:5). En segundo lugar llamo la atención sobre las repercusiones de tres fenómenos que se suscitan al interior del movimiento de las mujeres: la institucionalización, la creciente apertura (con todo y los diferentes problemas que tienen para su creación) de centros o programas de estudio en el área de género en el las universidades latinas, y la incorporación de la perspectiva de género en diseño de políticas públicas. Todos ellos generan presiones constantes sobre DOCUMENTACIÓN Y BASES DE DATOS SOBRE ASUNTOS DE LA MUJER Y GÉNERO los centros debido incremento de al la demanda 51 informativa, lo cual plantea diferentes retos a resolver en el entorno latinoamericano. Así entonces la posibilidad real información, así perspectiva de género en el trabajo documental reside en la de que en cada centro o biblioteca, como la oferta sexo con objeto de incidir en el las diferencias de proceso de generación de nuevo conocimiento, de equidad y favorezcan el es de hacer visible lo invisible las diferencias mujer, de lo que se trata la organización de la de sus servicios, contemplen de nuevos saberes que equilibren empoderamiento de la y datar las condiciones de vida de la mujer para ofrecer alternativas de cambio e incrementar el acceso a la información de parte de las mujeres. Condiciones y desarrollo de los centros de información, documentación y bibliotecas de América Latina Cuadro 2 existen alrededor de 1 13 centros de información, documentación o bibliotecas en el tema de la mujer y género en América Latina. De este gran total y de 23 países de la región, Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Según el Costa Rica, México, Nicaragua, Perú y República Dominicana, se destacan con el mayor número, pero aún cuando no se encuentran censados la totalidad de los centros de información existentes en cada país, tante. el México concentra el mayor número de centros pero acceso que se tuvo de En Cuadro dato es muy impor- esto se debe al mayor información requerida. la relación con las áreas de especialización de cada centro (véase cada una de 3), ellas muestra en cierto sentido, las diferentes pro- blemáticas sociales de la mujer y en algunos casos, en los que se agrupan mayoritariamente alrededor de algunos temas, una parte de los grandes proble- mas de nuestra región. Me refiero por información especializada sobre el ejemplo a los 44 centros que manejan tema de la violencia contra la relacionados con el asunto de la salud; en algunos otros mujer (41 frecuencias) o como el los 32 identidad de la tema de economía y trabajo (15 frecuencias), que constituyen temas clásicos de Si bien es cierto como mujer y la investigación feminista. que este cuadro de especializaciones muestra la prefer- encia o el compromiso de las organizaciones con ciertas áreas de trabajo, en realidad la mayor parte de los centros agrupa su información haciendo uso de de descriptores que contiene 30 categorías generales a partir de la lista las cuales se controla el flujo de información y en este sentido ofrecer una infor- mación más En el diversificada. Cuadro 4 se pueden observar las categorías de personas a las que están destinados los servicios de información. Es curioso pero resulta ser que no son los sectores populares los vicios de información, sino que mayoritariamente hacen uso de más bien los sectores vinculados con los los ser- medios educativos y universitarios los que gozan de este privilegio. Es contradictoria esta situación ONGs no se en la medida que siendo mayoritarios pueda decir lo mismo de los usuarios los centros vinculados a de estos. Por otra parte es 52 J. FÉLIX MARTÍNEZ BARRIENTOS Cuadro 2. Centros de información, documentación y bibliotecas en el tema de la mujer y género en América Latina Número de Centros País Argentina 9 Bahamas 1 Barbados 1 Belice 1 Bolivia 4 Brasil 11 Chile 10 Colombia 7 Costa Rica 7 Ecuador 7 Guatemala 1 Guyana 1 Honduras 1 México 20 Nicaragua 5 Panamá 1 Paraguay 3 Perú 6 Puerto Rico 2 República Dominicana 8 Trinidad y Tobago 1 Uruguay 4 Venezuela 2 Total 113 Fuente: Elaboración propia con datos de catastro e información de cuestionarios y textos de "Mapping the World". interesante el fenómeno por las expectativas que abre en términos de ducción del pensamiento o de los estudios sobre acuerdo con tor el orden de frecuencia se sitúan la mujer y las usuarias/os el la repro- género; luego de de ONGs y el sec- de mujeres y mujeres populares urbanas. Vista como un todo (véase Cuadro 5) la cantidad de registros de tintas las dis- bases de datos por país da un total de 239,096, procedente de 15 países con 89 bases de datos y de 48 instituciones involucradas. De acuerdo con esta cifra la cantidad de recursos informativos disponibles plantea una serie de posibilidades de trabajo que sin de parte de duda alguna fortalecen el acceso a la información mujeres y la de las/os estudiosas/os del género. Descartando los registros repetidos, estas bases de datos más las las que no alcanzaron a registrarse, conforman un poderoso instrumento de consulta de 1 DOCUMENTACIÓN Y BASES DE DATOS SOBRE ASUNTOS DE LA MUJER Y GÉNERO Cuadro 3. Areas de especialización de los centros Número de Centros o Temas de Especialización Bibliotecas Agricultura y desarrollo rural 3 Bibliografías, directorios 3 Bisexualidad 1 Ciclos de vida 1 Comunicación e información Cooperación para el desarrollo 4 5 Cultura 16 Demografía Democracia Derecho y legislación Derechos de las mujeres Derechos humanos Desarrollo científico y nuevas tecnologías 1 Economía y 2 33 1 4 1 15 trabajo Educación y capacitación Escritoras de América 19 1 Familia y pareja 4 Feminismo Género 1 10 Historia del feminismo 1 Identidad de la mujer 41 4 Ideologías Indígenas 3 Investigación y desarrollo científico 1 Jóvenes 1 Lesbianismo 2 Literatura 1 Masculinidad Medio ambiente y urbanismo Metodología feminista 4 1 1 Movimiento lésbico Movimientos sociales Mujer 4 Niñas Organización social y actores sociales 4 Política, sistemas 1 1 1 y procesos 7 Religión 1 Salud Salud reproductiva Sexualidad 32 Teoría y análisis Violencia en contra de la mujer 37 17 1 44 Violencia intrafamiliar 2 Violencia sexual 1 Fuente: Elaboración propia con datos de catastro e información de cuestionarios y textos de "Mapping the World". 53 54 J. Cuadro 4. FÉLIX MARTÍNEZ BARRIENTOS Usuarios y sectores o estratos de procedencia Sectores o Estratos Número de Centros de Procedencia de Ocurrencia % Agentes sociales 5 2.6 Comunidad 4 2.0 lésbico/gay Docentes, universitarias/os, 76 profesionales (sector educativo) Funcionarios y miembros de 39.6 la propia institución Jóvenes Medios de comunicación 8 4.2 3 1.6 9 4.7 Mujeres rurales 11 5.7 Mujeres y mujeres populares urbanas 25 13.0 ONGs 29 15.1 Organismos internacionales 3 1 .6 Público en general 4 2.0 Reclusas/os 1 0.5 14 7.3 Sector gobierno 192 Total 99.9 Fuente: Elaboración propia con datos de catastro e información de cuestionarios y textos de "Mapping the World". origen nacional o local, que por la forma tan atomizada en que se encuentran sólo tienen impacto a nivel local-regional, aunque en contraparte alcanzan pro- fundidad temática por lo específico que pueden ser sus materiales o porque son por lo general bases de datos circunscritas a un sólo tema. Así entonces, nos encontramos con una paradoja en el terreno de la oferta condición de los centros de información, documentación y bibliotecas de América Latina; por un lado, la importancia de contar con una informativa y la basta red de centros de información y documentación y la mativa representada por las distintas enorme oferta infor- bases de datos de cada centro o biblioteca (con sus diversas temáticas) y por otro, el relativo bajo impacto debido a la atomización (dispersión) de la oferta informativa, su localismo y la poca eficacia que hasta ahora demuestran y mujer. Por esta razón, la riqueza las diferentes redes documentales sobre género informativa que representan las ya numerosas bases de datos de la región latinoamericana y los centros que las administran, nos obliga a establecer compromisos para que esta riqueza pueda ser utilizada y compartida en la región por todas aquellas personas e instituciones sadas en la información de género en Latinoamérica y el Caribe. intere- DOCUMENTACIÓN Y BASES DE DATOS SOBRE ASUNTOS DE LA MUJER Y GÉNERO Cuadro 5. Bases de datos y acervos por país Número de Bases Registros Totales País 55 Argentina Bolivia Instituciones 15,445 7 5 3,873 3 1 Brasil 14,300 8 4 Chile 23,345 7 4 6,400 6 2 9,595 5 3 22,931 3 2 7,432 3 1 60,785 20 14 4,500 4 1 636 1 1 Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador Guyana México Nicaragua Panamá Paraguay 25,840 3 2 Perú 34,158 12 5 República Dominicana 3,156 5 2 Uruguay 6,700 2 1 239,096 89 48 Total Fuente: Elaboración propia con datos de catastro e información de cuestionarios y textos de "Mapping the World". Revisando el Cuadro 6, nos podemos percatar de las enormes bondades de microisis en procesos de automatización de bibliotecas y centros en institu- ciones sin recursos, para el caso tal vez no existe mejor ejemplo que que este software cumple en cada centro vinculado al feminismo y/o a el papel los estu- dios de género y mujer. Según el mismo cuadro, otro conjunto de bibliotecas o centros, cuentan con software integrado de gran costo con cada una de el que pueden administrar todas y las actividades del trabajo bibliotecario. De estos solo se registran casos aislados y generalmente están vinculados a instituciones educativas que destinan un presupuesto fuerte para la compra de libros y equipamiento para la biblioteca, en tanto, otro conjunto de centros usan o diseñan sus bases de datos usando o programando en Cliper o Dbase, destacándose también el alto por- no aportan información alguna. Sobre las redes (véase Cuadro 7), si hay algún sector que gusta de trabajar en red, de estar "enredadas", ese es el movimiento feminista; no obstante en lo que toca a las redes latinoamericanas en el rubro del área de documentación, centaje de centros que en realidad no existen, pese a que frecuentemente se mencione su necesidad. La Fundación Carlos Chagas de Brasil menciona la existencia de la Red Latinoamericana de Información y Documentación pero en realidad no se 56 FÉLIX MARTÍNEZ BARRIENTOS J. Cuadro 6. Uso de software para la elaboración de las bases de datos Número de Centros Software o Bibliotecas 43 Microisis Otros programas 3 16 54 Centros sin información 113 Totales a. Se consideran los siguientes programas: SIAMDO, box, Works y ALEPH. IV, Cliper, SDI/RB, Ventura, Dbase FW3, III y Car- Fuente: Elaboración propia con datos de catastro e información de cuestionarios y textos de "Mapping the World". siente su presencia; a su vez, en el cuadro mencionado se informa de la exis- tencia de 12 redes de documentación de las cuales solo en tres países la red es mencionada en por lo centros: de esta manera, se confirma su son Brasil, Costa Rica y República Dominicana. Latinoamérica debemos de crecer en este sentido debido a que exis- participación. En Los menos dos misma tres países ten importantes recursos y experiencias que compartir, "Así, estar enredadas o en networking es una forma efectiva y abierta de crecer. Si es un proceso autorreferido o monopólico de algunos saberes, difícilmente se puede crear un sentido colectivo de accionar en la diferencia, reproduciendo así las limita- ciones —en cuanto a impacto de retroalimentación, radio de acción, etc. las organizaciones". —de 4 Por último existen otras peculiaridades que tipifican la situación de los centros de documentación de la región, por ejemplo, se caracterizan por ser centros pequeños, con pocos recursos económicos y materiales y sin personal calificado y/o profesional, situación que tiende a superarse en los centros con mayor claridad de tareas en el terreno informativo y que mayores recursos. además cuentan con Conclusión Se puede afirmar que y de los estudios de considerarse En la como un el trabajo documental en mujer no es en modo ámbito del movimiento alguno un asunto trabajo importante dentro de la actualidad las diversas el trivial, y debe una organización. organizaciones y centros de estudios deben revalorar la actividad documental como una parte nodal de su trabajo de gestión académica y política, pues ninguna organización que se jacte de tener DOCUMENTACIÓN Y BASES DE DATOS SOBRE ASUNTOS DE LA MUJER Y GÉNERO Cuadro 7. 57 Redes de documentación en América Latina Redes País Red Nacional de Documentación Argentina Red Boliviana de Bolivia Centros Pertenecientes Consejo Nacional de la Mujer Centro de Información y Desarrollo de la Mujer Documentación sobre la Mujer (Nacional) Red de Centros de Documentación Cochabamba Bolivia Oficina Jurídica para la Mujer (Local) Rede Feminista de Documentação (REDOF) Centro Informação Mulher (CIM) Brasil Sos Corpo Género e Cidadania Red Mulher Red Latinoamericana de Brasil Fundación Carlos Chagas Chile Isis Internacional, Costa Rica • Alianza de Mujeres Costarricenses • Centro Popular de Asesoría Legal Información y Documentación Women's Health Documentation Santiago Center Network Red Nacional de Información sobre la Mujer Red de Información Amazónica Ecuador Fundación Natura Red México CIDHAL Perú Centro de Documentación sobre Internacional de Centros de Documentación Red de Unidades de Información sobre en el la Mujer República Documentación del Area Dominicana la Mujer • Centro de Servicios Legales para Perú Red de Centros de de la Mujer la • Centro Dominicano de Estudios de • Mujer la Educación (CEDEE) Coordinadora de Organizaciones No Gubernamentales de la del Area Mujer • Movimiento por la Mujer Negra • Instituto Internacional la Identidad de de Investigaciones y Capacitación para la Promoción de la Mujer (INSTRAW) Fuente: Elaboración propia con datos de catastro e información de cuestionarios y textos de "Mapping the World". 58 J. FÉLIX MARTINEZ BARRIENTOS liderazgo en este campo, podrá ejercerlo sin tener centros de información y documentación poderosos y un diestro manejo de los flujos de información que nutran su acción. La gestión de información de las organizaciones e instituciones en el ámbito de los estudios de género y del movimiento de la mujer, deberá ser lo suficientemente hábil para difundir su información, así como proveerse la necesaria para su trabajo político, académico y/o de investigación. El trabajo documental ya no debe ser la última prioridad sino la primera. Con Latina y teriza todo y las limitaciones, los centros de documentación de América el Caribe poseen una inigualable riqueza informativa, por tener un marco de acción básicamente sin duda, un papel importante en feminista y en el local. la cual se carac- No obstante, han jugado, reproducción y ampliación del movimiento fortalecimiento de los estudios de género y mujer. la Las limitaciones y dificultades de los centros, expresadas en la escasez de recursos económicos, los espacios reducidos, la falta de equipo de cómputo y la falta de personal especializado, son factores que junto con localismo menguan el impacto de la información y la actividad la dispersión y de los centros, por eso es importante que se suscriban los más diversos convenios de colaboración y se inicie la red latinoamericana de documentación con fin de subsanar rezagos y avanzar hacia una gestión regional de nuestros recursos informativos con el fin de potenciar así nuestro trabajo local. Termino aquí esta exposición con un texto de Victoria Jiménez: La información en estudios de la mujer y género es indispensable para crear nuevo conocimiento y para suprimir la opresión y la ignorancia. No es sólo manteniendo documentos en las unidades de información documental como se logra el cambio, es dinamizando los servicios que en ella se ofrecen, es convirtiéndose la o el especialista de la información en un agente de cambio, es integrando redes de sistemas de información sobre la mujer. tribuyendo a hacer realidad la sociedad informada, cambio positivo en la como región latinoamericana (Jiménez se Es con- puede operar un s/f). NOTAS 1. "Declaración: primer taller sobre organización y funcionamiento de centros de informa- ción y documentación en el tema de mujer en América Latina", Mujeres en Acción 14 (diciembre 1988), 20. 2. Vargas y Vargas, "Feminismo y autonomía". 3. Por ejemplo, el Fondo de Documentación del Programa de Estudios de Género, Mujer y Desarrollo de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia plantea proceso de desarrollo social y al cambio de como de sus objetivos: "Contribuir al hombres y mujeres al hacer acefolleto "Fondo de Documentación: las relaciones entre quible la información sobre temas de mujer y género". En el Mujer y Género, 1994-1997", Programa de Estudios de Género, Mujer y Desarrollo, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 4. Vargas y Vargas, "Feminismo y autonomía", p. 4. DOCUMENTACIÓN Y BASES DE DATOS SOBRE ASUNTOS DE LA MUJER Y GÉNERO 59 BIBLIOGRAFÍA Barbieri, Teresita de. 1986. Políticas Movimientos feministas. Colección Grandes Tendencias Contemporáneas. México: UNAM-Coordinación de Humanidades. Bonder, Gloria, ed. 1998. Estudios de la mujer en América Latina. Colección Interamer. Washington, DC: Organización de Estados Americanos. Caracterización del feminismo en su trayectoria. S/a, s/f. Documento con folio 586 en Centro de Documentación del Programa Universitario de Estudios de el Género. México: UNAM. "Nubosidad variable". Cotidiano 23. http://www.chasque.apc.org/ Celiberti, Lilian. cotidian/nubosidad.htm. Feijoó, María del Carmen. 1988. "Mujer y política en América Latina: el estado del Arte". En Mujeres latinoamericanas: diez ensayos y una historia colectiva, pp. 29-55. Lima: Flora Tristán, Centro de Fernández, Ana la Mujer Peruana. María, comp. 1993. Las mujeres en la imaginación colectiva. Buenos Aires: Paidos. "Fondo de Documentación: Mujer y Género, 1994-1997" (folleto de divulgación). S/f. Programa de Estudios de Género, Mujer y Desarrollo, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 1995. Centros de información, documentación y bibliotecas en el Isis Internacional. mujer en América Latina y el Caribe: análisis y catastro. Documento para el Foro de ONG sobre la Mujer, Beijing '95. Isis Internacional, San- tema de la tiago de Chile. Jiménez, Victoria. S/f. Nuevos paradigmas en información y comunicación para las mujeres centroamericanas. Resumen de conferencia. S/d. Programa de Infor- mación para la Mujer del Instituto de Estudios de la Mujer, Universidad Nacional de Costa Rica. Kanoussi, Dora. S/d, s/f. El feminismo, hoy. Documento con folio 630 en el Centro de Documentación del Programa Universitario de Estudios de Género (PUEG). México: UNAM. La mujer en las Américas: cómo cerrar la brecha entre DC: Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo. los géneros. 1996. Washington, Lavrín, Asunción. 1985. "Algunas consideraciones finales sobre las tendencias y los temas en la historia de las mujeres de Latinoamérica". En Asunción Lavrín, comp., Las mujeres latinoamericanas: perspectivas históricas, pp. 347-379. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. "Mapping Molina the G, World of Women's Information Services", http://www.iiav.nl. Natacha. 1996. El protagonismo de las mujeres en la construcción de la igualdad y ciudadanía en América Latina. Santiago: Instituto de Mujeres en Acción (Isis la Mujer. Internacional) 14 (diciembre 1988). Navarro, Marysa. 1982. "El primer encuentro feminista de Latinoamérica y el Caribe". En Magdalena León, ed., /// 261-267. Colombia: ACEP. Sociedad, Subordinación y Feminismo, pp. 60 J. FÉLIX MARTÍNEZ BARRIENTOS Los movimientos femeninos en Centro América: folio 633 en el Centro de Documentación del Programa Universitario de Estudios de Género (PUEG). México: UNAM. Navas, Ma. Candelaria. S/f. 1950-1985. Documento con Pisano, Margarita. 1987. "Feminismo: pasos críticos y deseos de cambio". Edición de las Mujeres (Isis Internacional) 9, 143-148. Red de Información sobre Estudios de Género y Educación (Rige) en Boletín No. 1 (octubre-noviembre). Guatemala: PUIEG. Internet. 1996. Suárez-López, Rocío y Leopoldina Rendón Pineda. 1988. "CIDHAL's Documentation Feminism in Mexico". En Grace Jackson-Brown, and Information Centers within Women's Studies Research Centers, 165-167. Washington, DC: Special Libraries Association. Center: Helping to Build Libraries pp. Vargas, Virginia y Cecilia Olea. "Feminismo y autonomía", http://ekeko.rcp.net.pe/ FLORA/rev-22/debate.htm. Vargas, Virginia. 1988. "Las mujeres en movimiento: de mujeres". En Mujeres pp. 249-272. Lima: Flora Tristán, Centro de la . cómo somos políticas, las latinoamericanas: diez ensayos y una historia colectiva, Mujer Peruana. 1987. "Movimiento de mujeres en América Latina: un reto para el análisis y para la acción". Mujeres, crisis y movimiento: América Latina y el Caribe. Isis Internacional. Ediciones de las Mujeres 9 (junio), 83-90. Luchas como una bandada de águilas furiosas femeninas y machismo en América Latina". En Magdalena León, ed., /// Sociedad, Subordinación y Feminismo, pp. 238-260. Colombia: ACEP. Werlhof, Claudia von. 1982. "Unidas . . . II. Culture The Tango and the Buenos Aires Urban Identity 6. Simon The tango comes from Buenos Aires, the southern hemisphere's metropolis, a city of 1.5 million in 1914 and double that in 1947. taneously in the city's poorer outer districts, the Collier most stylish arose spon- It arrabales, sometime around 1880. Following the tango's spectacular triumphs on the dance floors of Europe and North America in 1913-1914, it became the dominant dance in Buenos Aires from the early 1920s to early 1950s, tango is form of music and golden age. The its once again immensely popular today in Buenos Aires, following international revival in the 1980s, and the city remains the mecca its for true tango-lovers. Whether, or how, the tango reflects the urban identity of Buenos Aires not altogether clear. The question of what indeed a difficult one, answerable great cities (Buenos Aires (if at all) constitutes an urban identity is is only in general terms. The world's among them) possess distinctive characteristics: New York with its hustle and din and sky-embracing architecture, London with its shabby-genteel charm and leafy squares, Paris with its mix of village-like intimacies and gracious perspectives. But let us assume that there tango relates to it. is The music and a Buenos Aires the dance came identity, and ask how the into existence through a spontaneous process of improvisation and fusion, in which the people of the — Cuban habanera, the mazurka, the local Argentine milonga, dance movements from the AfroArgentine candombe to create the tango. The elements that were rearranged arrabales used what materials they had on hand the — into the tango and the shabby social setting where the improvisations actually occurred (probably around 1880) cannot be disassociated from a time and a place and a particular section of urban society. Whether the tango rhythm or the forms of the dance actually reflect the time, place, and society ter entirely, We is another mat- and one not easily investigated. should remember that the tango's "takeoff into its local golden age was not simply a matter of dance bands and dancers. The tango also very quickly became a form of popular song, performed by many well-known vocalists, among them the legendary baritone Carlos Gardel. The tango song soon settled into a fairly standard shape: four sixteen-bar sections in sequence, the second verse often repeated as the fourth. The 63 an ABAB first true tango 64 song SIMON COLLIER seems in this sense have been the Samuel Linning-Enrique Delfino to classic "Milonguita" (1920). Nearly all the songs that Gardel sang took that shape and form. tiplied in As Buenos — emerged the tango song took hold of public taste, songwriters mul- Aires. Within a few years, an astonishingly rich tradition great tunes, wonderful lyrics. That the tango acquired words (rose from the feet to the lips, as dramatist Agustín Remón put it) sheds some light on its links to the Buenos Aires identity. For, as Jorge Luis Borges noted in 1930, "the words of tangos Buenos Aires." the life of . . . form a vast and incoherent comedie humaine of 1 humaine was not quite In fact, however, the comedie as incoherent as Borges believed. The tango song came to constitute a kind of universe of own, powerfully convincing though also rather contained, true to This universe itself. stock characters, topics, and situations. of the city. ("South"), is Its stylized, but definitely self- peopled with its own geographical setting is stereotypes, largely that That marvelous Homero Manzi-Aníbal Troilo song of 1948, "Sur" is Antarctica. not about the vast landscapes of Patagonia or the icy wastes of It is an evocation of the southern within the city limits. And indeed, there are of Buenos Aires, safely districts many tangos which uncomplicat- edly but emotionally praise Buenos Aires as a great city (Carlos Gardel 's Buenos Aires Querido" borhoods or popular track. Clearly, the Buenos is "Mi the best-known example) or evoke particular neigh- rituals of urban tango universe life, is such as carnival, the circus, the race- rooted consciously and specifically in Aires. One who has listened to tango songs for any length of time does not to notice the recurrence of certain themes. broad categories, the largest being what These can be broken down I call fail into the vicissitudes of love. Tangos are almost never straightforward love songs. In the tango universe, love nearly always problematic or, better love, its still, is positively agonizing. Unrequited abandonment, betrayal, jealousy, rivalry are the preferred themes. Aban- donment, perhaps the root concept, was the duced in Pascual Contursi's "Mi Noche first great tango subject, intro- Triste," the song that Carlos took to the theater in 1917 and that effectively started the tango song The abandonment theme lends ations. The abandoned lover hopes itself to an almost Gardel tradition. number of varivows eternal loyalty infinite for reconciliation or despite being thrown over. Alternatively, the injured lover takes refuge in a frenzied social ommended life as early as vengeance. This woman or drowns his sorrows in drink (the alcoholic strategy is "Mi Noche It is way around) should rec- jilted lover desires faithless preferably be exacted with a doubtful whether early-twentieth-century Buenos Aires was number of knifings described in tango songs. Police statistics city was a rather nonviolent place compared with other great cities the site of the suggest the The where the fun begins, for vengeance against the (nearly always that knife thrust. Triste," 1917). is 65 THE TANGO AND THE BUENOS AIRES URBAN IDENTITY of the period. Murders averaged eighty per year between 1900 and 1910. Nonetheless, vengeance killings loom very large in the tango universe —some- times described in tiny, self-contained stories, or often in the context of nostalgic settings (rooms, bars, or streets). The nostalgic evocation of the past is the second broad category of tango themes. Knife fights, amorous vendettas, violent sexual rivalries, and a whole array of human stereotypes such as the compadrito (the street tough), the payador (old-style folk singer), the malevo (small-time crook), the taura (tough guy) had been associated with the ephemeral culture of the arrabales, the fringe districts from which the tango came and which by the 1920s were being overwhelmed by prosperity and respectability. I don't know whether the arrabales resembled their depictions in tango lyrics. But the image of that ephemeral culture came to exercise a powerful influence on the popular imagination of Buenos Aires, not only in tangos but also on the stage and (in the 1930s) on the screen. Like abandonment, the theme of nostalgia variation. Nostalgia is capable of almost infinite can be triggered by old items of clothing, or by a return to the scene of past loves —perhaps the bulin, the rented room usually reserved for by the advancing tide of progress. Often nostalgia is related to somber reflections on the sheer transitoriness of life, the inevitable attrition of time. Perhaps the most celebrated example of this recurring theme is the 1935 Carlos Gardel classic, "Volver" ("Return"), one of thíTbest-loved Latin American songs of the century clandestine love affairs, or the old barrio, being demolished and the one Remarkably, the same again, woven situations, the same stereotypes, turn into the fabric of innumerable tangos: street from the tango universe), cabaret mothers. Spanish language. that introduced catchphrases into the One could — obliquely eulogized in so to human types who pop- the virtuous mother, for instance, the vieja directly or many why there would you want them lamps (inseparable knife-wielding compadritos, virtuous say a great deal about the standard ulate the tango universe leader Aníbal Troilo girls, up time and Somebody once asked the great bandwere so many mothers in the tango. "Where else songs. be?" he replied. 2 In the tango universe the virtuous mother's children always go remorselessly to the bad. Her sons ruin themselves in expensive nightspots or in the world of crime and violence. Her daughters expose themselves to the delights of the cabaret and are fatally corrupted by rich young men or rich old men. There be noted here. The world of the cabarets — — is a second an interesting time common shift to setting for many was essentially a development of the 1920s. The rise of the was contemporary with the songs themselves, while the old arrabal was clearly receding into the past. The songs thus sometimes conflate two dis- tango lyrics cabaret tinct periods other. of urban history, although But there is many are firmly rooted in no reason for the tango universe to one or the be absolutely consistent 66 SIMON COLLIER in every respect. Its vision of Buenos Aires may be partial and highly selective, but the universe itself has definite internal rules and conventions. By the — 1930s and 1940s, nostalgic evocations of the good old barrio arrabal culture — times, with the repeated over and over again with a greater or lesser degree of skill. Homero Manzi cists, tion for instance, could pull becomes rather tedious. It may seem from the foregoing down side of the became more consciously stylized, almost self-caricaturing at same elements (street lamps, virtuous mothers, compadritos) life. the decay of the it Some lyri- off superbly; in others, repeti- that tango songs tend to emphasize the Betrayal in love, vengeance, the transitoriness of everything, good old barrio are omnipresent themes. Songs tell of disillu- sionment, cynicism, the feeling that despite whatever you manage to do, time will get you losophy. What emerges from these themes is a sort of tango phia rather stoical philosophy. The cards may be stacked against you in the end. It is one or two songs) but you do your best (literally in to carry on. "Don't you know," sings the protagonist of Francisco Canaro's tango "Sentimiento Gaucho" (1924), "don't you know that the condition of man is to suffer." There are a few comic tangos, a few nonsense tangos, and quite a few sarcastic or ironic The writer who most beautifully was undoubtedly Enrique Santos Discepolo, who wrote one of the finest single group of classics in the genre. Discepolo 's lyrics often express deep contempt for modern society, which has led many to consider them protest songs. They are not really. Contempt for society is underpinned in Discepolo by deep feelings of ambiguones, but the downbeat tone expressed the ity about down life itself. is nevertheless inescapable. side of emotions Modern society may be a mess, but he does not suggest most celebrated song, "Cambalache" (1935), his vision is rather hierarchical, even elitist. One of the things he complains about is the leveling process of the twentieth century: "Everyone is equal, nothpolitical remedies. Indeed, in his ing is better or mixed up in his worse" —crooks and heroes, sportsmen and saints ("Junkshop") Enrique Santos Discepolo (1935) el mundo fue y será una porquería, ya lo sé, el quinientos seis y en el dos mil también, que siempre ha habido chorros, maquiavelos, y estafados, contentos y amargados, valores y dublés, en pero que el siglo veinte es un despliegue de maldad insolente ya no hay quien no niegue: vivimos revolcados en un merengue y en un all tremendous image of the twentieth century as a junkshop. "Cambalache" Que — mismo lodo, todos manoseados. are THE TANGO AND THE BUENOS AIRES URBAN IDENTITY Hoy resulta que es mismo lo ser derecho que traidor ignorante, sabio, chorro, generoso o estafador. Todo lo es igual, nada es mejor, mismo un No burro que un gran profesor. hay aplázaos ni escalafón, los inmorales nos han igualado. Si uno vive en da lo la mismo que impostura, y otro roba en su ambición si es cura, colchonero, rey de bastos, caradura o polizón. ¡Qué de respeto! ¡qué atropello a falta la razón! Cualquiera es un señor, cualquiera es un ladrón. Mezclado con Stavisky va don Bosco y la Mignon, Don Chicho y Napoleón, Camera y San Martín. Igual que en la vidriera irrespetuosa de los cambalaches se ha mezclado la vida, y herida por un sable sin remache ves llorar la Biblia junto a un calefón. ¡Siglo veinte, cambalache, problemático y febril! Él que no llora no y él mama que no afana es un gil. Dale nomás, dale que va que No allá en el . . . horno nos vamos a encontrar. pienses más, sentáte a un lado, que a nadie importa Es lo mismo él si naciste honrado. que labura noche y día como un buey, los otros, que él que mata, que él que vive de que él que cura, o está fuera de la ley. The world has been and always will be It was in 506, and will be in 2000 too, there have always happy and a real mess, okay. been thieves, schemers, suckers, bitter folks, genuine things and fakes, but the twentieth century is a real display of mischief, and that nobody can deny. We all all live flattened out in a meringue-like mess, rumpled up Today it's the in the same same mud-patch. to be straight or treacherous, ignorant, wise, thieving, generous, a swindler. Everything's equal, nothing better or worse, a dummy's No failures the same as a great professor. any more, no proper scale of rewards, people without morals have got to the same level as us. Some live as impostors, others rob in their ambition; same to be a priest, a mattress -maker, King of Clubs, cheeky fellow, layabout. it's all the 67 . 68 SIMON COLLIER What a lack of respect! What an assault Anyone's a gentleman, anyone's a on reason! thief. Mixed up with Stavisky go Don Bosco and Mignon, Don Chicho and Napoleon, Camera and San Martin. Just like in the disrespectful windows of junkshops life has got all muddled up, and, half-wounded by a sword, you see the Bible weeping next to an old stove. Twentieth century, junkshop! Problem-filled, feverish! you don't whine, you don't drink, if you don't steal you're a fool. If Go on, We shall all go on . . meet up together Just stop thinking, sit down in the furnace. quietly to one side, nobody cares if you were born honest. It's the same for the guy who works like an ox all the guy who lives off others, the guy who kills, the guy who cures, the guy outside the law. day, Notes: Stavisky: Alexandre Stavisky, the villain in a famous French financial scandal, Don Bosco: la 1933-1934 St. John Bosco, founder of the Salesian Order Mignon: archetypal Don prostitute figure Chicho: Juan Galiffi, celebrated Buenos Aires underworld figure of the time Napoleon: Emperor of the French Camera: Primo Camera, heavyweight boxer of the 1930s San Martin: General José de San Martín, Argentina's national hero. [This recording: Hector Blotta (1938-1998) with his own guitar accompaniment, Medellin, Colombia, 1985.] I am not sure I can explain why the particular configuration of topics noted here came to occupy the predominant place in tango songs. may have been One reason which the tango song established itself as an overwhelmingly popular form, at a time when radio and the phonograph were transforming popular life in Argentina. The tango was not folklore: the sheer suddenness with was modern, urban, commercial popular music written for an apparently insatiable public. Once the first handful of songwriters had marked out the terit rain, their successors found it easy to fit into the established framework. It never occurred to anyone to break seriously with the prevailing conventions. So the tango song was what was stuck in a groove, albeit a rather magnificent groove. This the public responded to, and this Why the public responded to it is The was what the public got. a hopelessly difficult question to answer. key, perhaps, lies in the cosmopolitan nature of Buenos Aires, an THE TANGO AND THE BUENOS AIRES URBAN IDENTITY immigrant metropolis. Its 69 heterogeneous population turned away from the folk music of the countryside (music that was becoming popular between 1900 and 1920) toward something associated with the city itself, their city, and an imagined — some way world "a dubious, unreal world which in in his great there; the tango. if a past with links to the real partly fantasized city, but a city, poem on even The arrabales had is true," as Borges puts existed; the cabarets it were some of the stock characters of the tango universe had their counterparts in real life; the protagonists of at least a few songs were even based on real, identifiable individuals. In the end, the tango popular taste managed to acquire (at least until the 1950s) pretty its completely hegemonic role in much on its own terms, that is, the who made it, the musicians and the writers. Whether it really Buenos Aires, who can say? But Buenos Aires loved it, and so it terms of those reflected became, forever, an inescapable part of the Buenos Aires How tango? I does a researcher came to the diately that there identity. about studying a popular tradition like the set subject about twenty-five years ago and discovered imme- were no obvious guidelines. The tango did not (and does not) have an impressive research infrastructure students of country music. like that available, for instance, to The Country Music Foundation in Nashville, for example, holds extensive collections and resources and presents the best pos- model of what such an organization should be. In Buenos Aires, the Academia Porteña del Lunfardo, founded in 1962, has assembled a library, and hundreds of short "academic communications" from its members and supportsible have explored many aspects of the tango tradition and lunfardo, the distinctive Buenos Aires vocabulary so inseparably associated with it. More ers recently, the Academia Nacional del Tango, one of the seventeen official acad- emies of the Argentine Republic, has aspired to promote research, but very recent origin (1990), and its promise has yet to be fulfilled. it is of For serious research on tango, one must first become thoroughly immersed in (and conversant with) the tango tradition. As for the music, one can listen to recordings. discs and the vinyl collectors, of LPs whom Tangos have been recorded since 1902. The old 78 rpm that succeeded them are now largely the preserve of there are many. In the early 1980s multinational record companies and several independent labels like El Bandoneón in Spain and Har- lequin in England began to reissue historic tango recordings on compact disc. 3 good collections of the lyrics are available, 4 although they represent no more than the tip of the iceberg, given the tens of thousands Similarly, reasonably of lyrics known to have been written. Unfortunately, anthologies tend represent the classics despite the fact that the more to over- run-of-the-mill songs accounted for the majority of the pieces. There than there much body of basic literature on the tango available now was twenty-five years ago, and it includes some serious general is a larger accounts of tango history. 5 Much of the work, especially the older literature, 70 SIMON COLLIER tends to be anecdotal and uncritical. 6 The same can be some of the leading bandleaders, phies published by said of the autobiogra- singers, and songwriters, 7 although some useful biographies of such figures (of varying levels of serious- begun and more are certainly to be expected. There is also a considerable undergrowth of tango magazines; some of these serve the thousands of tango clubs around the world and are little more than bulletin boards, while others, though in no sense learned journals, publish ness) have to appear in recent years, 8 contributions useful to the researcher. 9 Again the tone is often anecdotal and uncritical, picturesque rather than analytical, but the researcher, after deter- mining what is useful and what Nor, of course, should we is not, neglect cannot afford to disregard these sources. work in related fields, studies that have a bearing on the tango tradition, such as literature on the social history of Buenos Aires, or local history studies of particular which are inspired As Buenos Aires barrios, many of by genuine antiquarian enthusiasm. for primary materials, they are extremely miscellaneous. Interviews with surviving musicians and dancers (such as those collected by anthropolo- Maria Susana Azzi) 10 are a potentially important source and often reveal a good deal about the distinctive culture that surrounded the tango in its golden gist age. Those who remember that period well are thinning out rather rapidly, commentaries need to be recorded before their tions are scarce mia Nacional and are mostly del Tango will repository remains to be seen. of all in the it is too late. and Archival collec- hands of collectors. Whether the Acade- be able Beyond to acquire such collections in a central these efforts, one of the richest sources can be found in the Buenos Aires press, which covered the tango exten- sively during golden age. This was especially true of popular newspapers its which ran from 1913 to 1963. In addition, popular music magazines like Radiolandia were effectively tango magazines during like Natalio Botana's Crítica, the golden age, and ficulties much information can be mined from their pages. The dif- of working with press reports are mostly practical: Miguel Angel Morena, who has labored nobly (and for virtually no reward) for the past twenty-five years to establish a detailed chronology of the career of Carlos Gardel, 11 has told and magazines me real horror stories of decimated back runs of newspapers in provincial Argentine libraries in particular. works with these sources must be prepared for considerable But it is worth it. Anyone who frustration. Popular traditions like the tango are part of the human human record, and their retrieval and study belong to history. Compared with many Latin American popular traditions, the tango has fared quite well at the hands of those who study it, but there is still much to be done. Thanks to the international revival of the tango as a dance record, a rather pleasant part of the since the 1980s, and the extraordinary international popularity of the music of composer Astor Piazzolla over the same period, there is every sign that this work will continue, just as the tango itself will continue. For, as Jorge Luis Borges puts it in his great poem: the avant-garde tango THE TANGO AND THE BUENOS AIRES URBAN IDENTITY Esa ráfaga, el tango, 71 esa diablura años desafía; los atareados hecho de polvo y tiempo el hombre dura menos que la liviana melodía. That flash of light, that devilry, the tango defies the overburdened years; man, made of dust and time, does not endure as long as the light melody. NOTES S. 1. Jorge Luis Borges, Obras completas (Buenos Aires, 1974), p. 164. 2. María Esther 3. The discography of the tango Gilio, Aníbal Pichuco Troilo: conversaciones (Buenos Aires, 1998). Nicolás Lefcovich in Buenos Aires, and is well advanced, thanks largely to the devoted labors of who has published discographies of scores of bandleaders singers. 4. For example, José Gobello, 1993-1996), Vol. Aires, 1997); Sareli, Tangos, letras y ed., letristas, with Jorge A. Bossio; Héctor Angel Benedetti, 1 Eduardo Romano, ed., Las letras del tango, 3d ed. ed., 6 vols. (Buenos Aires, Letras de tangos (Buenos (Buenos Aires, 1991); Jorge El libro mayor del tango (Mexico City, 1974). 5. For example, José Gobello 's beautifully written Crónica general del tango (Buenos Aires, 1980); Horacio Salas, El tango (Buenos Aires, 1980); (Buenos Aires, 1965); Simon ¡Tango! (London and Collier, New York, 1995); Horacio Ferrer, El siglo de oro del tango (Buenos Aires, 1996). For the important story of the tango in Paris, see Paris-Buenos Aires libro del tango, 2d (Paris, 1998). ed. Eduardo Stilman, Historia del tango Artemis Cooper, María Susana Azzi, and Richard Martin, Nardo Zalko, Un siècle de tango, A moderately reliable basic reference work is Horacio Ferrer, El (Buenos Aires, 1977). 6. For example, the multivolume Historia del tango, 19 vols. (Buenos Aires, 1976-1987). 7. Julio De Caro (bandleader), El tango en mis recuerdos (Buenos Aires 1964); Francisco Canaro (bandleader), Mis bodas de oro con Una (singer), luz el tango (Buenos Aires, 1957); Edmundo Rivero de almacén (Buenos Aires, 1982); Libertad Lamarque (singer), Autobiografía (Buenos Aires, 1986); Carlos Marambio Catán (singer-songwriter), 60 años de tango (Buenos Aires, 1973); Enrique 8. The Life, Cadícamo (songwriter), Bajo el signo de tango, 2d ed. (Buenos Aires, 1987). Sergio Pujol, Discépolo, una biografía argentina (Buenos Aires, 1997); Music and Times of Carlos Gardel Pugliese (Buenos Aires, 1990); Osvaldo J. (Pittsburgh, 1986); Simon Collier, Hamlet Lima Quintana, Osvaldo Sanguiao, Troilo (Buenos Aires, 1995); María Susana Azzi and Simon Collier, Le Grand Tango: The Life and Music of Astor Piazzolla (New York, 2000). in 9. For example, Club de Tango, Tango XXI, Tango y lunfardo, A puro tango Buenos Aires); Tango Reporter (Los Angeles, Spanish-language). 10. Antropología del tango: los protagonistas (Buenos Aires, 1991). Some (all published of the important interviews done by the brothers Luis and Héctor Bates in the mid- 1930s, previously unpublished, are now appearing in the magazine Club de Tango. 11. 1998). Miguel Angel Morena, Historia artística de Carlos Gardel, 4th ed. (Buenos Aires, The Body 7. as Vehicle of Political Identity in the Art of José Clemente Orozco Leonard Folgarait José Clemente Orozco, one of Mexico's most important mid twentieth century, is probably the best mural painters active in the 1920s, '30s, known and of the early to artists of the so-called Big Three two being Diego '40s, the other Rivera and David Alfaro Siqueiros. This essay examines a selection of images body —some drawings, some details of mural paintings human body theory. This interpretation of the — in the context of as an active agent of mean- ingful articulation in and of itself and in partnership with other approaches, whether purely formalist or determinedly contextualist, not limited to art his- but has widespread use in the humanities. tory, certainly, After review of the basic premises of body theory, to the art of is Orozco for the purpose of determining I attempt its application how the human body is con- structed to act as a politicized agent within the highly dramatic nature of ican history during and after Body theory reads the its Mex- convulsive Revolution of 1910. human body as it would a discursive text, that is, it deconstructs aspects of the body such as anatomy, gender, pose, attitude, gesture, action, scale, relation to a spatial setting, relations to other bodies, relation to the viewer, how it affects the given narrative of the image, its state of dress manner in which it is drawn, painted, or sculpted, among other such qualities. The point of this body analysis is to determine how much of the overall meaning of the image is carried by the physical body proper and or undress, and the all the we try to of its attributes and behavior. In terms of formal considerations, body as constructed thighbone, and how by intelligible relations, the those relations fit It is and society in which it was pro- not enough, however, to simply decode the pose and action of a body according to its formal that bodily expression to then makeup. What is most necessary is to argue for be fully invested with ideological purpose, with political intent to articulate the ests. to the into the visual language of not only the larger painting but also of the larger culture duced. hipbone connected see agenda of some party driven by political inter- We look at the body along with other features of a picture because we are convinced that the body carries these serious messages mostly at an uncon- scious level, planted there not programmatically by the artist or the patron, but carried in covertly, as it were, by the political dynamics 72 oí; the operative society THE BODY AS VEHICLE OF POLITICAL IDENTITY at large, a society of which both 73 and patron are members and the artist of which act out as unconscious consequences of their daily carries these subliminal has it to; it messages not only because Mareia Pointon has it is not aware that it is can but also because doing stated, "visual representations art historian, world. Let us see so. As the art historian of the body work metaphor- if 1 some psychoanalytic methods on the part analyzing not the artist, but rather the image and and how the images by Orozco bear its social this out. Probably the most curious and challenging image to consider entire body, but simply of the head, such as the the it and systematically to define and reinforce beliefs and social practices." Therefore, body theory also involves of the The body has no choice but to speak with eloquence to the issues of its time, and does so mostly because ically it lives. politics is not of the drawing for the cover page of newspaper Luí Vanguardia, for the issue of May 10, 1915. 2 The date, 1915, puts this drawing at the very center of the most violent phase of the fighting of Mexican Revolution, the period from 1913 to 1917. In 1915 there were many pitched battles between revolutionary and government forces and also between various factions of the revolutionary forces. In this drawing, the revthe olutionary camp years later would overpower represented is that of General Venustiano Carranza, his opponents who two and comrades and declare himself president of Mexico. In that case, the subtitle to this newspaper, "The Daily of what the Revolution," has to be seen in the context of several claims to exactly was at this time and who had the right to define it. The drawing by Orozco attempts to do just that, to define political the revolution identity by the device of a face and its particular presentation. Several observations ," need to be pointed out: the caption, "Yo soy la Revolución, la destructora . "I am the Revolution, the destroyer . . "; . the . . happy expression; the exagger- ated eyes; and the ax and knife crossed and superimposed over the side of the face. Apparently this head without a supporting body is speaking to us, identi- fying herself as an allegorical representation of the Revolution and warning of her destructiveness by word and by the display of the sharp-edged weapons. But this is not an entirely sensible image, is it? How can such a bright and perhaps even joyful expression be squared with the violence of the rest of the message? Are the ax and knife attached floating in space? to her head as ornaments or are they Why are the eyes so large? Why are the weapons not held by her hands, or any other hands? Such questions, piling up so quickly, suggest that this is an image logic of illogic the human is full of surrealistic rather than realistic suggestions, that the in play here. All of these issues are based on the language of body, such as the overly large eyes, but also on the paradox of the meaning of the body as an absent body, such as her own missing body and the missing hands implied by the floating weapons. But even then, by calling these implements weapons we imply a body in violent conflict, when perhaps they can just as easily be read as tools of construction, farming, changing raw 74 LEONARD FOLGARAIT materials into useful objects for everyday ming a leather hide. wood such as chopping life, So the missing bodies may be engaged or trim- in nonviolent, domestic actions. The body, then, in its bizarre presentation here, in both its presence and absence, begins to dissolve as a coherent entity of presentation. It begins to deconstruct any meaningful definition of its stated purpose, to be the visual representation of the Revolution, to be the Revolution But perhaps we are seeing itself. only from one side of the lens. Perhaps this these qualities of incoherence capture the second part of the caption, "I destroyer." What this image suggests with its itself; it we do is not only buildings and bridges and destroys the mechanics by which we am the surreal presentation is that the Revolution cannot be explained adequately in any terms lution destroys all at all; human what the Revo- lives but understand what meaning we do and why it. With this image the viewer does not know what whether to cut down a tree or split the skull of a is to be done with the ax, government soldier. Are these weapons? The woman herself is given the heavy, dark, eye makeup that Orozco typically put on the faces of prostitutes to suggest that if the Revolution tools or is a prostitute, then she offers no intellectual engagement with the purposes of no ideological justification for the fighting. She offers pure empty of content. She offers the Revolution as a commodity, bought for a bodily experience. But even then, the absence of her body is quite telling, as most of the functional anatomy of the prostitute is missing, making this an empty lure. So the tools or weapons cannot be used, she cannot be used, so what happens now? The other side of the lens may suggest that this mismatch of conthe Revolution, physicality, nections, this lure toward emptiness of behavior and meaning, will take the no longer apply, either chaos or new rules will have to be invented, devised, in a moment and space that has been opened up by this chaos and that can be called revolutionary, where a new form of con- viewer to a place where, sciousness and the rules can be forged. life moment been destroyed, we can Maybe, has if either in this weapons or of revolutionary possibility where the status quo decide on our tools, or both, that their sharp their multiplication of meaning is a the eyes are supernaturally large maybe own to grab these implements as edges can cut two ways, that moment of political emancipation. Maybe due to this new enlightenment, this new — happy because she has lost her body as commodity and can now invent a new one, one not for exploitation. This image is about disconnectedness because that is the necessary condition before new connections can be made. All this has been articulated not by vision; the prostitute is — by a political manifesto, but where even the by the human body in a peculiar state of flux and inanimate objects represent bodies in different ways. This is an image of a landscape painting or an architectural setting, not redefinition, THE BODY AS VEHICLE OF POLITICAL IDENTITY revolution at a time when the term itself 75 was in a constant state of redefinition, comments about the historical context. A novel published that same year, 1915, titled The Underdogs: A Novel of the Mexican Revolution, by Mariano Azuela, 3 expresses this condition in a much-quoted piece of dialogue. The main protagonist, a peasant turned revoas suggested above lutionary soldier in the by force of circumstance, that very of the unstable political identities of the time, continues to fight, this as a way change in status speaking asked by a comrade is of asking what the Revolution is, to why he which he answers mutely but eloquently by pitching a stone into a ravine and remarking, " 4 "Look at that stone, how it keeps on going. The stone, of course, will follow its own erratic course, pulled by gravity, bouncing off rocks, landing who knows where. It is propelled by a human body but then assumes its own chaotic logic and destiny, where anything can happen, where any meaning can assert itself. The falling stone is like this image. Why was Orozco so conscious of the body? Maybe because he himself was deformed, having lost his left hand in a childhood accident involving . . . explosives. In several other drawings of this time he exploits the potential of the body, sometimes One in the style of caricature. is especially telling, believe, because of the mistake indicated, that the cubist painting first on display misread as being a "nude descending a staircase," when actually it is I is a "microbe drinking beer with the ideal comic." 5 The fact that those cubes could possibly be mistaken as a body, and that his cruel joke on these effete and managed by the anatomical distortions, shows humor, Orozco treats the body with great seriousness. ridiculous characters even in Turning now is mural paintings, to Orozco's I will discuss that, two examples, both in the city of Guadalajara. One picio painting, titled Man Flames, located inside the dome of the Hos- Cabanas (Cabanas orphanage), early biography of the artist Man in in Flames in is titled is so quintessentially Orozcian that an Man of Fire: J. C. Orozco. Orozco painted 1939 as part of a complex program occupying much of the upper interior wall and ceiling surfaces of this large building. 7 our purposes here to indicate that human figures who much of this project is It is enough for devoted to allegorical represent the four elements, of which one is fire. It seems Orozco was in a deeply philosophical and meditative state at this time and depended upon strongly symbolic concepts to carry the meanings of these that images. Neither the nor and scholars, however, have given us a concrete explanation of the painting's meaning. We do not even know what, precisely, "the main in flames" is doing or what he represents. Because of artist critics odd lack of explanatory context, the figure comes across most strongly as a purely visual image, and what a strange one it is. The figure is most apparently on fire, but the longer we look, it seems that it is perhaps better this described as being made of fire; rather than expiring and in doing so changing from the material of flesh and bone to ash, it remains in its constant 76 LEONARD FOLGARAIT To look material of flames. at a body not made of human tissue is to begin to consider an alien being, familiar in overall shape, but a foreigner in material, in content, and perhaps in consciousness. What he doing? is Is he dead or alive? What is he thinking? Do any of these questions apply to a being who has so few human qualities? All of these questions arise because Orozco denies this body (even that word resonates with doubt; perhaps "shape" grounding, whether literal or figurative. There orient the direction of the figure, me image most shift clearly, The appropriate) any no ground or horizon line to the question of whether the figure is is completely unanswerable. to another body, that of the viewer. In order to see this one needs to stand directly below the dome, with the head on the viewer's body is to lose sight of one's immedisurroundings of ground support and horizontal orientation. By looking cast far back. ate now more and although the flames suggest constant movement across the surface of the shape, in movement or not, floating or flying up, Let is is we straight up, effect are detached from our normal sense of belonging to our body The eye becomes detached from the body and reattached by an invisible cord to the zenith of the dome. So the two bodies are caught up in a choreography of weightlessness and dematerialization. This dynamic cannot be captured by looking at a reproduction on a flat page. The in-person viewing itself. experience is brought down to, or elevated to, one of pure, abstract essence, of a visual connection to a fantastic vision unmediated by a sense of real bodies, ours or his, or real space or gravity or any sense of the laws of the natural world. The main point here is that the effects I am describing, of the dissolving and disembodiment of the bodies of both flaming man and viewer, are made possible only by the particular position of the painted image, best seen by a viewer directly underneath. Those very exact requirements stage a process of transformation by which the viewer, eventually body because of the aged state made very aware of her of discomfort in peering straight up, to figuratively leave that strained consciousness up toward the dome to is or his then encour- pose and propel his or her vision and hover below that flaming man. would propose, in the briefest terms possible, that we are witnessing politics becoming spiritualized. Whatever causes that drive the flesh-and-blood human walking on the ground are here evaporating into the sheer ecstasy of a magical vision of the soul purified by flames in an extra- worldly place. All of this sounds rather cosmic, but it closely parallels Orozco 's own disaffection, by the 1930s, with the founding principles of the Mexican Revolution. He had seen too much corruption and selfishness at the highest levels of government and had reached a point past disillusionment and embitterment in regard to the earthly struggles of his fellow Mexicans. What the flaming man looks like and how the viewer's body So what does all this have to do with political identity? engages with him are symptoms of a wish to the abstract. flee the I world of the concrete into THE BODY AS VEHICLE OF POLITICAL IDENTITY The other major figure 77 Orozco paints in Guadalajara, also in 1939, this time for the staircase of the state government palace, is sized portrait of Father Hidalgo, the great leader of the movement of Indepen- dence from Spain a century earlier. 8 Here again the quasi-mythical image above the viewer, the flames present holds ready to Yes, this strike. is a dramatically over- floats time on the edge of a machete he this a historical figure, but not of the Revolution- from a period safe in the distant past, a period marked by leaders of unquestioned heroism and sacrifice, so different from the opporary period. Hidalgo is With these images, Orozco disengages from the here and tunists of the 1930s. now and uses his depicted bodies to portray a political identity of profoundly negative criticism of the conditions at that time. The last section my have taken in States. Research on Orozco's mural paintings research on in Mexico is Mexican murals is related to the approach Mexico and in an experience in paradox. newspapers and journals of the 1920s through 1940s are the major libraries and archives. On complete, nor are they indexed, so and at friendly, but On the United one hand, fairly well collected in the other hand, these runs are never quite it is still countless pages to find useful items. in the I The a matter of leafing carefully through library staff is generally well trained overworked. This leads to long lines (seething mobs, really) counters and long waits for the materials. The copy machines also tend to be cranky and poorly maintained. Mexican scholars often remark on how much more efficiently they are able to conduct their research (on Mexican topics) in the United States than in Mexico. This because certain major libraries in the United States collect is Mexican newspapers and journals on microfilm and developing complete runs. The same Mexico lections fall short of those in is is are quite aggressive in true for books. in Where American col- ephemera, such as pamphlets and art are vital to my work, I have found the photo archives in Mexico City, especially those administered by photographs. Since photographs of works of visual the National Institute of Fine Arts (Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes), com- prehensive and of excellent visual quality. In general, I have not encountered insurmountable problems access to materials. ment in Mexican Owing to a supportive policy in regard to toward collection develop- studies in all disciplines at Vanderbilt University, the resourcefulness of our bibliographers, and the efficiency of our Interlibrary Loan Office, I can do the bulk of my research here, with short trips to the His- panic Division of the Library of Congress, the collections at the University of Texas at Austin and at UCLA, recall a single instance of a some detective and with longer visits to Mexico City. I major item not becoming accessible to work and some do not me with patience. do wish, however, that a major American collection, perhaps the Library of Congress, would contract with the Mexican collections to share photographic I 78 LEONARD FOLGAR AIT by making the Mexican collections available online, on microfilm, or through some other medium that would offer easy access from this side of the border. This arrangement would be especially helpful to the scholar of mural paintings, as these works are much more difficult to photograph than easel paintings, for instance. I had to take many of my own photographs of resources, these dimly lit paintings and, being an amateur rather than a professional pho- tographer, captured only adequate representations at best. These limitations hamper study and presentations of arguments because so much depends on bringing the listener or reader as close as possible to the in-person experience of seeing these paintings. How I became images interested in body theory and began applying may have some bearing here. it to visual Since the academic enterprise, especially becoming more and more interdisciplinary, it would librarians to regularly browse what their colleagues in in the humanities, is behoove art history related disciplines are ordering, especially in disciplines such as literature, history, philosophy, psychology, sociology, linguistics, and political science. Area studies, such as women's studies, are wonderful grounds for disciplines to cross over and encounter each other. Especially in terms of studies of the body, began to search out disciplines listed gender studies and especially feminist methodologies in the above because most of the progressive work conducted by feminists of both genders. Academic feminism has the intellectual site I now being now become is where the most radical and constructive rethinking The body, taken is going by feminists, is making us look at it anew and at its powers of revelation; it is where the struggle for powers of different sorts takes place, where politics might show its full hand, so to speak, where it canon. seriously not or does not elsewhere. am an art historian who consults other art historians almost not at all. This is not done to further an agenda. On the contrary, I am caught by surprise when I peruse the endnotes to my own Purely by training and by circumstance, I writing and notice the almost exclusive extradisciplinary references I have made this personal digression to suggest that perhaps it is I make. neither so per- sonal or unusual to engage in this sort of widening intellectual horizon today. The best way for libraries to serve cross-reference and style. I keyword systems was intrigued me well today is to continue devising that are sensitive to to hear that Microsoft has recently my sort of research bought software that allows online retailers of reading and musical materials to develop profiles of their customers in terms of either narrowly or broadly defined own profile and tastes; a cus- program presents a tailored menu of choices that such an individual would otherwise miss. I do worry about the political implications of such software; it might limit us to its choices tomer inputs characteristics of her the and would discourage those wonderful, random finds that unstructured browsing can produce, but to I am willing to take that risk because I would still continue conduct those nonelectronic searches. 79 THE BODY AS VEHICLE OF POLITICAL IDENTITY What librarianship can best do to help a scholar of my inclinations improve the keyword search software by better understanding who searching. Vanderbilt has a service called is is to doing the UnCover Reveal, an automated alert service that sends tables of contents of selected periodicals to e-mail addresses. With customized search strategies, this service notifies users of the latest articles on selected topics. A system that allows a researcher and a librarian to customize searches in this manner, and that also incorporates constant, automatic searches to save and send titles regularly to such a user, would not only save researchers time but would also bring important titles to the attention of a wider audience and into the hands of specialists. Either way, more material would get read and all new work would build more on available knowledge, not only building the knowledge base, but advancing the sophistication of methodologies and new explanations of familiar issues. perhaps, would be the development of more new The most exciting development, we issues. That, certainly need of. NOTES 1. In Mareia Pointon and Kathleen Adler, eds., The Visual Culture Since the Renaissance (Cambridge, Body Imaged: The Human Form and UK: Cambridge University Press, 1993), frontispiece. 2. lajara: City: For an illustration, see Clemente Orozco Vallardes, Orozco, verdad cronológica (Guada- Universidad de Guadalajara, 1983), 3. Translated by E. Mungia, 4. Azuela, 5. Illustrated in 'Saínete, Jr. p. 70. (New York: 6. By MacKinley Helm 7. For an drama y Instituto barbarie,' Centenario J. C. Orozco, Nacional de Bellas Artes, 1983), (Westport, CT: illustration, see Desmond Greenwood illustration, see 1883-1983 (Mexico p. 56. Press, 1953). Rochfort, The Mexican Muralists: Orozco, Rivera, Siqueiros (London: Laurance King, 1993), p. 118. For an 1962). p. 147. Museo Nacional de Arte, 8. New American Library, Rochfort, p. 142. 8. Identity, Pan, Parang, and Chutney: Music, and Popular Cultural Forms in Trinidad and Tobago Kathleen Helenese-Paul Pan, parang, and chutney are three highly dynamic musical cultural forms that have found expression in the island of Trinidad cal and cultural space, but even as they have and Tobago. All vie for musi- in recent times crossed over and transcended class and ethnic barriers, each was spawned in a particular folk/cultural milieu, with roots lying elsewhere: steelpan in Africa, parang in Spain/Venezuela, and chutney in India. Although this paper does not set out to present a comparative analysis, comparisons can be between the birth of these folk cultures This paper first and their made and similarities noted development. looks briefly at the historical evolution of each form, then discusses the innovations, interchange, and syncretization between the art forms, and concludes by examining how this rich musical heritage is being documented. Methodology A small purposive sample was drawn from musicologists, lecturers, ethnomusicologists, steelband arrangers, and cultural researchers in an effort to solicit a form information on that how would lend of the West Indies, St. examined here was being documented in acquisition by The Main Library, the University the music itself to Augustine. A shelf check of monographs was conducted in order to determine the library's holdings in at the St. Augustine library each area. In an attempt to deter- what extent the music was being electronically recorded, data were also secured by use of the catalogs or verbal reports of music producers and dis- mine to tributors in order to get in some idea of the level of production of recorded music each of the three areas. Using the Yellow Pages of the local telephone direc- tory, nine of the recording studios were contacted, but catalogs were received from one of the three. Six of the largest retail houses were contacted, but data in the form of an inventory were received from only one, since the others did not have catalogs or printed inventories of stock received. For a larger study, these shortages would from only three, with a verbal report via the telephone have been a disadvantage, but apart from highlighting the setbacks «n to research, PAN, PARANG, AND CHUTNEY and for the purpose of some idea of the 81 this project, enough information was gathered to give current recording status in each of the areas examined. Limitations Time did not allow for visits to individual recording studios of distribut- ing houses nor for visits to other major libraries such as the Heritage Library to Augustine library was examined both with respect to textual documentation and recordings. Radio stations, a very valuable source for ascertaining the volume determine their holdings. This meant that only the collection at the St. of recorded music on master tapes, were also not visited. Regrettably, the "home" of pan, Pan Trinbago, burned to the ground in a fire on the morning of Monday, May 17, 1999. It is understood that they held the score sheets for many of the steelband competitions that took place under their auspices over Music Festival; and photographs, trophies, and other primary material such as invitations and flyers for events extending the years; the music scores for the back over several years. Had these materials had been deposited St. Augustine library, the story would have been different today. at the Pan Music Music's power to evoke time and place, its vidual experience and a representation of emotive force as both an indi- community fellowship, make it a preeminent symbol for collectivities such as nations, ethnic groups and subcultures. The supposed timelessness of musical traditions, coupled with a mythical belief in the uniqueness of a given musical expression can lead to musical forms being deemed representations of the genuine essence identity —of particular groups. symbol or tradition — the But claims for the purity of music or any are unfounded. Neither identities nor traditions are static. Both change with changing circumstances and with the continuous inter- action of peoples. 1 Born out of urban poverty and identified mainly with Afro-Trinidadians, pan music, or steelband or steelpan music, is inextricably linked with carnival and calypso. Carnival evolved during the nineteenth century along with the music that fueled it, and although pan music is now played all over the world, it is indigenous to Trinidad and Tobago and lays claim to the fact that these instruments are the only new percussion musical instruments invented in the twentieth century. Its sociohistorical evolution can be roughly divided into three periods: 1783-1881, 1881-1900, and 1900 to the early 1930s. For many years after emancipation in 1838, Africans celebrated the anniversary of their freedom by organizing bands and marching in the streets. This pageant was called Cannes Brulées in memory of the burning of the canes in slavery days and comprised roving bands of stickfighters accompanied by African drumming and the 82 KATHLEEN HELENESE-PAUL accompany stickfighting). This commemoration was eventually brought into the Mardi Gras, which the French celebrated on the island from Christmas to Ash Wednesday. White rulers resented this intrusion and sought to suppress it. Matters came to a head when in 1881 the police took to the streets to stop the bands, a riot ensued, and by 1884 a new ordinance was enforced which restricted the size of the bands and singing of Kalinda songs (songs or chants to outlawed the use of the African drum. new way of making music, the Africans turned to tamboo bamboo, that is, varying lengths of bamboo which were either knocked together or struck on the ground to make sounds of Forced to become innovative in order to find a varying pitch. These were used as the musical accompaniment of the bands at carnival time and were in existence in the 1920s and well into the early 1930s. Many and varied are the oral accounts from pioneers and enthusiasts alike bamboo we know of the person or persons responsible for the evolution from the tamboo instruments to the steel drum. Suffice it it to say that the instrument as today emerged from the beating of metal (any piece of metal), biscuit tins, dustbin covers, in an attempt to produce a rhythmic percussive sound to accom- pany the band. By the oil late 1930s and early 1940s discarded oil drums from the industry began to be used and eventually developed into the steel instruments we know drum today. In summary, then, the steelband, with a centuries-old tradition preserved through oral accounts and collective memory, was used by the unemployed and the outcasts of society to forge a sense of identity in a socially hostile environ- ment fraught with social deprivation. J. D. Elder, commenting on Simmons 's analysis of the history of steelband, states that he without uncertainty, strung out steelband as the stretching backwards for centuries into the (Simmons) had latest link in a cultural chain dim past of primitive music, rich with the voices of the African drums in the night, snatched up along with unsuspecting natives from the Gold Coast, the Ivory Coast, from Angola and Congo littoral swamps. Captivated, these ancestors were brought to a new land to undergo pressures towards cultural change, but the musical the instruments retained their basic percussional character though changing in form — skin drum, dustbin and finally steeldrum through centuries of human — in unbroken continuity struggle for freedom to sing, dance, and "play masque." 2 With the passage of time, the steelband began to be gradually accepted as a grassroots cultural form of the masses, and by the 1960s it began to receive government support as it was seen as the means of forging national identity. As Elder put ular ture it, "the demonstration at State level of the admission that Trinidad pop- music and music . . . festivals are elements in a high order in the national cul- has also elevated the total folk cultural complex to a status never in the past. Folklore in all its forms has suddenly attained an attractive known status." 3 PAN, PARANG, 83 AND CHUTNEY Innovation, Integration, As pan became lines, although it and Syncretization institutionalized, has remained began it embedded in and ethnic to cut across class grassroot communities. According to Stuempfle: For many Trinidadians the steelband scends ethnic heritage. . . . Though is an indigenous creation that tran- was it originally developed by Afro- Trinidadians and was most firmly rooted in Afro-Trinidadian folk music, the scope of the music was expanded to encompass other cultural traditions, and some members of other ment. Many people, a unique local art ethnic groups eventually participated in the move- regardless of ethnic background, conceive of the pan as form and central symbol of national identity. 4 In 1992, however, the declaration of pan as the national musical instrument was met by a huge outcry from the Indo-Trinidadian community which opposed this move. Among the arguments they put forward was that pan was a symbol of Afro-Trinidadian culture and that aspects of Indian culture should be equally promoted, and that the harmonium as an Indian musical instrument should be equally treated. Nevertheless, the Indo-Trinidadian participates to quite a large degree in carnival and to a somewhat lesser extent plays pan music. no doubt that Trinidad and Tobago is the home of pan, carnival, and calypso and that they are indeed sources of fusion in multifaceted, multicultural Trinidad and Tobago, a point that Weslynne Ashton summarizes well: "In Trinidad and Tobago, while it is true for a large number of people, we have There is forged a unique culture and identity. Where ian descent singing chutney soca, or classical is entirely our you find someone of Syr- someone of Indian descent conducting music on a steelpan orchestra? created an identity that else can We own." have blended our differences and 5 Documentation The documentation of pan music spectives — is examined here from two main per- the written, or textual, and the electronic recording of the music. Textual documentation takes the following forms: monographs including theses, discographies, oral history transcripts (transcripts Oral History Programme ects submitted by at the library), of tape recordings of the and Caribbean Studies Projects (proj- final-year students in the Faculty of Arts and Humanities). medium, the most common forms are audio cassettes, video cassettes, compact discs, record albums, and tracks or tapes done either in a recording studio or by the radio station. The textual holdings at the St. Augustine library included: 59 monographs on the steelpan, 24 Caribbean Studies Projects, 2 oral history transcripts, and With regard 1 to the recorded discography. settes, Among the recordings were 20 audio cassettes, 13 video cas- 21 long-playing albums, and 5 compact discs. Since journal articles were not included, these figures represent a fair amount of documentation. 84 KATHLEEN HELENESE-PAUL There this area. is consensus in some quarters about the need for more research in Erin Ryan, an American graduate student in ethnomusicology, echoes the sentiments of the Sparrow's calypso, "Document de Pan," when she states pan research derive from not only the desire to document and explore the whos, whats, wheres and hows of the steelband movethat "Trinidadian calls for ment, but also from a collective desire to acknowledge the national and cultural importance of pan by committing Trinbagonian resources to the undertaking of such a project, preferably by other Trinbagonians." 6 Ryan also laments the fact that "individuals lack the financial means or educational access large-scale ethnomusicological documentation of the steelband to carry out movement. However, foreigners from economically privileged nations ... are able to afford the luxury of graduate and professional research into pan in Trinidad." 7 The introduction to Play Mr Pannist Play, which includes a transcription, by American researcher Dr. Jeannine Remy, of a tune composed for pan, states that "Since 1989, Remy had been the recipient of several grants to continue her research on Trinidadian music [and that the] score was made possible by a grant award from Idaho State University Faculty Research committee and the Idaho Commission on the Arts." 8 Both Play Mr Pannist Play and Ryan's ana Collection efit at the St. Augustine library. thesis are housed in the West Indi- While we are able to derive the ben- of having the research done through the largesse of the metrópole, it do more of it ourselves. monographs held in the West The situation is not altogether bleak. The 59 Indiana section of the library include many by our own pan innovators, published personal accounts, descriptive overviews, studies on the characteristics of pan, scientific analyses, and texts on how to play the instrument. supports Remy's observation of the need RECORDED DOCUMENTATION Catalogs from recording for us to studios and distributors were examined to assess pan music. One of these belonged to the Sanch label produced by Sanch Electronix Limited, owned and operated by Simeon Sandiford, who stated that he has in stock more than 500 hours of digitally recorded pan music. 9 The catalog showed that 36 cassette recordings have been produced so far. Many of these have been released on the the current scene in the recording industry for Panyard Series because they were recorded at the panyards while the steel- bands were rehearsing for the Panorama competition. Fourteen compact discs of his music were produced in conjunction with Delos International of Califor- which also distributes them in the North American market. Five more compact discs were produced on other foreign labels. According to Sandiford, 1999 is the first year he has produced all of the tunes played at the Panorama competition. Even so, he is the first to produce a compact disc of pan music in conjunction with Delos International. This corroborates a statement by Pat Bishop, musicologist, arranger, and conductor of The Lydian Singers, one nia, U.S.A., PAN, PARANG, AND CHUTNEY 85 of the foremost chorales in Trinidad, that only the electronic media can save pan music. 10 The other catalogs acquired did not list any pan music. A discography that proved very useful in verifying the state of documen- pan music was Forty Years of Steel: An Annotated Discography of Steelband and Pan Recordings, 1951-1991, by Jeffrey Thomas. This discogratation of phy represented "commercially available recordings of steelbands of any size and also any commercial recording on which one or more and configuration 11 steel pans were featured and /or used in an accompanying role." The discography highlights the fact that two of Trinidad and Tobago's major local radio stations the National Broadcasting Service of Trinidad and Tobago (NBS 610 Radio, now part of the International Communications Network I.C.N, group of companies) and Radio Trinidad are great repositories of pan music, but that 18 of the audio cassettes listed are also in the Sanch catalog, as are 4 of the compact discs, 2 on the Delos label, and 1 long-playing album. Of the 776 recordings listed, approximately 336 were housed at the National Broadcasting Service (NBS) and 154 at Radio Trinidad. Most of the . . . — — recordings included in the count noted Trinidad as the geographic location of origin. Others not thus designated the local radio stations. were selected because they were housed Thomas found at 15 record albums in the audio-visual collection at St. Augustine library, but a recent check revealed that the library held 21 albums of pan music. SCORING AS DOCUMENTATION One ing, since area of major significance in the documentation of pan music it is scor- provides a format for acquisition, storing, and eventual retrieval. This was an important topic to be covered in interviews. The findings were corrobo- rated in the debate between the oral transmission of the music to the pannist, versus, according to instrument, that Ryan, one of the common-sense notions of a modern musical it is affiliated with "transcribed, published or reproduced scores for the transmission of written ideas." 12 The fact that few pannists read music creates a difficult situation for composers. They do not produce scores because of the widespread absence of music literacy. The lack of scores limits the amount of documentation for research, acquisition, and posterity. According to Remy, "The aural transmission of parts is the panmen's learning process. Requiring them to read written music would slow down the whole learning process and would inhibit them and keep them away from the pan yards." 13 However, in reference to the Panorama tune "Life's Too Short" by composer and arranger Ray Holman, which Remy transcribed, done before. This score edge of authentic ans like print." eral 14 steel she states, "This type of documentation has never been is valuable to scholars drum Ray Holman who However, arranging. This score said he in the recent past community have who want would is to further their knowl- also valuable to Trinidadi- like to see his music preserved in many individuals and pan schools in the gen- tried to address this situation. 86 KATHLEEN HELENESE-PAUL One such effort occurred the Twentieth Century: on May 22, 1999, at "Panorama Champions of A Tribute to Excellence," a conceit that brought together eleven of the Panorama champions of the event's thirty-seven-year history to play their winning tunes. The brochure that accompanied the program contained the following statement: As we approach the end of the 20th century, it is fitting that an event such as be staged, not only as a tribute to excellence, but also to create an oppor- this music that would be lost would be achieved via the production of a CD tunity to capture for the cultural archives unscored to our future generations. This that This would undoubtedly be a collector's item further evidence of the unscored is second to none. 15 music of our principal cultural resource and of the crucial part played by the electronic media in its documentation. Following are some of the comments from individuals interviewed on the debate over the value of scoring versus oral transmission. According to Pat Bishop, conductor of The Lydian Singers, "The concept of the idea for the music changes between times. Therefore head to hands. They are still it is difficult to score ... and the mechanisms preliterate it to put goes from music into systems for retrieval are not in place. Only the electronic media can save us." 16 Clive Bradley, a leading arranger 1999 Panorama competition who said, "It is led Desperadoes to victory in the time consuming. I keep the scores in my head." 17 A leading Gideon Máxime, spoke of the need for a combination of the two concepts of literacy and the "grassroots experience" and said that "the gut feeling of having lived the occasion would assist him [the cultural researcher, pannist] at a higher level." 18 two of the interviewees spoke of the enormous cost of transcribing the music with little or no return. The music is seasonal, most of it being At least at the Panorama competition. It would not be sufficient to support the produced in relation to carnival and climaxing was felt that low demand and poor sales industry. As Satanand Sharma, of the West Indies, music of a versities rival St. lecturer at the Creative Arts Centre of the University Augustine, explained, "Who would want to play the band anyway? The demand would probably come from abroad but not locally." uni- 19 "Pan Is Beautiful," where the emphasis is on classical music, Pat Bishop again noted that "classical pan poses some very special challenges. The players do not read music ... the arranger must therefore transpose, transcribe, and condense a symphonic score and teach it by Speaking about another pan rote. . . . The only lifetime." 20 solution is festival, musical literacy which will not occur in my PAN, PARANG, 87 AND CHUTNEY that there are some arrangers capable of scoring the music. Eddie Wade, proprietor of Eddie Wade Thus the debate continues. must be borne It in mind Music Scores Ltd. and part-time lecturer at the Creative Arts Centre, explains that while there are no consistent arrangements in place for the scoring of Panorama tunes, test pieces for the "Pan Is Beautiful" festival are scored and usually held at the office of Pan Trinbago and/or kept by some of the judges. He himself scored music, but only on demand because of the time and cost involved. 21 On November 27, 1990, The Trinidad and Tobago Methanol Company Limited (TTMC) "embarked on a joint venture project with Pan Trinbago to publish the scores of outstanding steelband arrangements from the 1991 TTMC Panorama competition. launched this project in an effort to preserve steelband music, to improve the literacy of today's pan players and band music available internationally. The make steel- written preservation of this music an important step in the overall growth and development of the art form." is 22 was repeated through the collaboration of Major & Minor Productions, MultiMedia Limited, and Panyard Inc., an American-based company. This cooperation took place between 1991 and 1994 and, despite the difficulties surrounding the scoring of pan music, showed that indiIn subsequent years this project vidual effort and corporate sponsorship can help assure that scoring takes place, thus contributing to the at the library locally body of documentation. Eight of the scores are housed of the Creative Arts Centre, attesting to the effort to acquire produced material. Foremost in the arena of forging the University of the West Indies. pan literacy is the Creative Arts Centre at The Centre offers a Certificate in Music (Pan) and the B.A. degree in Musical Arts. According to Satanand Sharma, lecturer, pan arranger, and conductor at the Centre, and write music. Thus, a body of scores is all students are taught to read being built which allows for the teaching of pan music in schools. Another lecturer at the Centre, Mervyn Williams, explained that "Students at the Centre are taught to read, write, com- pose and arrange music, with the 'ethno' part of nent, since the steelband it being an important compo- movement is looked upon as a music culture, and that 23 more than a humanly organized sound and instrumentation." Apart from the curriculum noted above, each student is required to complete a research project which is kept at the Centre's library. Eleven such projects have been done on the steelband, two of which deal specifically with the it is scoring of pan music. It is also interesting to note that in the process of teach- ing pan theory and practice, the Centre is producing scored pan music which used widely by teachers in the schools. The Centre body is also now the examining pan music, providing graded pan examinations which are used other islands of the Caribbean such as St. Lucia and St.Vincent. 24 for is in KATHLEEN HELENESE-PAUL 88 Commercial Base Considering documentation in a global perspective, tion Panyard to important to men- and consistent producer of music sheets of scored Inc., a prolific pan music. In contrast to the one-time Methanol is it is Project, part of their operations produce these sheets thereby providing a constant source of pan music. Since 1994 and its involvement in Trinidad with the Methanol Project, Pan- shows that the company has transcribed at least half a dozen sheets of Panorama music. It would perhaps be worthwhile for the University yard's catalog library or the Creative Arts Centre to begin purchasing this resource. This pro- posal brings up once again the issue of inadequate financial and human resources to do this ourselves and the need to turn to the foreign market to pur- chase at whatever price it sets. Apart from sheet music for Panorama arrangements, Panyard tises 1998 Pan Ramajay com- catalog advertises at least 10 printed arrangements for the petition, another Inc.'s premier steelband competition, while the 1997 catalog adver- 17 compact discs of pan music, 8 cassette recordings (also listed in the Sanch catalog), and steelband recordings from all over the United States of music produced by school, university, and other steelband Remy fraternities. again remarks that her transcription of the Panorama tune "Life's Too Short" was performed in the United States in the fall of 1989 by the Uni- versity of Arizona Steel Band, the first college group to perform a complete Panorama composition from beginning to end. 25 This reinforces Sharma's prediction that the demand for our scored music would most likely come from universities abroad. The evidence therefore points to a need for us in Trinidad and Tobago, and by extension the Caribbean, to do more of the work ourselves. authentic Trinidadian International Scene "Japanese to Stage World Panorama" screamed the headlines of the Express newspaper of Friday, April 16, 1999, when Patrick Arnold, president of Pan Trinbago, said, "Pan Trinbago fears that the announcement by a Japanese producer about his plans to host a Steelband Panorama Competition next year may signal the world leader in ity when he which Trinidad and Tobago was considered the steelband affairs." He showed that this trend was already a real- end of an era in noted, "Already in North America, with Ellie (Mannette) turning out tunes like crazy at West Virginia University, and customers saying that you cannot tell the difference Arnold rationalized between their pans and ours." 26 that fears about the internationalization of pan were not unfounded especially since Panyard Inc. had recently boasted that there was now no discernible difference between the pans that their former Trinidadian 27 tuner Ronald Harrigin produced and those of the American tuners. PAN, PARANG, 89 AND CHUTNEY Selwyn Tarradath also alluded others were taking full advantage: Northern Illinois University music professor, but steelband majors. thesis there is to the vast not only appointed Cliff Alexis as an associate the first university to offer a music degree to Our own Harold Headley recently completed his Master's on a scholarship from the University have Trinidadian panmen on sities commercial potential of which Desperadoes man, is . their faculties. . . other American univer- Leonard Moses, a former a professor of percussion studies at the University of Pennsylvania, while Orville Wright the head of a department at the is famous Berkeley College of Music, Boston. 28 While beyond the scope of this paper, an analysis of the implications of the internationalization of pan music and its teaching and documentation abroad is an area for further research. A final point relates to the specifically designed for the pan. composition and documentation of music One sterling effort in this regard is Soca Hits by Alvin Daniell, former chairman of the Copyright Association of Trinidad and Tobago (COTT). Released in April 1999, the book contains scores for 13 songs, the majority of which were played by steelbands in the 1999 Panorama competition. 29 In a recent awards ceremony the composers, pannists, and steelband music arrangers received trophies for their contribution to Volume 9, the art form. Despite the debate over issues like those discussed here, Trinidad and Tobago continues to celebrate the pan. The major steelband festivals are described briefly below. Steelband Music Festival. —In 1952 the first competition for steelbands took place, under the direction of the Music Festival Association with the band as a separate class. In 1964 for the first steel- time a separate competition was held for the steelband under the auspices of the Steelband Association. After a hiatus of some years (1968-1972 and 1974-1980), the event was revived by Pan Trinbago in 1980 with a new name, "Pan Is Beautiful." This competition is biennial and the secondary schools have participated since 1981. Panorama. At this premier pan event, held at carnival every year, steelbands compete for the top prize. It is said to be the most popular musical event in the pan calendar of Trinidad and Tobago. — —This event, held Pan Ramajay. soloists to display their virtuosity in ity. The tra and festival is began in in May each year, is an opportunity for an atmosphere of freedom and spontane- 1989 under the auspices of the Exodus Steel Orches- limited to an ensemble of ten players. Pan on the Move. —This festival is held annually in of Point Fortin in south Trinidad. while on the move rather than As the name May in the Borough suggests, the steelband performs concert style, although there is a time during the KATHLEEN HELENESE-PAUL 90 day's events when band stands and plays the at a fixed position for the competition. Pan Jazz. —Held tional steelband November, in this festival features local and interna- and jazz musicians. Parang Music pan are the music of Carnival, parang Just as calypso and Christmas. Regarded as Christmas music, it is the music of comprises Spanish lyrics, Venezuelan music, and Trinidadian rhythms. 30 The term parang itage. refers to a custom belonging Neither Spanish nor English, the word is to Trinidad's Hispanic her- the colloquial term for parran, the abbreviation of Spanish parranda, a spree, or carousal, or a group of than four people who go more out at night singing to the accompaniment of musical instruments. There are two theories that identify parang with the Hispanic world, as an offspring from Spain or from neighboring Venezuela. According to Daphne Pawan-Taylor, the first maintains that "the custom was introduced from Spain during the Spanish occupation of Trinidad (1498-1797), adapted to the social environment of the island, influenced by contact with neighboring Venezuela and kept flourishing after the Spanish capitulation to Britain in 1797 through continued communications with Venezuela." 31 custom came from Spain to Trinidad via Venezuela during the Spanish administration of the island and was continued after the capitulation because of constant interchange between the people The second theory suggests that "the of Trinidad and Venezuela." 32 Each theory has its adherents among academics and practitioners. Note- by the "peons" who were brought to Trinidad as contract labor for the cocoa and coffee plantations. On the identity of these "peons" Sylvia Moodie-Kublalsingh worthy here is explains that the fact that parang is closely related to the music played among the clusters of subcultures the nineteenth century that were Individuals referred to as peons and conqueros, peasants. More emerged in Trinidad during i.e. Spanish labourers and recently they have been identified because his language and customs were Spanish and he was an agricultural worker who lived in the valleys and foothills of the cacao-producing areas of the island. Language, customs, occupation and even place of residence distinguished him from the rest of the society. . . . Life was celebrated in the environs of the cacao estate and conuco ... the musicians, the troubadours, the craftsmen, the galleros (who reared and trained fighting cocks) were all prestigious members of the rural Spanish community. 33 In cultivating the customs of his native country, the peon celebrated the "velorio de Cruz" and the Christmas parang, and "whereas formerly it was PAN, PARANG, AND CHUTNEY 91 known mainly in the rural areas where the widely known part of local folklore." 34 'panyols' lived, Traditionally, in Trinidad, the Christmas parang has season that is Christmastime —from of Kings" (Magi), or "Dia de los [visit] the the homes of Nowadays, ers, become a in November January 6 . . . to the "Day merrymakers certain musical instruments; usually, the guitar, the violin, and 35 the official parang season begins in October and ends in Jan- and whereas it was originally confined to the villages example Arima, settled, for is to been crystallized into the maracas or chac-chacs, the mandolin, the bandolin, the the bandola and sometimes the cello. uary, week Reyes" which grew families, friends or patrons to sing songs in Spanish to accompaniment of cuatro, the the last it St. where the peons had Joseph, Santa Cruz, Paramin, Lopinot, and oth- today the music can be heard throughout Trinidad and Tobago. Innovation, Interculturation, and Syncretization Like any musical heritage that exists in an intercultural environment, parang has undergone changes and has absorbed aspects of other country. This evolution is art forms of the host evidenced by the emergence of young parang groups, the addition of nontraditional instruments such as the steelpan change of dress, greater ethnic diversity within the groups, and percussion, and the emerging presence of women in the group. Also pronounced are the tendency to flavor the songs with non-Spanish words and the poor pronunciation of Spanish by those who often do not even understand Spanish. Moodie-Kublalsingh, numerous interviews with in one of her traditional parranderos, solicited the following com- ment from a respondent from one of the strongholds of the panyol communities: "and them hombre negro singing, is not their fault, but they do not have the pronunciation! dam thing What mix up they know like hell! about parang? They ent And they singing know what they it wrong. Every singing self!" 36 Documentation The mat analysis of the documentation of parang music follows the as the discussion of same for- pan music. The data come from an examination of the holdings of the West Indiana Collection and the audio-visual collection of the University of the West Indies St. Augustine library. In the Special Collections Division, there were 6 monographs, script, 1 7 Caribbean Studies Projects, 4 audio cassettes, and The Library Many at the Creative Arts Centre holds 1 West Indiana and oral history tran1 video cassette. project. of the monographs and Caribbean Studies Projects were found to contain English translations of parang songs and samples of songs in Spanish with notation. Worthy of special mention is Francisca Allard's thesis, "The Evolution of Parang (Music and Text) in Trinidad and Tobago, 1900-1997." 37 Apart from a sociohistorical analysis of the presence of the panyols and the 92 KATHLEEN HELENESE-PAUL birth of parang in Trinidad, the work also presents linguistic, musical, textual, rhyming, and thematic analyses of some of the songs made famous by leading parang groups in Trinidad and Tobago. In an interview, Simeon Sandiford mentioned that he has been trying for the past four years to persuade the Lara Brothers, one of the oldest traditional parang groups in Trinidad, to write the lyrics of their songs, When original compositions. indicated that log lists it Brothers celebrated their that of which are asked about transcribing the songs, Sandiford would pose some one parang tune many difficulty because of the language. His cata- he has produced on audio cassette, but the Lara fiftieth anniversary in the business with the release of a compact disc in 1997. RECORDED DOCUMENTATION Other forms of documentation also recent catalogs received from on the two commercial local market, of An examination of the most enterprises — KMP Recording Centre and the exist. —Crosby's Music Studio showed: 10 compact discs available which 3 were also available on cassette tapes; 3 long- playing records; 2 songs stored on 24-track two-inch tape, and 9 on 12-track half-inch tape awaiting release. Radio broadcasts have been very instrumental Consequently, like pan, a stations. According lot of the parang music to Allard, "It was not until is in promoting the Oak Serenaders from St. Joseph were parang broadcast ... form. held on tape by the radio 1950 that parang music was broadcast over the radio through the efforts of Holly Betaudier. in this special art . . . The Old the first parranderos invited to participate was not it until 1960, when Radio 610 (spearheaded by Leo de Leon) began to broadcast parang music that the popularity of the art form began 38 to spread." The rise of two registered associations (the National Parang Association of Trinidad and Tobago [NPATT] and the Trinidad and Tobago Parang Association) also led to parang's increasing popularity through the broadcasting of competitions and festivals. Local television was also used extensively to broadcast the competitions Radio and television tation of and contributed to the high visibility of the art form. stations are thus important repositories for the documen- parang music. Commercial Base An element that has intruded very significantly into the art form is soca parang, or parang soca, a blend of soca, calypso, and parang. With the birth of the NPATT in 1971, parang moved from traditional rural areas to center stage through the competitions the association introduced. This expansion naturally brought with it the innovations mentioned above, including the introduction of Latin rhythms and a changed image. As parang became more and more com- mercial, traditional calypsonians entered the fray and began to produce soca PAN, PARANG, 93 AND CHUTNEY parang songs in the period leading up to Christmas. moved away from of these songs have more emphasis on and numerous holiday prepa- the tradition of the aguinaldos and place the merriment of Christmas, rations. Many and the food, drink, Spanish words (mostly pidgin Spanish) are often loosely interspersed in order to retain the in English. Spanish flavor, but most of the soca parang songs are sung Other modifications include variations in the music and melodies, the use of electronic instruments, the introduction of pan, religious character. Naturally these innovations have and the music's non- their adherents and their Non-Spanish-speaking Trinidadians welcome them because in the detractors. main, they cannot understand what is being sung, while the traditional parran- deros decry them as a bastardization of their parang tradition and significance. Many its religious calypsonians have benefited economically from the tremendous pre-Christmas sales and the new avenues for revenue in addition to their calypso music. Parang soca has had an impact not only on the local scene but also nationally. It represents local Christmas music, has parang competition, and now represents a inter- spawned an annual soca new musical art form. According to Sylvia Moodie-Kublalsingh, "The language of the parranda in future years may well be Trinidad English rather than Trinidad Spanish. This part is all of the never ending dynamic process of acculturation in a heterogeneous society." 39 Chutney Music [Chutney was is] a product of Indian classical music in the Bhojpuri style. This the music brought by the Indian indentures from the Gangetic plains of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Those who came were had a in their culture dating tradition of song and dance simple country folk back thousands of years. ... In their isolated environment, their religious, cultural and social traditions survived almost intact to this day. Indian classical music was mainly of a religious nature and was adapted from religious form was probably the bhajans sung tions was not easy, evenings after work, socialize While is who and ease this texts; its earliest prayer meetings. Life on the planta- and the indentures, at like the slaves, gathered in the weddings, childbirth, deaths and other ceremonies to their frustration in song and dance. 40 passage provides a definition of chutney music, chutney actually a hot spicy sauce mango and at made from itself a fruit or vegetable such as tamarind or served as a side dish. The songs, like the dish, are usually hot and spicy with a fast musical beat, simple catch tunes, and sexual overtones. The modern chutney phenomenon had tural folkways. Originally, rituals tions, and the some even birth of children its beginnings in the earliest cul- such as Kartik, Holi, the prenuptial celebra- were primarily celebrated within the family, and as closed-door affairs, such as the Batwaan. In identifying these 94 KATHLEEN HELENESE-PAUL songs as the progenitors of the chutney dance, Indian classical dancer Satnarine Balkaransingh explains that "Some were burlesque in their interpretation of Sung on the night preceding the wedding, they were used as instructions to young brides inexperienced in the art of love and sex ... in this popular village type theatrical event, the vulgar becomes natural, and the obscene joyous." 41 He went on to ask if a parallel could not be drawn between the love this and sex act. expression and calypso and soca in carnival. Whatever the occasion for the celebration, it is clear that all these rituals, like the pan for the Africans, were the foundation for forging a new identity in their new and hostile surroundings. By the mid 1960s, chutney began to emerge from being a closed-door affair and entered the public domain. "But the chutney boom really started in the 1980's when commercial dances began to attract massive crowds of working class Indians who decided that chutney was just too much fun to be limited to occasional weddings and single-sex dancing in stuffy rooms and damp field. The public fetes soon became a fixture of IndoTrinidadian life." 42 It is now a well-organized affair attracting thousands of complexes mainly in south patrons at large cultural there a concentration of the Indian population. is and central Trinidad where and Syncretization Innovation, Interculturation, In a multicultural, multiethnic island like Trinidad, blending of the art forms is inevitable. The resulting hybrid is called chutney soca or soca chutney, a blend of chutney and soca. Author Susan Gosine describes chutney soca: "In a relatively new crossover beat which is emerging, not only the Indian com- munity but a substantial portion of Afro-Trinis, and only recently two Chinese you'll find them all on one stage wining and swaying to the rhythms of . . . chutney, soca, blending the pulsating throb of the dholak and the irresistible tassa drums with the scintillating, titillating soca rhythms."43 Not unlike parang's incorporation of soca beat, chutney moved away from the traditional folk songs and bhajans to the singing of light-hearted, frivolous songs, sung either in Hindi or in English or a mixture of both. Allard explains it this way: Music, especially popular at Hindu weddings and celebrations, that has Sung in either Hindi, English or English and Hindi, frivolity of theme has been retained. The infectious nature of this music has been enhanced by its assimblended Afro-Trinidadian rhythms with East Indian melodic soca rhythms. ilation of On the other hand, the adoption of the calypso's "double entendre" had led to the employment by some sounding lyrics that With respect lines. border on the obscene. to change, other authors artists of lewd- 44 have observed what they call "tan singing" at the "tent night" or "cooking night" (the night before the wedding). They observe: PAN, PARANG, AND CHUTNEY tan singing is 95 a mixture of old folk songs from the Bhojpuri-speaking area of North India, somewhat garbled elements of North Indian classical music, and some features unique Indo-Caribbean culture, to all reinterpreted Although who stress original composition and creation. words the Hindi songs and know Hindi, they know the to don't really local musicians singers by . Hindu folk are generally steeped in lore. For . . their part, audiences don't understand Hindi either, but they like the sound of it and prize its use as an emblem of Indianness. 45 The case of chutney music to popularize ribald not unlike that of secular parang. Attempts form by blending it with soca and and symbols associated with it have caused some con- and internationalize the modifying the traditions troversy. is As with art parang, dissidents have raised their voices in protest over the and often raunchy lyrics will eventually settle into a of the chutney songs. Undoubtedly, the music form that is acceptable and at the same time com- mercially viable. Documentation Because chutney music is of rather recent origin, most of the information West Indiana Division of the University of the West Indies St. Augustine library. The collection contains: 2 monographs, 2 Caribbean Studies Projects, 4 audio cassettes, and 1 compact disc. The library at the Creative Art Centre has 1 project. about it is to be found in the newspaper clippings file in the RECORDED DOCUMENTATION The KMP catalog listed 2 songs on 24-track two-inch tape and 21 on 12-track half-inch tape. Inventory at Planet Rock, a chutney musical outlet in Couva Central compact discs between 1994 and 1998; 32 of these contained chutney music produced in Trinidad and the rest consisted of music produced mainly in Guyana. I was informed, howTrinidad, included production of 52 ever, that these figures are only the period approximate because the inventory records for were not kept on a consistent basis. Studios devoted to such recordings have been established, although two of the pioneering ones, Saarana based in Queens, Inc. New and Windsor, no longer York, has his own Data from Ribiero's 1992 study show label, that Jamaica chutney ness, with audio cassette sales topping the 5,000 market with a similar pling, exist. is Mohan Me Crazy Records, quite a lucrative busi- mark annually on retail figure for the international Jaikaran, market. 46 the local My own sam- though small, revealed that chutney has spanned a whole new cultural industry, with a uniquely indigenous sound, with its blend of African drums, the dholak, chantal, harmonium, and guitars. Commercial Base Having enjoyed commercial success since the late 1980s, chutney music came into its own in 1996 with the synthesis of chutney and soca music and hits 96 KATHLEEN HELENESE-PAUL like "Chutney Bacchanal" by Chris Garcia and "Lota Lah" by Sonny Mann. from the Afro-Trinidadian calypso arena began entering the big Chutney Monarch competition, the first of which was held in 1995. Commenting on this Artists show, Felix Paul said, every likelihood that not only East Indians will be in the music, there is lowing "and what has been described as the 'soca chutney mix' show, but their African brothers and this sisters as well." fol- 47 More lies beneath the surface of this seemingly innocent comment, however. As Gordon Rohlehr explains, "Thus, while Indo-Trinidadians have been community identified as a target for the marketing of chutney-soca crossover music, the details of this aspect of inter-ethnic interface suggests that a fierce contestation of space in which side." art 48 This statement form "an attempt is at that of the calypso. may The be the first its being given on either who says that the chutney counter acculturation of the community and repre- and continuity. " 49 . . . Chutney is now a useful medium . . . While this jostling for space in an arena colored reality, the interculturation Pan Chutney 1995 and when the 1997, is involves and political commentary by Indo-Trinidadians along similar lines for social politics quarter corroborated by Ribiero, is sents cultural persistence little it first festival took its continues among music is by lovers. place on the national agenda in Spectacular Chutney Soca Review opened proprietor stated that "Chutney to now as much its "tent" in part of Carnival as is 50 what can be more beautiful than the blending of the two." As noted above, the commercialization of chutney music led to a vigorous marketing industry headed by the media, mainly radio, and recording studios. soca, and According to Rohlehr, "The Indo-Creole quest for specific cultural visibility had led since independence to complaints that a disproportionately small amount of radio and television time was being devoted full-time to various types of Indian music. This situation has changed, and since the mid 90s there are at least four radio stations devoted full time to various types of Indian music." 51 These radio stations, therefore, apart from being purveyors of the chutney music, would also be sources of documentation. Moean Mohammed, one of the pioneers of radio programs and recently inducted into the Hall of Fame at the first Indo-Caribbean Music Awards, presented the first program, "Indian Talent on Parade," on Radio Trinidad. In 1970 Moean, together with Sham, produced the first edition of "Mastana Bahar," "one of the few forums which provides an avenue for show-casing live local East Indian 52 Peter Manuel describes the protalent, on Trinidad and Tobago Television." liferation of Indian radio and television programs: "While some non-Indians in Trinidad, Guyana and Suriname continue to regard such shows as ethnically his brother most are coming to accept the fundamentally multicultural nature of their societies, and the increased role that Indians will play therein. For its part, Trinidad the proverbial land of steelband and calypso may eventually become known more universally as the land of steelband, calypso and divisive, — chutney." 53 — PAN, PARANG, AND CHUTNEY 97 Conclusions Although this paper did not set out to be a comparative study of the pop- ular cultural art forms in Trinidad and Tobago, similarities and differences can be easily discerned. In a society as cosmopolitan as that of Trinidad and Tobago, where the African and Indian populations are of almost equal size, in the confined space of a small island intercultural it can be expected that exchanges would occur, along with the inevitable modification of traditions and symbols. Lennox Bobby Mohammed, the one-time leader of the now defunct Guinness Cavaliers who led them to becoming the first band from the southern region of Trinidad to win the National Panorama competition in 1965, was honored at the championship event on May 22, 1999. Composer/arranger Jit Samaroo has been associated with the Amoco Renagades Steel Orchestra since 1971 and has led them to nine National Panorama victories. He too was honored at the championship event. He also received the national Humming Bird Medal of Merit for his outstanding contribution to the In the area of pan music, culture of Trinidad and Tobago. Satanand Sharma, of the University of the West Indies Creative Arts Centre, is one of the steelband arrangers/composers at the Centre and conducts the Centre's pan ensemble. When aficionados, pannists, and well-wishers are added to the above group, pan music truly can be said to have been instrumental in forging a national identity, integrating the island's ethnic groups through the power of the music. With regard to parang and chutney, evidence of cultural encounters diversely affecting their musical styles is apparent. But whereas pan has cut across class, ethnic, economic, and political boundaries, chutney especially still evolving. It is all to the good, however, and it is the opinion of is Kampta Karran that "through the power of musical fusion, the sharing of the stage floor and chart, growing cross-cultural appreciation, increasing integration, and the quest for equality, are on the upswing." 54 NOTES 1. Nancy Morris, "Cultural Interaction in Latin American and Caribbean Music," online posting ehost@epnet.com. April 8, 1999. 2. J. D. Elder, From Congo Drum West Indies, 1969), p. A Socio-Historical Account of the Emer- (St. Augustine, Trinidad: University of the to Steelband: gence and Evolution of the Trinidad Steel Orchestra 20 3. Ibid., p. 12. 4. Stephen Stuempfle, The Steelband Movement: The Forging of a National Movement in Trinidad and Tobago (Mona, Jamaica: The Press, University of the West Indies, 1995), p. 221. 5. Weslynne Ashton, "Down South," Sunday Express, 6. Erin Ryan, "Pan on the Verge of the 21st Century: Issues on the Evolution of the May 3, 1999, Section Trinidad Steelband," Ph.D. dissertation, Wesleyan University, 1994, p. 11. 7. Ibid., p. 12. 3, p. 6. 1 . 98 KATHLEEN HELENESE-PAUL De 8. Fosto, Play Mr Pannist Play (music composed by De Fosto, arranged by Nervin Saunders "Teach" for The Petrotrin Invaders Steel Orchestra; score transcribed by Dr. Jeannine Remy, 1993), p. ii. Simeon Sandiford, personal 9. interview, April 22, 1999. 10. Pat Bishop, personal interview, April 13, 1999. 1 1 Jeffrey Thomas, Forty Years of Steel: An Annotated Discography of Steelband and Pan Recordings, 1951-1991 (Westport CT: Greenwood Press., 1992), Ryan, 12. p. xviii. p. 153. 13. Jeannine Remy, "A Historical Background of Trinidad and the Panorama Competitions with an Analysis of Ray Holman's Panorama Arrangement of 'Life's Too Short,' " Ph.D. dissertation, University of Arizona, 1991, p. 39. 14. Ibid., p. 41. 15. Pan Trinbago, Panorama Champions of the Twentieth Century: A Tribute to Excellence [Brochure] (Port-of-Spain: Pan Trinbago, 1999). 16. Pat Bishop, personal interview, April 13, 1999. 17. Clive Bradley, personal interview, April 15, 1999. 18. Gideon Máxime, personal interview, April 19. Satanand Sharma, personal interview, April 27, 1999. Pan Trinbago, Pan 20. Trinidad: Is Beautiful Pan Trinbago, 1994), 11, 1999. Vll : World Steelband Music Festival (Port-of-Spain, pp. 15-16. 21. Eddie Wade, personal interview, April 13, 1999. 22. Taken from front page of one of the score 23. Mervyn Williams, personal sheets. interview, April 14, 1999. 24. Satanand Sharma, personal interview, April 27, 1999. 25. Remy, Preface to score, p. 87. 26. Patrick Arnold, "Japanese to Stage 2, p. World Panorama," Express, April 16, 1999, Section 1 27. Ibid., p. 28. 1. Selywn Tarradath, "Maybe Pat Bishop Was Right: band," Trinidad Guardian, June 5, 1992, TT Does Not Deserve the Steel- p. 11. 29. Terry Joseph, "Daniell Releases 'Soca Hits,' " Express, April 23, 1999, Section 2, p. 4. 30. Trinidad Division), 31. and Tobago, Ministry of Public Administration and Information (Information "The History of Parang" [Leaflet] (Trinidad and Tobago: The Author, 1996), p. 1. Daphne Pawan-Taylor, Parang of Trinidad (Trinidad and Tobago: National Council, 1997), p. Cultural 8. 32. Ibid., p. 8. 33. Sylvia Moodie-Kublalsingh, British Academic The Cocoa Panyols of Trinidad: An Oral Record (London: Press, 1994), pp. xi, 10. 34. "Survival of Hispanic Religious (March 1983), Songs in Trinidad Folklore," Caribbean Quarterly 29: 4. 35. Pawan-Taylor, p. 15. 36. Moodie-Kublalsingh, p. 78. 37. Francisca Carol Allard, "The Evolution of Parang (Music and Text) Tobago, 1900-1997," Ph.D. dissertation, University of the West Indies, 38. Ibid., p. 109. St. in Trinidad Augustine, 1998. and PAN, PARANG, AND CHUTNEY 99 39. Moodie-Kublalsingh, p. 24. 40. Unanan Persad, "Calypso and Chutney: Caribbean Dialogue 3:4 (October-December 1997), 41. 1998, Samarme Balkaransingh, "Chutney, an p. 24, from a paper "Chutney Crosses Over nival" presented at the International Parallel Development and Integration," p. 78. Indian Search for Roots," Express, October 25, into Chutney Soca in Trinidad Development Seminar on Carnival and Tobago Car- at the State University New York, September 12, 1998. 42. Peter Manuel, "Chutney Wine: Dance Music from India via Trinidad Hits Queens," online posting ehost@epnet.com. April 21, 1999. 43. Susan Gosine, "Fever in the Chutney Soca," Sunday Express, January 17, 1999, Section 2, p. 2. 44. Allard, notes, p. 83. 45. Peter Manuel, Music from Rumba to Kenneth Bilby, and Michael Largey, Caribbean Currents: Caribbean Reggae (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995), p. 215. "The Phenomena of Chutney Singing," Caribbean Studies Project Augustine, Trinidad: University of the West Indies, 1992). 46. Indra Ribiero, (St. 47. Felix Paul, "First Local Chutney Monarch a Hit," Trinidad Guardian, May 12, 1995, p. 12. 48. Gordon Rohlehr, "We Getting the Kaiso We Deserve," online posting ehost@epnet.com. April 21, 1999. 49. Ribiero, p. 27. 50. Terry Joseph, "Chutney Soca Rising," Express, January 10, 1997. p. 15. 51. Rohlehr, p. 7. 52. Ribiero, p. 54. 53. Manuel, Caribbean Currents, 54. Kampta Karran, Trinidad and Tobago's Parang, Calypso and Chutney p. 220. (n.p.: n.p., 1996). 9. Preserving Our Heritage: The Work of Al Ramsawack, Folklorist of Trinidad and Tobago Jennifer Joseph Since information about the social history of a country stories is derived largely from the handed down through the generations, gather and record this information. Al Tobago, recognized the value of the it becomes extremely important to Ramsawack, folklorist of Trinidad and stories he had been told during his childhood in a small, rural village in northeastern Trinidad. teacher, During his career as a school- he made a decision to actively seek out these part of the nation's oral tradition. library at the University of the As stories which are a major part of the Oral History West Indies St. Augustine, Al 1 with us his methods and experiences in documenting the This paper examines the work of Al program of the Ramsawack shared stories. Ramsawack who for more than thirty- years has committed himself to documenting, writing, and communicating stories that form an essential part of our heritage and popular culture. It describes the author's experiences in collecting and recording these stories and legends which have West Africa and India and have been influenced by aspects of the culture of Britain, France, and Spain. The paper highlights some of the central characters in the folklore of Trinidad and Tobago and how Ramsawack uses them to tell his story of life in Trinidad and Tobago. Ramsawack their origin in skillfully uses the folklore to develop "lessons of life" for our people, and in the some of the country's social history through numerous illusfolk characters. The paper also considers the role of libraries in process he records trations of the recording and preserving the oral tradition in small, developing countries. The Oral Tradition, Folklore, and Caribbean Society Folklore has been defined in several ways and is generally accepted as being the body of traditional customs and belief that has been handed down by word of mouth (Adams 1973). Folklore is the entire body of stories, legends, and myths of a people and is indeed a part of society's oral tradition which must be explored in order to arrive at an understanding of human behavlargely ior. In essence, folklore is an essential part of the popular culture of a country and provides an invaluable insight into the social history of countries such as Trinidad and Tobago and 100 its people. For the several Caribbean islands that THE WORK OF AL RAMS AWACK 101 have been colonized and influenced by the the Spanish and of the folklore Dutch, the French, and by more than one ethnic group, a knowledge that are populated is British, the important for tracing and recording our heritage. In Trinidad and Tobago, our customs, beliefs, and legends have come from a variety of cul- These form the core of a rather unique cultural heritage since the styles and lives of various peoples have been woven and interwoven into a special tures. The phenomenon of folklore therefore becomes extremely important for Trinidad and Tobago which does not have a major tradition of reading and which is a relatively young country in the context of world civilization. form. The Folklorist Gathers Al Ramsawack, the sixth child in a family of nine, was born in Sangre Grande, a rural village in northeastern Trinidad which was heavily forested and had several cocoa plantations. He descent, entertained India and Africa. them as children Ramsawack also told numerous by who was of East Indian relating a series of folktales 2 from indicates that as a result of his contacts with the hunters and agricultural workers was recalls that his father, who lived in the environs of his village, he stories of the adventures in the forest. His interest in came when he had to tell stories to his own children. 3 In a 1994 interview at the Main Library of the University of the West Indies, 4 St. Augustine, Ramsawack explained his data collection methods. The first stage of his research involved a return to his hometown to speak with the older persons to whom many of the stories had been handed down and who also claimed to have actually had various experiences. He indicated that he spoke with some descendants of the native peoples of the island who said they actually had some of the encounters. Ramsawack utilized the personal, informal encounter to gather researching the folklore He paid several visits the oral data. to the local "Rum Shop," a place where peo- ple gather to "have a beverage" and to chat about the politics and activities of the day. 5 Ramsawack states that after a few hours of imbibing these "beverages," the tongues became looser and he was able to draw pertinent information and a wide Rum Shop. The encounters in the Rum variety of stories from the "limers" 6 Shop him additional names of older inhabitants of the village who verify some of the stories. He was therefore able to gather addi- in the also provided could be used to tional data by visiting and talking with the older villagers. Informal, unplanned encounters also provided additional data. one occasion when he Ram- on the roadside with an old man who had seen him pass by but who had mistaken him for someone else. In this rather informal setting, Ramsawack was told numerous stories. He took mental notes and wrote the stories down when he returned home. sawack relates Finally, the local "wake" is at the "wake" generated the an old African tradition and the Caribbean. home On sat still very greatest much number of alive in Trinidad stories. A and Tobago someone's death, friends and family gather every night of the deceased person to "keep company" or "stay awake" with 102 JENNIFER JOSEPH the dead person's spirit before the spirit moves on to the next stage of its exis- tence (Herskovits and Herskovits 1947:457-461). In this setting, where people talk freely He and exchange stories, Ramsawack was describes sitting in a small thatched hut down to write his own lit able to collect several stories. only by a small flambeau, trying the stories. In the semi-darkness of the hut, he writing and notes at a later date. would write over would therefore have some trouble deciphering his own Ramsawack has utilized the memories of those settings in the preparation of his own stories. The Influences The majority of the stories used by Al Ramsawack have their origin in the came from West Africa and India. After the arrival of Christopher Columbus in 1492 and the subsequent need to supply labor for the sugarcane, folktales that coffee, and cocoa plantations, the islands were populated in the ensuing cen- by slaves from West Africa. The islands changed hands on more than one occasion and have been governed by the French, Spanish, and British (Abrahams 1967:457^61). The years after emancipation brought the Portuguese, Chinese, and East Indians to the islands of the Caribbean as indentured laborers. However, the main inhabitants of Trinidad and Tobago are the descendants of the African slaves and the Indian indentured laborers. The African slaves brought with them their culture and folk style which have largely survived despite attempts by the colonial masters to destroy their various customs. Much turies of the Indian culture has also remained intact even though there has been a level of fusion. It is said that the slaves and later the Indian indentured laborers shared their stories at night as a form of entertainment and as a a link with their homeland. slaves were related slave masters Of significance to their daily lives on the is and way to preserve the fact that the stories told by the their experiences with the white plantations. Since the slaves could not communicate openly about their treatment by the white slave masters, they created animal characters to disguise various incidents and to express their discontent and desire to be rid of the burden of the slave master. These, then, are the stories that form the core of Ramsawack 's writing and lives of the slaves ter. and that reveal their struggle against the something about the domination of the slave mas- assume human roles. For example, Anansi is the spider or the poor slave, who is forever hunted and taken In the folklore, animals small, insignificant advantage of by the Lion, the white slave master. Anansi stories researched An understanding of the and developed by Ramsawack provides some insight into the historical relationship between Caribbean peoples of African descent and the white plantation owners (Abrahams 1967:457^-61). Lessons of Life lore Al Ramsawack's stories assume a didactic role as he skillfully uses folkto establish moral values and to offer guidance to all. In addition to the 103 THE WORK OF AL RAMSAWACK numerous he collected, stories Ramsawack has also created several original through which he offers his special "lessons of stories Ramsawack 's life." effort to preserve local culture is reflected in his use of local animals and local dialects. In many of local animals stories, the introductioin such as the manicou and the agouti serves to document indigenous information about the country for children and nationals in general, As an the forest. illustrator, Ramsawack is animals that inhabit the forests who have never been to document images of the of Trinidad and Tobago and that are in danger also able to of becoming extinct. 7 creation of stories set against the local landscape has been used to The The importance of preserving the environment is highlighted in the folklore of Trinidad and Tobago and is even more relevant today in a society grappling with environmental issues. The folklore of Trinidad and Tobago is replete with stories about confrontations between the hunters and Papa Bois, the country's first Champion of the Environment. In a teach a variety of values. special collection of stories, Ramsawack uses folklore to build consciousness about the need to preserve the country's flora and fauna (Trinidad and Tobago 1980). Papa Bois, King of the Forest, or Father of the Woods Ramsawack man is known), therefore highlights several stories that of eerie encounters between the hunters and Papa Bois stocky he and the forest from being fiercely performs his task of protecting the animals destroyed by hunters. (as with a long beard whose entire body is who is tell depicted as a covered with long hair like donkey. His cloven hoof on one foot makes him the eerie, supernatural that of a character. Several lessons of life are documented through Anansi, the Spiderman, the colorful character sometimes fox. The whose main aim in life was to the detriment of another character stories usually carry a strong to survive. His survival was whom Anansi manages to out- moral which forces the listener or the reader to stop and think before pursuing a particular course of action. His stories give rules ing young and guidelines for living and are particularly useful for teach- children. In one instance, is tricked cheese. by Anansi The Ramsawack describes Anansi 's encounter with Lion who into going into the river to retrieve a nonexistent piece of story highlights the moral that greed will always lead to the loss of something that may already be in one's possession. In another instance, Anansi does good and gets his just reward. In another restores it to life, lagers. Late 8 and provides parang music on Christmas he realizes that story, at Anansi finds an old Christmas time for he has spent all his all time in violin, the vil- this way and has not provided the basic necessities for his family for Christmas day. It on his way home, a sad and forlorn character, that the violin speaks to Anansi is and tells him that he should not be sad for while he had been neglected, he has to so in fact may think that his family been doing good and bringing music and joy many, including the Violin "himself who had previously been discarded l 104 JENNIFER JOSEPH by so many. When Anansi awakes on Christmas morning, he finds family has been well provided for with food and gifts. 9 that his Authenticity A large portion of Ramsawack's work is indeed built around the legendary become part of the folklore of Trinidad and Tobago. Many of these, whose names have been influenced by the French, also appear in the work of other folklorists and researchers of the culture. M. P. Alladin, for example, cites many of the major characters who play a part in Ramsawack's work. For example, La Diablesse, the she-devil of the folklore, is common to the work of Alladin and Ramsawack. She is usually depicted as a beautifully characters that have dressed woman in a white gown with frills cascading from the waist down. She wide-brimmed straw hat which hides her face. Her right foot is a human foot while the left is a cloven hoof like that of a cow. She wears a strong perfume to which men are attracted and she lures her unsuspecting victims into the forest and to their death. The dead man's soul becomes the devil's property and is used to create other "jumbies" for his kingdom. The illustrations of Ram sawack are similar to Alladin 's and other folklore artists. The soucouyant is also depicted in the same way in Alladin's work and in Ramsawack's. The also wears a known as the old woman who has connections with the devil, is a creature who at midnight removes her skin and puts it into a wooden soucouyant, nocturnal mortar. She then turns into a ball of fire and flies through the night to suck the blood of her enemies. She trades evil powers. Another example is this blood with the devil in return for further the Douens, the souls of infants who were not They are either depicted as nude or and wear broad-rimmed straw hats. 10 baptized and died before the age of seven. dressed in long, loose flannel shirts In their stories, both Ramsawack and Alladin use the Boot ghost featured The ghost can appear in different forms. Sometimes they are not seen, but their presence is felt. The Churile, which also originated in the Indian tales, is a specialized boot or ghost that came from the soul of a woman who died in childbirth. These characters are similar to some in the stories derived from Indian tales. 1 of the others already described. Al Ramsawack continues He to write and present work in the folklore tradi- new elements to the folk material and appears to have given extra powers to the fiction. He is in the process of creating a new series of myths based on his own characters such as Monkey Polo and Pahy12 orl, thereby making his own contribution to the body of myths that already exist in the folklore. Al Ramsawack has indeed recognized that folklore is tion. has introduced some dynamic and should be contemporary and should relate to the issues surrounding life in Trinidad and Tobago and the Caribbean. He has written over five hundred stories folklore stories, folktales, and general stories about people in society, as well as his own original fairy tales. Very much aware of the negative effect that the electronic media can have on reading, particularly in a — THE WORK OF AL RAMSAWACK 105 society already without a long tradition of reading, stories for tion. He younger children with themes Ramsawack has that will attract has therefore deliberately created a new set and hold written new their atten- of fiction to address con- He has expressed concern about the decline in the use and teaching of the folk traditions in schools. He has continued to produce stories and to use the medium of the newspaper to disseminate them. These stories are temporary problems. published weekly in the children's magazine of one of the country's leading newspapers. The Role of Libraries What, then, is the role of libraries in preserving a nation's heritage? Soci- ety has a responsibility to ensure that a record of communicated in a variety of supporting the work of libraries and ways. Society can its fulfill its archives, the is maintained and role by funding and culture main custodians of the ten cultural heritage. Preservation of the oral tradition is writ- of great importance domain of libraries to find ways to document and preserve the heritage. This becomes even more important in small, developing societies, such as Trinidad and Tobago, which are affected and influenced by powerful external forces under which the indigenous culture tends to be subsumed. The advent of the electronic information age and the consequent reliance on "packaged" information has led to a further decline in the reading habit in a society which already lacks a long-standing reading tradition. While the UNESCO Public Library Manifesto places the responsibility for promoting cultural heritage and for supporting oral traditions on public libraries in general, university libraries must share that responsibility in view of and it therefore falls within the the research needs of its particular clientele. In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, which is now in the process of building a national library, the university libraries at the St. Augustine campus have assumed the responsibility of col- and recording oral Through the library's Oral and Pictorial Record Programme, numerous interviews have been conducted with persons who, in some instances, are the sole repositories of some of society's experiences. It becomes even more important for libraries to not only provide access to lecting data. indigenous information but also to assume the responsibility for documenting the culture. Libraries in the Caribbean need to make full use of information technology in order to institute and promote the development of multimedia access to the country's folklore. Conclusion The work of Al Ramsawack is an important part of the efforts of nationals of Trinidad and Tobago to preserve our heritage which, because of the country's multicultural and multiethnic community, is a special blend of the cultures of the several countries that have had an impact on the islands of the Caribbean. The work of folklorists like Al Ramsawack needs to be gathered and published. 106 JENNIFER JOSEPH The preservation of a nation's heritage is the ultimate responsibility of the cus- todians of the world's knowledge. NOTES 1. Under the auspices of the Oral and Pictorial Records West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, some way to the life of the country. versity of the tribute in Programme, Main Library, Uni- interviews are conducted with persons 2. Indian folktales, known as "Kheesahs," were shared by the Indian when they came to the West Indies. These have been handed down through Ramsawack has used several of them in his books. 3. art began Ramsawack provided some biographical at 4. rial own indentured laborers generations and Al information in 1972. His interest in writing and high school. His interest in researching the folklore came later stories to his who con- when he wanted to tell children. Ramsawack shared this information as part of the University Library's Oral and Picto- Record Programme. 5. meet to A "Rum Shop" and Tobago in Trinidad is the traditional "bar," a place where people have an alcoholic drink. 6. "Liming," a term used tured, relaxed in Trinidad and Tobago, means meeting and talking in an unstruc- mode. People engaging in this activity are called "limers." North Americans might say "hanging out." 7. Al Ramswack has written and have been published. 8. Some of these illustrated titles more than hundred five stories, some of which are included in the bibliography. The influence of the Spanish has given parang music to Trinidad and Tobago. This parmusic is played at Christmas time since the main themes of the lyrics are about the ticular style of birth of Jesus Christ. 9. the These examples of Anansi stories are cited in Trinidad 10. The descriptions of the various folklore characters work of Al Ramsawack, M. P. Alladin, and Gerry Besson. 11. Stories based and Tobago (1980). are found in several texts including on characters created by Al Ramsawack are recorded in Ramsawack (1983). 12. The Boot and Churile are characteristic of the folktales which were derived from India. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abrahams, Roger D. 1967. The Shaping of Folklore Traditions in the British West Indies. (Reprint from Journal of Inter-American Studies 11:3 [July 1967].) Coral Gables, FL: University of Adams, Robert J., Miami Press. ed. 1973. Introduction to Folklore. Columbus, OH: Collegiate Publishing. Alladin, M. P. 1968. Folk M. P. Alladin. . Stories and Legends of Trinidad. Port of Spain, Trinidad: 1980. 12 Short Stories. Maraval, Trinidad: Dial. American Folklore Society. 1984. Folklore, Folklife. Washington DC: The American Folklore Society. Besson, Gerard, ed. 1989. Folklore and Legends of Trinidad and Tobago. Port of Spain, Trinidad: Paria Publishing Company Limited. THE WORK OF AL RAMSAWACK 107 Dundes, Alan. 1965. The Study of Folklore. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Ethnographic Society of Trinidad and Tobago. N.d. Panel Discussion on Folklore. St. Augustine, Trinidad: U.W.I. Faculty of Social Sciences. Henige, David P. 1982. Oral Historiography. London: Herskovits, Melville J., and Frances Longman. S. Herskovits. 1947. Trinidad Village. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Maharaj, Ashram B. 1990. Indo-Trinidadian Folk Tales carro, Trinidad: Indian Mills, Therese. 1972. in the Oral Tradition. Beu- Review Committee. Caribbean Christmas: A Book for Children. Port of Spain, Trinidad: Therese Mills. Ramsawack, Al. 1972. Flamme Belle: A Caribbean Folk Tale Told and Al Ramsawack. Marabella, Trinidad: Lyrehc Productions. . 1983. Sermon of the Drunkard and Other Illustrated by Selections. Marabella, Trinidad: Lyrech Productions. Trinidad and Tobago. Ministry of Agriculture, Lands and Fisheries. Forestry Division. 1980. Forest Folklore of Trinidad and Tobago: Selections from Al Ramsawack, a Local Author. Port of Spain, Trinidad: Ministry of Agriculture, Lands and Fisheries. 10. The Way We Live: Fetes and Festivals of the English-Speaking Caribbean Elmelinda Lara Lesser-known festivals of the English-speaking Caribbean mesmerize the visitor, interest the scholar, and challenge the information professional. This paper exam- ines national, religious, and cultural fetes and festivals throughout the region, with particular emphasis on Trinidad and Tobago, and the institutions and organizations that play a crucial role in ensuring their survival. history of the English-speaking Caribbean from colonialism I begin with a brief to the present show- ing the impact of conquest, colonialism, slavery, and plantation capitalism, as well as free trade and American influence on the cultures of the societies. work of researchers and information professionals in The documenting and pre- serving the cultural heritage of the English-speaking Caribbean and the chal- lenges of information collection, processing, and handling are also examined. Historical Overview Movement has always been a feature of the Caribbean landscape. The Arawaks and Caribs, moved from island to island and a number of place names owe their origin to the presence of these groups. According to historical accounts, the Caribs seemed the more mobile of the original inhabitants, two, and today there are still descendants of Caribs in places such as Dominica, Guyana, and Trinidad and Tobago. Carib communities still exist in these islands and attempts are being made to record and preserve what remains of the culture of this group. Columbus's arrival in 1492 established contact between Europeans and West Indies and opened the way for settlements and immigrants. The Spanish were the first to dominate the region, subjugating the Indians and establishing the Roman Catholic Church, a government, and ways of life. Some of the the islands evident in still exhibit elements of Spanish heritage, and Spanish influence some of the present-day fetes and is festivals. Following the Spanish, the British, French, Portuguese, and Dutch established settlements and colonies in the islands and introduced sugarcane culti- vation and European capitalism. Portuguese slavers introduced the slave trade in the sixteenth century, and during the seventeenth century France, England, and Holland established colonies the plantations in the islands from West and Central Africa. 108 and brought African slaves to FETES 109 AND FESTIVALS OF THE CARIBBEAN The introduction of African slaves altered the ethnic composition of the Caribbean. It is estimated that by the nineteenth century some six million slaves were brought Caribbean and the British Caribbean imported 1,401,000 to the Maingot 1987:88). People of African descent predominate in the older plantation islands such as Barbados, Tobago, the Leewards and Windwards, and Jamaica and account for a large proportion between 1791 and 1801 (Parry, Sherlock, Guyana and of the population of Trinidad. With the abolition of the slave trade in the nineteenth century and labor shortages on the sugar plantations in the Caribbean, indentured laborers were imported from India and China. Laborers were also imported from Portugal, the Canary Islands, and other parts of Europe. Even free Africans came to the Caribbean under contract. Large numbers of East Indians and Chinese were also imported to Trinidad, Guyana, and Jamaica while smaller numbers went other parts of the Caribbean. With each Caribbean the ethnic mix was new movement to of people to the further altered and the cultures diversified result- ing in truly heterogeneous societies. The breakup of Empire and the formation of newly independent Caribbean territories marked the period from 1962 to 1972. Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, Guyana, and Belize all achieved independence the British during this period. As a result of historical forces, ethnic, religious, linguistic, and cultural diversity are characteristic of the English-speaking Caribbean. West Indians are of Amerindian, African, East Indian, European, Chinese, and Middle Eastern origin. Caribbean people practice Catholicism, Islam, Hinduism, varieties of Protestantism, and variants of African religions. Caribbean festivals combine aspects of different influences and reflect the multiracial, multireligious, multicultural nature of the societies. Cultural Diversity Defining Caribbean culture presents difficulty for the researcher since the Caribbean is a region of great diversity and it is terms of a heterogeneous cultural area which more appropriate is to think in well exemplified in the Trinidad and Tobago scenario. There are, however, similarities in cultural forms and practices owing to a similar socioeconomic and sociocultural heritage among the islands. The influence of Africa, Europe, America has had an impact on the India, cultures of Caribbean peoples. and recently "The cultures of Caribbean peoples resulted from a profound cross-fertilization of cultures to which, over a period of four centuries, the various races present in the area had been subjected" (Arguelles 1981:35). In spite of the commonality of historical experiences that shaped the cultures, the uniqueness of the festivals from island to island highlights the resilience of Caribbean peoples tity, and their ability to establish their own iden- thereby creating a national consciousness and festivals with national 110 ELMELINDA LARA characteristics. It ronment while at text shows their ability to respond creatively the same time acting as change agents. to a changing envi- The history and influences of the region suggest that in the Caribbean con- it is not completely accurate to refer to a Caribbean culture but rather Caribbean cultures. There is ongoing dialog and debate about the notion of a Caribbean culture. M.G. Smith (1965) referred to the disparate cultural and social elements and observed that these communities do not combine socially and cul- He turally. this attributed this phenomenon view might well have been to the plurality of the societies. In 1965 valid, but the mixing, the innovation, the hybrids evident in the festivals of the Caribbean today cannot support Smith's position. In fact, Brathwaite (1974, quoted in Allanar 1993) and Hall (1977, quoted in Alla- nar 1993) viewed the Caribbean as a "melting pot" and referred to the process of "cultural homogenization" or "creolization" American culture. Latin which suggest a common Caribbean cultural theorists refer to the blending of culture or cul- elements as "cultural hybridization" or "cross-fertilization." tural At the each with level of popular culture the islands its have to be viewed individually, unique identity and culture owing in part to its racial, ethnic, reli- makeup. Each island has a distinct blend of African, East Indian, European, and indigenous culture in varying proportions. Allanar supgious, and social "Upon emancipation clandestine themselves publicly among the liberated groups, ports the hybridization theory, stating that cultural practices asserted while new hybrid cultures that reflected various degrees of socio-ethnic com- binations of European, indigenous, Chinese, East Indian, and African elements were also that in evidence" (1993:74). In Trinidad and Tobago, cultural practices were once dormant or even nonexistent are now competing for attention among the various festivals already present. Lesser-Known Popular Festivals Although there are a number of fetes and speaking Caribbean, these have received very attempt at examining festivals throughout the Englishlittle scholarly attention and any on carnival and carnival-type receiving some attention are the Jonkonnu fes- festivals inevitably focuses The other festivals tivals of Jamaica and the Bahamas and Hosay of Trinidad. Trinidad and Tobago commemorates a number of festivals by granting a public holiday. The issue of holidays engenders fierce debate since each group celebrations. 1 in the society views a holiday as recognition of and cultural contribution to greater understanding to the national among There are about thirteen its social, political, religious, community. Holidays also contribute the community. official public holidays in and while carnival Monday and Tuesday are not Trinidad and Tobago, official public holidays, the The official public holidays are New Year's Easter Monday, Eid-ul-Fitr, Spiritual Baptist/Liberation public regards them as holidays. Day, Good Friday, Shouter Day, Indian Arrival Day, Corpus Christi, Labour Day, Emancipation FETES 111 AND FESTIVALS OF THE CARIBBEAN Day, Independence, Divali, and Christmas. Apart from these, several festivals are significant to the population Trinidad and Tobago At the Caribbean some of the is and are eagerly anticipated. It is said that a nation of fetes and festivals and lives from fete to fete. level, one can identify public holidays that are common to islands. National Festivals Independence Day Independence Day is celebrated by Jamaica (August 7), Trinidad and Tobago (August 31), St. Kitts (September 19), Antigua and Barbuda (November 1), Dominica (November 3), Barbados (November 30), St. Vincent and the Grenadines (January 22), Grenada (February 7), St. Lucia (February 22), Guyana (May 26), and Bahamas (July Independence Day is a significant event in these islands and progress from colonial status with event is 10). ties to the British inations, military and street parades, lectures, their The of various denom- Empire celebrated by a public holiday with church services marks to self-rule. and much fanfare and jubilation. form part of the In Trinidad and Tobago partying and pyrotechnic displays celebrations. In Barbados the National Independence Festival of Creative Arts held during October and November 30. The November culminates festival gives the island. Professional prominence in also Independence Day on to the creative arts and and amateur performers, photographers, writers are recognized. In Grenada the day is artists artists, of and celebrated by church services fol- lowed by a parade. In the Bahamas parades, pyrotechnics, and amusement commemorate independence. In St. Lucia a craft exhibition is held every year as part of the celebrations. The exhibition showcases the artistry of regattas the island, which has been passed down from the Arawaks. In Jamaica a her- itage festival featuring traditional Jamaican food, Jonkonnu competitions, and general merry-making takes place during the Emancipation Day Emancipation Day (August 1), week before Independence Day. is celebrated in Barbados and Trinidad and Guyana, Jamaica, Bahamas, Grenada, and St. Tobago Lucia (August 2). Emancipation Day marks the end of slavery in the British West Indies and has historic, social, political, and psychological significance for the region. All of now commemorate by a public holiday but until 1996 Trinidad and Tobago was the only island that had such a public holiday. Owing to the efforts and support of the Emancipation Support Committee of Trinidad and Tobago and the Caribbean Historical Society based in Trinidad, Guyana, Jamaica, and Barbados started with a public holiday in 1997. Jamaica these islands the day previously celebrated emancipation with a holiday but removed the holiday from the national calendar on attaining independence. The holiday has now been reinstated after thirty years. 112 ELMELINDA LARA Emancipation Day celebrations in Trinidad, Jamaica, and Barbados take on great significance. In Trinidad commemorations take the form of public lectures, exhibitions, radio and television programs, street processions, and the re- The Lidg Yasu Omowale Village at the Queen's permanent feature of the celebrations. The celebrations creation of an African village. Park Savannah is a highlight the contributions of Africans to Trinidad and Tobago's cultural heritage and citizens can be seen proudly attired in colorful African garb to mark the occasion. Emancipation Day celebrations participants from abroad including in Trinidad and Tobago Ife (1988), prominent and artists. Some of Oba Okunade Sijuwade dignitaries, scholars, the distinguished guests of past celebrations include Olubuse; Ooni of attract whose visit marked the 150th anniversary of Mae Com- Emancipation; President Jean-Bertrand Aristide of Haiti (1992); astronaut Jemison (1993); and Chief Emeka Anyaouku, Secretary General of the monwealth (1995), who delivered a lecture titled "From Political Intellectual Emancipation The African Diaspora." The president of Ghana, Jerry Rawlings, visited in 1997 and delivered the feature address to mark the celebrations. In 1999 Femi Biko, a Nigerian professor now lecturing at the University of London, is scheduled to deliver the keynote address. Artists from other parts of the Caribbean, Suriname, and Latin America will also participate in the celebrations and the book titled The Evolution of the Steelband Phenomenon in — Tacarigua will be launched. In Jamaica emancipation farms and parks are created where traditional dances are performed and foods displayed. There are exhibitions and town halls and activities lead straight into at libraries independence celebrations. no need to re-create an African village since celebrations take place in the town of Accompong, an old Maroon town where the inhabitants still feel "closely connected to Africa spiritually and culturally" (de Unlike Trinidad, there is Bourg 1997:3). Celebrations include reenacting Maroon-style ambush of British troops and blowing of the abeng, a Maroon horn. In Barbados, public lectures, articles in the press, and a series of cultural activities mark the celebrations. keeps alive the legacy of The Barbados Museum and all that Historical Society contributed to the demise of slavery and Government and high-level officials also participate in the celeBahamian celebrations take the form of public commemorations of oppression. brations. the abolition of slavery. The Caribbean Emancipation Day Historical Society has undertaken an initiative to officially recognized in various countries. As make a con- Ghana for the first time on August 1, 1999. Information on Emancipation Day can be obtained from articles in the sequence, it will be observed press, exhibitions, radio in and television programs, and public lectures and from Ministries of Culture and Information as well as organizations responsible for the celebrations. FETES AND FESTIVALS OF THE CARIBBEAN 113 Religious Festivals The number of and holidays religious festivals in the English-speaking Caribbean and in particular Trinidad and Tobago reflects the diversity of our religious beliefs. Many forms of Christianity exist side by side with Hinduism, Islam, and African religions. Religious practices have been reinterpreted, refashioned, and refined to ensure survival. Creative accommodate diverse groups ways have been found to in celebratory activities. In Trinidad as elsewhere in the Caribbean Afro-Caribbean religions have merged with Christianity (Protestant) to produce the Shouter or Spiritual Baptist religion, brated by a public holiday worship by this group. which commemorating new faiths. persists to this One example day and is is cele- the removal of the prohibition of A recent addition, the holiday was declared in 1996. The existence of this faith today highlights the struggles of a group to defend and preserve their unique religion. Spiritual Baptist/Liberation Shouter ebrated on March 30 by church services, lectures, Because of the public holiday, increased attention group as the subject of serious research. Similarly, the survival of a practices is and cultural is Day is cel- activities. being focused on this 2 number of East Indian religious and cultural the result of cultural resistance and triumph over hostility and per- secution in an alien land. Different groups adapted their religious practices in order to survive and continue to hold on to these customs to sustain them. As a result of East Indian immigration, the festivals of Divali, Phagwa, Hosay, Eid-ul-Fitr, and a host of some Caribbean societies. Divali and Phagwa are the legacy of the Hindus while Hosay and Eid-ul-Fitr represent Moslem contributions. Divali and Eid-ul-Fitr are commemorated by national holidays in Trinidad and Tobago to enable and encourage participation by the society. Hosay is observed in Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago while Phagwa and Divali are others enrich national holidays in Guyana. Historical records confirm that the indentured laborers who came to Trini- dad were a heterogeneous group comprising people from different provinces with different languages, customs, and religious practices. According to Jha, "These settlers who carried only pots, pans and blankets on recruitment bequeathed to their children and grandchildren the cultural heritage of India" (1974:1-2). Divali Divali, the festival of lights, is rooted in Indian Lord Rama's return to his throne in Ayodhya, mythology and in the state of Uttar Pradesh, after seventeen years of exile. Thousands of indentured immigrants state, which explains the festival's signifies came from that presence in the Caribbean. Other legends surrounding the festival are the victory of Lord Krishna over the demon 114 ELMELINDA LARA Narakusara and the emergence of goddess Lakshmi from the oceans when the earth was being formed. For over a hundred years Divali was confined to Hindu homes and tem- ples, but in 1966 was it first celebrated as a national holiday owing to the of the Hindu community. Today the national community supports the efforts festival by actively participating in the celebrations. It is celebrated in most dis- of Trinidad by people of different races and religious persuasions. NonHindu women adorn themselves with saris and shalwars signaling their support and appreciation of the festival. tricts Important features of the celebration are the lighting of deyas (small earthen clay pots) on Divali night and Lakshmi puja (prayers). Prior to the actual day of the festival, and public celebrations. ing, shopping, Hindu homes, there nial meal is prepared. at Divali is in the is form of house clean- On the day itself friends are entertained are family reunions, gifts are exchanged, a very popular festival in Trinidad, where modification. There tric much activity takes place, it the crowning of a Divali queen, in and a ceremo- has undergone some some instances elec- bulbs replace deyas, and the popularity of the festival has encouraged increased commercial activity. In fact, the festival has a permanent home at Divali Nagar or Divali Village, a centalized location for the pre-Divali activities. At the Divali Nagar one gets the opportunity to understand practices, and philosophy. Traditional aspects of the festival Hindu thought, and the religion are highlighted and cultural practices and artists are given prominence. Nagar attracts both local and overseas The Divali visitors. Guyana there are processions, illumination, fairs, and cultural concerts for Divali. As in Trinidad, ceremonial dress is common on these occasions. Months of preparation, sacrifice, and fasting precede Divali celebrations. The festival symbolizes the victory of good over evil and the triumph of light over In darkness. Organizations such as the Hindu Prachar Kendra, the Hindi Foundation, and the National Council of Indian Culture ensure the continuation of this tival as well as many fes- The National Council of Indian Culture publishes others. a Divali Nagar souvenir brochure annually and various newspapers publish articles as well as a Divali Supplement to the newspapers. The brochures by Hindu scholars and thinkers from Trinidad and abroad, photography, and personality profiles. feature papers poetry, Phagwa Like Divali, the Hindu festival of Phagwa has grown in popularity and there have been Guyana it is is calls for it to be recognized as a national festival. In fact, in celebrated as a public holiday. Phagwa, the spring festival of India, based on legends, the most popular being the destruction of the demon king Hiranya-Kashipu and the burning of Holika, the sister of Hiranya. Phagwa is FETES 115 AND FESTIVALS OF THE CARIBBEAN celebrated late February to early ing the attempt world harvest by Holika festival, is and Tobago. The to March and involves burn the little a huge bonfire symboliz- hero saint Prahalaad. Phagwa, an old also connected to the harvest of sugarcane in Trinidad festival has been described by Ravi-Ji as a "raucous affair" (1999). Lively singing {chowtal or folk songs), the clash of dholaks (small drums), dancing, the lighting of the bonfire, and the throwing of abeer (red powder and perfumed water) on the bodies of celebrants characterize the celebrations This festival has accommodated innovation and creativity. the festival native to Trinidad and Tobago is One element of the "pichakaaree" competition. Pichakaaree, originally an instrument used in the celebrations for squirting abeer onto participants, also refers to "a song in English with Hindi/Bhojpuri Hindu viewpoint on events local and international" (Maharaj 1999:13). Pichakaaree, like calypso and soca, is a vehicle for social and political commentary and shows heavy influences of the two art forms. Pichakaaree has also been described as a medium for "stimulating Hindu pride and consciousness and articulating Hindu hope and vision for the future" (Blood 1999:15). Phagwa celebrations held outdoors in open areas are colorful events. The existence of a National Phagwa Association ensures the growth and words which articulate the survival of this festival. Hosay The Muslims are concentrated in Trinidad, Guyana, and Suriname. Trinidad and Tobago is considered the focus of Muslim life in the Caribbean. Indian Muslims have contributed the festivals of Hosay and Eid-ulregion's Fitr to national life. Hosay has been celebrated in Trinidad since 1846. The celebrations commemorate the martyrdom of Hassan and Hussain, the grandsons of the Holy Prophet Muhammad. Hussain was killed at Kerbala in Iraq in 640 a.d. and Hussain's brother Hassan was killed by poisoning in Medina. Hosay is observed by Shi'ite Muslims worldwide but unlike other religious observances it began to be celebrated by Muslims and Hindus alike in Trinidad and Tobago. The history also points to the involvement of AfroTrinidadians in the tassa drumming aspects of the celebrations. This festival served as an integrative mechanism during the period of indentureship and survives today as a unifying force in the society. Hindus participated in the building of tadjahs (temples), the processions, the drumming and the ritual mock battles. Today Hosay transcends creed and race barriers and is celebrated by all segments of Trinidad and Tobago society. The Hosay festival takes place in the month of Muharram, the first in the Muslim calendar and lasts for four days. It is characterized by street processions each beginning with flag night, the Hosay yard when red and white flags are paraded at signifying the battle at Kerbala. On the second night miniature — 116 ELMELINDA LARA Hosay ming. is paraded through the actment of the tragedy together and the Hosay is The procession is accompanied by dancing, and gay abandon. The procession is the reen- the martyrs" (Singh 1988). Taos drumming, singing, at Kerbala. Hosay is On the fourth day or night the processions dumped nearby river or in a also celebrated in Jamaica and religious significance; contemporary ing, accompanied by singing and tassa drum- On the third night there is a spectacular procession of "rajahs" or "model mausoleum of come streets and drinking. It is Hosay sea. Guyana but seems is to be of little dominated by drumming, danc- an occasion for revelry. In Trinidad there have been recent attempts to emphasize the religious character of the festival and participants have been urged to observe the solem- from consuming alcohol during the street proturbulent and violent history has been well documented. 3 As nity of the occasion cessions. Hosay 's and to desist a subject of scholarly research val it represents Hosay continues community involvement, to receive attention. creativity, As a festi- and much partying. Eid-ul-Fitr Unlike Hosay, the festival of Eid-ul-Fitr is a more sedate affair. Eid-ul-Fitr marks the end of the holy month of Ramadan for Muslims. Eid is preceded by one month of fasting, prayer, and meditation. At the end of Ramadan there is fasting and praying at friends and relatives mosques throughout the country followed by greeting of and alms giving to the poor. This festival has been celebrated as a public holiday in Trinidad and Tobago since 1967, which has increased the awareness of it among nonMuslims. During the month of Ramadan the media call attention to the festival by devoting time for the breaking of the fast and the call to prayer on each day. Trinidad and Tobago is home to a number of Islamic organizations which keep the faith alive and promote the festival. The largest of these, the Anjuman Sunnat Ul Jamaat Association, publishes an annual Eid-ul-Fitr brochure. La Divina Pastora or The La Divina Pastora links Trinidad to its Spanish heritage. Mary, La Divina Pastora, began in southern Spain and is believed festival of Devotion to to "Siparia Fete" have spread to Trinidad and Tobago through the Spanish Capuchins around 1715. Controversy surrounds the origin of the festival and recount the existence of the statue. The festival is many legends a particularly interesting one because Christians and non-Christians worship through the same medium. The main festival is celebrated in the town of Siparia, South Trinidad, on the third Sunday after Easter. Features of the festival include devotions on the second Sunday of each month from November to April culminating in a colorful procession through the streets of Siparia on the Feast Day. On this day pilgrims Catholics and non-Catholics —converge on Siparia for the annual Siparia Fete. 117 AND FESTIVALS OF THE CARIBBEAN FETES East Indians also worship the statue and organize a separate festival that takes place on Holy Thursday until Good Friday. Referred to as Siparee Mai, the statue represents an East Indian deity. East Indian observances are charac- by singing, dancing, and alms giving. Legend has it that La Divina Pastora possesses special powers and wor- terized shipers go to the shrine to request special favors. nating festival, and now many stories that La Divina Pastora is a fasci- have been passed on orally about it are part of the documentation (see, for example, Jaggassar 1992). Cultural Festivals Tobago Heritage Festival The first Festival of Tobago was held in 1975, the forerunner of today's Tobago Heritage Festival. The brainchild of anthropologist J. D. Elder, the Tobago Heritage Festival showcases the rich folk heritage and unique culture of the island. African influences predominate in Tobago and much of the cultural fare include legends, myths, tales, practices and beliefs, and culinary arts The proverbs, music, art, drama, rituals, showing the African influence. festival incorporates old-time wedding and courtship codes, the Salaka feast of African ancestral worship, an Amerindian village reminiscent of the Amerindian culture of the island, the Bele festival reminder of European struggles over the island, and re-creations of black revolts. part of these celebrations. ment, is The tambourine, Music is an integral the only indigenous musical instru- featured in the celebrations. The Tobago Heritage Festival enjoys a high degree of participation by Trinidad and Tobagonians and attracts visitors from abroad. The growth of the number of villages participating each festival is evident in the increase in the year. The festival is also being promoted abroad by shrewd marketing. tingent of performers and officials recently toured A con- New York and Washington. This year the festival will host the director of the Senegal Tourist Office and the head of the South African Tourist Board, and will send a performing contingent for the it is 2000 expected that the Senegalese festival. Each year a special supplement of the daily newspapers in Trinidad and Tobago covers the festival and the Oral and Pictorial Records Programme of the Main Library, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, ensures that some record of the rich cultural elements of the festival is preserved. Information Sources Information sources on fetes and festivals of the English-speaking Caribbean are as diverse as the cultures that produce them. This presents challenges for libraries, librarians, and researchers throughout the region. While we do not possess all the information in our libraries, we can advise researchers where to look for sources. The Encyclopedia of World Cultures: Middle — 118 ELMELINDA LARA America and Caribbean provides very basic information on the cultural heritage of the islands, and while it does not address the specifics it is an important starting point. Another source is Fetes and Festivals of Trinidad and the Tobago (Rajnarinesingh 1991), which contains basic descriptions of a number of festivals, photographs, and annotations. It needs updating since more festivals have been added to our calendar of events. Other important sources are handbooks of the region, guidebooks, newspapers, popular magazines, diaries, calendars, handbills, flyers, leaflets, audio and video cassettes, and Internet resources. As mentioned above, organizations and associations with responsibility for specific since a lot of information is festivals are important sources generated within these bodies. Ministries of culture and ministries of information also generate records of national The festivals and West Indies have important West Indiana collections containing information on festivals. The Oral and Pictorial Records Programme at St. Augustine campus, the Library of the Spoken Word, and the Social History Project at Mona campus point to valuable inforholidays. libraries of the University of the mation sources for the researcher. Researchers and academic staff of the University of the West Indies writing in newspapers and journals also contribute to the dialog and discourse on festivals, and researchers from foreign universities who libraries in the region also contribute to the literature utilize the resources on of festivals of the region. Conclusion Through an examination and study of Caribbean festivals, one can underpast and present stand the historical, economic, cultural, and religious life — of Caribbean societies. Libraries in the English-speaking Caribbean play an important role in recognizing national, religious, and cultural observances and festivals, and facilitate exhibitions rials in their collections and and promote and lectures. They also highlight mate- assist research activities for these occasions. NOTES 1. See Nunley, Bettelheim, online database et al. (1988); EBSCOhost, under Caribbean Cowley festivals, (1991); and Lent (1990). A search of the produced a carnival calendar for the 2. Recent studies of this group include DePeza (1996, 1999); Jacobs (1992, 1996). 3. See Singh (1988); Parmasad (1983); de Verteuil (1984); Wood islands. (1968); and Brereton (1981). BIBLIOGRAPHY Allanar, Anton L. 1993. "Unity and Diversity Canadian Ethnic Studies 25(1), 70-85. in Caribbean Ethnicity and Culture." FETES 119 AND FESTIVALS OF THE CARIBBEAN Alleyne, Mervyn. 1990. "African Roots of Caribbean Culture." In Alan Gregor Cobley and Alvin Thompson, ed., The African-Caribbean Connection: Historical and Cultural Perspectives. Bridgetown, Barbados: University of the West Indies. Pp. 107-122. Alleyne-Pilgrim, Vernella. 1995. "Ethnological Dimensions of the Tobago Heritage Fes- OPRep Newsletter 30. tival." Arguelles, Luis Angel. 1981. "Socio-Cultural Unity in the Caribbean." In Caribbean Cultures: Proceedings of the Meeting of Experts (Dominican Republic), September 18-22, 1978. Held Paris: in Santo Domingo Unesco. Blood, Peter Ray. 1999. "Songs of Hope and Belonging." Sunday Guardian (March 14). Brathwaite, Edward. 1974. Contradictory the Caribbean. Brereton, Bridget. 1981. Mona: Savacou Omens: Cultural Diversity and Integration in Publications. A History of Modern Trinidad, 1783-1962. Kingston, Jamaica: Heinemann. Cowley, and Other Seasonal Festivals 1991. Carnival J. Britain: A in the West Indies, U.S.A, and Selected Bibliographical Index. Coventry: Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick. DeBourg, Carlene. 1997. "Marooned De Peza, Hazel tic . Accompong." Sunday Express (August), My Faith: 1999. Verteuil, St. 3. A Linguis- 1996. "Glossolalia in the Spiritual Baptist Faith: Study." Master's thesis, University of the West Indies, West De Ann Gibbs. in Augustine. Spiritual Baptist Christian. St. Augustine: University of the Indies. Anthony. 1984. The Years of Revolt: Trinidad 1881-1888. Port-of-Spain, Trinidad: Paria Publishing. Duff, Ernest A. 1993. "Attack and Counterattack: Dynamics of Transculturation in the Caribbean." Studies in Latin American Popular Culture 12:195-202. Friday, Edmie. 1975. "La Divina Pastora: Legends and Traditions." Caribbean Studies West Indies, St. Augustine. project, University of the Giles, D. 1991. "Carnival Calendar." Black Enterprise 21:10 (May), 80-82. Hall, Stuart. 1977. "Pluralism, Race, Class Jacobs, C. M. in and Class in Caribbean Soceity." In Race and Post-Colonial Society. Paris: Unesco. 1992. Joy Comes in the Morning: Elton Griffith and the Shouter Baptists. N.p. . 1996. "The Spiritual Baptist Faith as an African Religion." Paper presented at a seminar as part of the 2nd Annual Spiritual Baptist Jaggassar, Laurence. 1992. "La Divina Pastora Analysed Week, March 26. as a Manifestation of Popular Religion." B.A. thesis, University of the West Indies, St.Augustine. Jha, J. C. 1974. "The Indian Heritage in Trinidad." In John La Guerre, ed., Calcutta Longman Caribbean. to Caroni: The East Indians of Trinidad. Port-of-Spain: Lent, John A., ed. 1990. Caribbean Popular Culture. Green State University Popular Press. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling 120 ELMELINDA LARA Mahabir, Noor Kumar. 198- . Hindu Ceremonies and Rituals Festivals, in Trinidad. Tunapuna, Trinidad: Chakra Publishing. Maharaj, Indira. 1999. "Pichakaree, a Voice for Hindus." Express (March Mansingh, Ajai, and Laxmi Mansingh. 1989. "Hosay and Its Creolization." Paper pre- sented at Festival of Arts, Smithsonian Institute, Washington, Marks, P. 5). DC. 1991. "Caribbean Festival Arts." Art Journal 50:l(Spring), 89-92. Mintz, Sidney W., and Sally Price, eds. 1985. Caribbean Contours. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Nunley, John W., John Bettelheim, et al. 1988. Caribbean Festival Arts: Each and Every Bit of Difference. Seattle: University of Washington Press in association with the St. Louis Art Museum. Parmasad, Kenneth Vidia. 1983. "The Hosea Riots of 1884 (Trinidad)." Master's University of the West Indies, Parry, St. Augustine. John H., Philip M. Sherlock, and Anthony the West Indies. New thesis, P. Maingot. 1987. A Short History of York: St. Martin's Press. Rajnarinesingh, Mala. 1991. Fetes and Festivals in Trinidad and Tobago. Port-of-Spain, Trinidad: Imprint Caribbean. Ravi-Ji. 1999. "Memories of Long Time Phagwa." Trinidad Guardian (March Singh, Kelvin. 1988. Bloodstained Tombs: The Muharram Massacre 5). 1884. London: Macmillan. Smith, M. G. 1965. The Plural Society in the British West Indies. Berkeley: University of California Press. Walton, Chelle Koster. 1993. Caribbean Ways: A Cultural Guide. Westwood, MA: The Riverside Co. Wood, Donald. 1968. Trinidad in Transition. London: Oxford University Press. Their 11. In Own Words: The Folk Literature of South American Indians Series Colleen H. Trujillo Folk Literature of South American Indians a twenty-four-volume series ded- is icated to the narrative art of aboriginal South America. appeared in 1970 and the The first volume the General Index to the entire series, in 1992. last, was conceived by Johannes Wilbert, professor of anthropology at UCLA, who served as the senior editor of the twenty-four volumes (Table 1). The Latin American Center at UCLA published the series. This paper discusses The project the reasons for undertaking the series, its objectives, the methodology, and its contribution to folklore scholarship. The project had two goals: (1) to provide a readily accessible comprehensive source of the oral societies of literature pertaining to the lowland South America, and and uniquely marginal Indian (2) to present a classification of the narratives according to their constituent elements, or motifs (Wilbert and Simoneau 1992). The volumes do not attempt to analyze the tales nor to explain their sociocultural significance. The editors simply felt that presentation of the narratives and identification of their motifs were necessary prerequisites to future analytical research. Background In the 1960s South Americanists alarming rate at which aboriginal became societies increasingly concerned about the were being destroyed and have been recorded. Even the ditions relegated to oblivion before they could existing body of oral naturalists, literature — collected by travelers, missionaries, soldiers, and ethnographers over some five hundred years unavailable. their tra- —remained largely The disappearance of indigenous groups and the inaccessibility of were not good signs for future studies in South Amer- existing source materials ican myth and narrative. There was some good news, however. At about this time, convenient —which revolutionized ethno- battery-operated tape recorders were introduced graphic fieldwork in general, and accelerated the compilation of large bodies of narrative in native vernacular. Ethnographers and language specialists were traveling to the region in large numbers record oral traditions of entire regions. 121 in the early who 1960s soon began to 122 COLLEEN Table 1 . H. TRUJILLO Folk Literature of South American Indians Johannes Wilbert and Karin Simoneau, Editors Folk Literature of the Warao Indians (1970) Folk Literature of the Selknam Indians (1975) Folk Literature of the Yamana Indians (1977) Folk Literature of the Gê Indians, Volume One (1978) Folk Literature of the Mataco Indians (1982) Folk Literature of the Toba Indians, Volume One (1982) Folk Literature of the Bororó Indians (1983) Folk Literature of the Gê Indians, Volume Two (1984) Folk Literature of the Tehuelche Indians (1984) Folk Literature of the Chorote Indians (1985) Folk Literature of the Guajiro Indians, Volume One and Two (1986) Folk Literature of the Chamacoco Indians (1987) Folk Literature of the Nivaklé Indians (1987) Folk Literature of the Mocovi Indians (1988) Two Folk Literature of the Toba Indians, Volume (1989) Folk Literature of the Ayoreo Indians (1989) Folk Literature of the Caduveo Indians (1989) Folk Literature of the Yanomami Indians (1990) Folk Literature of the Yaruro Indians (1990) Folk Literature of the Makka Indians (1991) Folk Literature of the Cuiva Indians (1991) Folk Literature of the Sikuani Indians (1992) Folk Literature of South American Indians: General Index (1992) — But the other problem remained narrative material. ments —even The physical in libraries with large the fact that the texts South American holdings were rendered were formidable obstacles the lack of access to already published inaccessibility of widely scattered docu- in to the study of many different — in addition to European languages South American oral Aware of these circumstances, Johannes Wilbert began literature. to design a plan to assemble the published and unpublished texts in a continent- wide, multivolume work of aboriginal South American folk literature. Given the vast amount of published narrative and the proliferation of tale collection, the undertaking was clearly an ambitious one. A number of decisions were made to make the project more feasible and to assure its eventual completion. First, the series would include only marginal (that is, nonagricultural or reference incipient agricultural) groups of open lowland South America (grassland, scrub- land, savanna, steppes, bushland, an area that constitutes about two-fifths of the subcontinent). It was decided to further limit the series to the narratives of thirty- one native groups of the surviving marginal societies in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Paraguay, and Venezuela (see map). The estimated population of the - 123 FOLK LITERATURE OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS 40 60° 80° GU AJIRO^? Í íTHWESJÜí l/ARAO YARURO: / ^GUIA CUIVAJ SIKUÁNI 0° North iNA ^^ ) At/antic \ II Ocean ANDS 1 ^~\ 7 AJN 1 / >K^H V A NDS /bORÔRO J) 20° _ _ _l - - / __---- / ay^SnX_^T J r^.T ^XCHAMAC0C0 CADUVE0 nivakifX_ NIVAKLty¡— aáA L^NL^MAKKA MATACO ^sn,^—- \ 9 GRAN y \ /toba/chaco / *C \ / _J s^*~ ~ / /^ l 20 t ~ ~ ~ - - \ / 1 / \ / Atlantic^! / °cea/7 / South —— \ J MOCOVI-^y / / / \ 500 Mi pacific i i 40° 500 Ocean 9? & } SJ (PATAG ONIA NORTH WEST MATACO ¿5 «? >S2>i¿\selkna VI YAMANtff**^ l 40 Geographical Region Aboriginal Societies / / RRA DEL/ =UEGO 7 1 L 80 Km l / 40" 60 > / 2tf Distribution of aboriginal societies treated in the Folk Literature of South American Indians series. Source: Johannes Wilbert and Karin Simoneau, Folk Literature of South American Indians: General Index (Los Angeles: 1992), p. 5. UCLA Latin American Center Publications, — 124 COLLEEN area concerned was some 240,000 in the 1960s, which amounted third of the aboriginal inhabitants of the five countries. H. TRUJILLO to about one- The geographic distribuand Mato Grosso, the tion includes the southern lowlands, Brazilian highlands Guiana highlands and the Orinoco Delta, and the continental northwest (Table The second major decision with respect to the delivery of the series to present the material in English in order to sible. make it as widely available as pos- Approximately half of the narratives are published for the this series; the remainder were previously published. and unpublished, had to 2). was Many first time in of them, published —from any one of be translated into English eight European languages, depending on the native language of the collector Czech, Danish, French, German, Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, and Swedish. Co-editor Karin Simoneau, who possesses extraordinary linguistic skills, did the bulk of the translations. Once the English-language manuscript of a particular volume was assembled, it was carefully copyedited. Much attention was given to assuring the accuracy of native terms and scientific and botanical names, consistency in the orthographic rendering of proper names, and, most of the same time preserving the tone and all, readability, while at rhythm of the story as told by the informant. Scope and Logistics Upon its completion, the series published 4,259 narratives and tale frag- ments. All the volumes are arranged in the same fashion. rial The preliminary mate- includes biographical information about the contributing authors (or Table 2. Societies and Their Distribution Southern Lowlands Yamana* and Selknam* of Tierra del Fuego Tehuelche* of Patagonia Mocoví, Toba, Mataco, Nivaklé, Chorote, Caduveo, Chamacoco, Ayoreo, and Makka of the Gran Chaco Brazilian Highlands and Mato Grosso Bororó of the Mato Grosso Gê of central Brazil Guiana Highlands and the Orinoco Delta Yanomami of northern Brazil and southern Venezuela Warao of the Orinoco Delta Continental Northwest Yaruro, Cuiva, and Sikuani of the Venezuelan and Colombian llanos Guajiro of the Venezuelan and Colombian *Now extinct. La Guajira Peninsula 125 FOLK LITERATURE OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS "collectors"), a description of the field conditions under were gathered or recorded, and a summary which the narratives of the geographic, linguistic, demo- body of the book, the The narratives tend to graphic, and cultural characteristics of the group. In the narratives are organized according to general topics. themes pertaining to the establishment of the universe, the heavens, and the earth; cataclysms; the creation and ordering of human, animal, and plant life; extraordinary creatures and events; animals; and a number of recurcluster around ring story lines. Each story is name of the informant or storyteller (if author), a summary of the tale, and a listing followed by the known), the source (contributing Each volume concludes with a Motif Index, in four parts: motif distribution by narrative, a topical (or subject) motif index, an alphabetical index, and a listing of motif distribution by motif group. Each volume also contains a glossary of scientific, botanical, and native terms and a bibliography The narratives were recorded by 111 individuals, through, in most instances, the process of fieldwork. They in turn were assisted by some 500 native storytellers, or informants, 10 percent of whom were women. The number of field assistants, interpreters, and translators is probably even higher, given that many of the early collectors did not record the names of their assistants. After recounting their oral traditions, storytellers were usually asked to assist in transcribing, translating, and verifying recorded tales. Thus the contribution of field assistants, both named and unnamed, is significant. About a third of the tales were collected before 1960. Without the help of the tape recorder, texts were documented by hand, a tedious, time-consuming process. About two-thirds of the material was collected after 1960. Manuscript acquisition and preparation required correspondence with some sixty-six authors from fifteen different countries and numerous copyof its motifs. right holders. journals, Often published in small editions or in obscure or discontinued much siderable effort. of the material was located and then obtained only after con- On occasion Wilbert traveled to the region in tions or to arrange for additional fieldwork to search of collec- be done or for transcription Given the abundance of South American Indian folktales, a wealth literature no doubt remains in storage as manuscript or untranscribed assistance. of oral tapes in archival drawers. Motif Indexing The American Indian folk literature dates to the early 1900s, contemporaneous with work among North American Indians. The description and classification of growing numbers of narratives led to the realization that certain basic story plots and component elements of American folk narratives turned up time and again among peoples living in different regions and on different continents. As scholars began to undertake comparative folk literature studies, the need arose for definitions of the narrative features to be scholarly study of South 126 COLLEEN H. TRUJILLO short, a motif index was needed. To address this problem, the American Folklore Society recommended preparation of a concordance of American myths and in 1905 named a committee to carry out the task. To make a long story short, no comprehensive concordance of North American Indian myths materialized from this initiative. In the 1930s, Stith Thompson, a philologist and bibliographer, published his six-volume Motif-Index of Folk-Literature (1932-1936; revised and enlarged edition, 1955-1958). While Thompson was working on an earlier compilation, Tales of the North American Indians (1929), he noticed a number of recurring episodes and elements and began to assign alphanumeric codes to them. This phase of his work ultimately formed the basis for his Motif-Index of Folk-Literature. Its purpose was to serve as a reference aid to the classification compared. In and analysis of large bodies of folk narrative. The facilitate editors of the comparative studies of prose narrative like the South American Indian would be necessary to classify it in an orderly and systematic fashThis meant identifying the constituent elements by means of brief desig- literature, ion. UCLA Folk Literature series recognized that in order to it nations or phrasings in order to provide uniform terminology for comparative analysis. Despite earlier criticisms Thompson from the scholarly community of the index, including complaints about the complexity of its alphanu- meric system, inadequate bibliography, arbitrariness, and geographic bias, the editors determined that of motifs available Thompson's Motif Index offered at the time. the best concordance Thus, through the analytical methodology of motif indexing, the Folk Literature series to a large collection of traditional facilitates reliable, consistent access South American Indian narrative. The General Index, which concludes the series, compiles the data from the individual tale listings of motifs in the previous twenty-three volumes into four separate indexes: a motif distribution by narrative, according to major groups and subgroups; a topical, subject-based motif index; an alphabetical index of keywords from each individual motif; and a concordance of specifically South American motifs. The General Index to the series is the most comprehensive regional folktale index published to date. The creation of this specifically South American motif database was one of the major contributions of the Folk Liter- ature series. A total of 10,150 motifs occur either singly or repeatedly, a total of 54,637 times. Fifty-eight percent of the motifs index, which had been registered in the Thompson enabled the indexer to simply adopt a particular code and its 42 percent of the cases (4,256 motifs), however, the indexer created a "plus motif to accommodate elements found in South American narra- phrasing. In tive, using the alphanumeric code of a closely related or broadly collective Thompson motif followed by a plus sign but modifying the phrasing. In the General Index and the individual volume indexes, the original Thompson motif appears in parentheses after the plus motif, for comparative purposes. 127 FOLK LITERATURE OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS Plus motifs were created either by (1) making a general more specific or by (2) altering the wording of an already most instances, the indexer used the first method. An example of the first method: D110.+. Transformation: man to coati. Thompson motif specific motif. In (DUO. Transformation: man to wild moon metal mirrors in sky.) beast [mammal].) An example of the second method: A714.4.+. Sun mirror in sky. (A714.4. Sun and The 4,256 plus motifs constitute the specific New World contribution of Folk Literature of South American Indians series to the Thompson index. The large number (42 percent) of new motifs shows that Thompson's Motif-Index is potentially worldwide in scope and infinitely expandable in number of motifs. As illustrated by the contributors to the Folk Literature series, ethnologists are in ther an excellent position to expand world coverage of oral literature fur- by indexing collections in their own fields of interest. A look at the motif distribution by motif group and subgroup shows some interesting patterns motifs, the two and reveals the value of motif indexing. Of the 54,637 largest groups are Mythological motifs (22 percent) and Magic (17 percent), followed by Marvels (11 percent), Animals (8 percent), Deceptions (8 percent), and The Wise and the Foolish Subgroups show a similar pattern. The (7 percent). five largest subgroups belong to the three largest motif groups: Transformation (7 percent), manifestations (6 percent), Creation and ordering of at human life (6 percent), and Magic objects (4 percent). the data another way, that is, counting each motif only once Marvelous creatures Looking Magic powers and (5 percent), (instead of the total of motif occurrences), reveals something different. four largest categories are the same, but the percentages differ. The Mythological Magic (21 percent) motifs together constitute 46 percent of the number of motifs, followed by Marvels (11 percent) and Animals (9 per- (25 percent) and total cent). As Animal for subgroups, Transformation characteristics is again the largest (8 percent), while and Magic objects follow with 8 percent and 7 percent, respectively. As noted above, new (plus) motifs constitute 42 percent of the total motifs (counting single motifs rather than total motif occurrences). Closer analysis shows that certain specifically groups and subgroups show a high incidence of these new, South American motifs. In two groups, Mythological and Animal — more than half of the total 52 percent each, and group Magic, plus motifs account for 47 percent of the total, followed by Marvels (37 percent) and Deceptions (20 percent). motifs, plus motifs constitute in the As for subgroups, the statistics present an intriguing picture as well. Plus motifs account for 71 percent of all the motifs found in the subgroup Animal 128 COLLEEN characteristics ordering of and 63 percent of those human life TRUJILLO in Transformation. In Creation they account for 52 percent of the and Magic and Magic powers and 40 percent, Marvelous creatures 38 percent, objects H. total, and in manifestations 30 percent. Without pursuing a detailed analysis of the figures, it is clear that the higher percentages of plus motifs turn up in categories that are either culturally or envi- ronmentally specific for the South American societies studied in the Folk Litera- and transformation. More ture series, categories dealing with animals, culture, universal categories, such as Deceptions, exhibit a lower incidence of plus motifs. important to keep in mind that the motif indexing in the series took It is place over nearly a twenty-year period. Because all volumes except the were indexed by the same person, co-editor Karin Simoneau, there able uniformity in the specific groups manner in which motifs were identified is first remark- and assigned to and subgroups. Nevertheless, when the comprehensive General Index was generated, inconsistencies, duplications, misclassifications, and other errors were apparent. At that point the editors decided to make the nec- essary corrections in order to produce a reliable database for future indexers of South American narrative material. Final Comments In addition to the series editors, contributing authors, and informants, another important player was the computer programmer. The indexes to the first seven volumes were done by hand, a process that entailed handwriting thousands of slips of paper, typing, proofreading, and retyping. In the early 1980s, a graduate student in anthropology at to write a program to generate the index for UCLA, Yehuda Afek, volunteered each volume as well as the com- prehensive General Index. This development not only made an enormous dif- ference in both speed and accuracy, but also enabled the editors to manipulate the data in a variety of ways, opening the way to comparative cross-cultural research on a scale previously not possible. Since its inception in 1970, the series has been recognized for its quality and scholarship. For example, Johannes Wilbert received a University of Chicago Folklore Prize for 1980 for the fourth volume in the series, Folk Literature of the Gê Indians. The Chicago Folklore Prize is awarded annually for important contributions to the study of folklore. In 1998 Wilbert was chosen for a PEN which Achievement Award, the Gregory Kolovakos Award, a scholar whose life's work has brought the literature of the Literary Career is given to Hispanic world to English-language readers. The Folk Literature series played a major part in his being selected for this award. The Folk Literature of South American Indians laboration authors, among series is the product of a col- Indian storytellers, an international assembly of contributing and co-editors Johannes Wilbert and Karin Simoneau, whose dedication FOLK LITERATURE OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS to the project and, at times, sheer perseverance assured 129 its completion. has given the Indians an opportunity to reveal their world in their The own series words. REFERENCES Thompson, Stith. 1929. Tales of the North American Indians. Cambridge: Harvard Uni- versity Press. . 1955-1958. Motif-Index of Folk-Literature: A Classification of Narrative Elein Folktales, Ballads, Myths, Fables, Mediaeval Romances, Exempla, ments Fabliaux, Jest-Books and Local Legends. 6 vols. Revised and enlarged edition. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Wilbert, Johannes, and Karin Simoneau, eds. 1992. Introduction to Folk Literature of South American Indians: General Index. Los Angeles: Center Publications. UCLA Latin American 12. "Yo vivo de lo que escribo": Antonio Paredes Cândia, Bolivian Folklorist John B.Wright Eighteen years ago I lived in a small village called Tahri, located on the Alti- young man serving as a Mormon missionary assigned to work with the Aymara people. I was known as Elder Wright. A man in the village, Germán Mendoza, wanted to make an addition to his home, and my missionary companion and I went to help him make the needed adobes. It was my job to mix the straw into the mud. I didn't realize how difficult and uncomfortable that job could be. Before growing numb because of the cold water in the mixture, my tender feet felt the scratch and discomfort of every small pebble. It hurt! It soon began raining, and Germán insisted that we wait out the downpour in his home. We went in and had a little lunch while the rain passed by. When lunch ended the rain continued, and I found it enjoyable to speak to and play with German's newborn son. After the rain passed we went back outside ready to jump back into the mud and continue making adobes. The weather had turned very cold, and Germán told us that we would stop for the day. Elder Walker and I returned home. The next morning we were awakened at 6:30 by someone pounding on our door. Elder Walker opened the door, and a young man entered. He told us that German's baby son had died during the night, and that he had been sent to get us. We hurriedly dressed and ran to German's home. Sure enough, the baby I had played with the day before had died during the night. It was German's plano of Bolivia. third child I was and the third one to to The baby had been wrapped in loosened these, died. it I appeared to The hands and fists as die. were asked Elder Walker and burial. a nineteen-year-old dress the body, preparing it for swaddling clothes and a blanket. As we me that the baby must have feet of this little child though he had fought a great in the special clothing provided. was accustomed wash and The fight. suffered greatly as were clenched tightly into balled We washed the body burial clothing to seeing at funerals in the was and dressed different United States. it it from what We put the baby I in was long like a nightgown. We covered his head and face with a white hood that had holes cut for the eyes and mouth. We then placed white cardboard wisc'unaca (sandals) on his feet. Last, we attached white cardboard a white shirt that 131 ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA, BOLIVIAN FOLKLORIST back by tying a black sash around his body. The body was placed on an awayu (multicolored blanket) along with an egg and all of the baby's other belongings. The awayu was tied up as a k'epi (bundle). wings to his After eating a light lunch provided by funeral party began its Germán and procession to the cemetery. arriving at the cemetery Elder apparently, were not doing it Walker and his wife, our little carried the k'epi. I Upon took turns digging the grave and, I precisely as required, for a member of our party, another of German's friends, took the shovel from us, and with a few quick squared the walls of the hole. slices, perfectly We placed a layer of rocks on the bottom of the grave. The walls were lined with four pieces of sod. A handful of straw was placed inside this newly created sod box on top of the layer of rocks. We lowered the on top of the epi k! enclose the k'epi in a sod coffin. We straw. all Another piece of sod was used took turns shoveling dirt to on top of the sod to complete the burial. I hope you can appreciate the impact this experience had on me. never before been involved with death in such a way; dressed and buried a dead person. vided by Germán and dressing the body his wife, I to appear like As I had never before most assuredly recognized the an angel. I fact that I was did not, however, understand the Germán and have occasionally reflected on his wife. During this experience, trying to meaning according to my own culture's experience with death. wasn't until I was exploring possibilities for a presentation at the 1999 understand It I had dressed the body in the clothing pro- cultural significance of this event in the lives of the intervening years, I I its SALALM meeting that I came to understand the significance of that event in the culture of Bolivia. As a cataloger a lot of books by a many books cross my desk. Over the years I have seen Bolivian writer named Antonio Paredes Cândia. I remem- I see books seemed bered that all his Bolivia. thought his writings might include something that would lead to an I exciting paper and my a lead. During I to deal with the popular culture and folklore of retrieved all of his books in our library hoping to find such search, I opened one of his books, Tukusiwa, o, La muerte. Several Bolivian customs dealing with different aspects of death and burial are recorded in this book. Chapter five has the title "Entierro del angelito." Reading this chapter caused the experience recounted above to come flooding back to I my mind. learned from reading this chapter that the parents of the dead child are not to grieve because the child has not committed any carnal sin and, referring to original sin, has been made clean through baptism. rises directly to heaven. The godparents are the death because they have the responsibility to It is When first to make all also the obligation of the godfather to bathe the to dress it the burial arrangements. body of the dead child and male child who dies, the clothing is fashthe image of Saint Raphael and Saint Michael. It consists of a long in ioned after the child dies, the soul be notified of the child's its burial clothing. For a 132 JOHN white shirt, B. WRIGHT with adornments and applications of paper which are sewn to the wings are fashioned from the same material as the adornments and included on the back of the body. fabric. Also, a set of small 1 Knowing the seriousness of the responsibilities of a child's godparents, I have come to realize the great honor paid to my companion and me. We were asked to participate in an event marily for family members and — a significant spiritual event close friends. I'll —reserved return to this topic pri- later. The information documented in this book helped me understand what It was then that I knew I wanted to share this with you. I knew I must introduce you to Antonio Paredes Cândia and his work. Who is happened to me. that Antonio Paredes Cândia? How does he gather and organize information for his books? Of what value are his writings? This paper answers these questions. I will introduce glimpses into his folklore, and Life to life, (2) Antonio Paredes Cândia by describing the monographs. way he gathers and organizes Bolivian and Research of Antonio Paredes Cândia Bolivia, in his family his you 2 Antonio Paredes Cândia was born July and (1) sharing with how he documents the popular culture of Bolivia in (3) discussing his published The you 10, 1923, in the city of La home. His father was Manuel Rigoberto Paredes Paz, Iturri mother was Haydeé Cândia Tónico. He was born the eleventh of four- teen children of whom ten survived to adulthood. He grew up in an affluent family, his father being involved in politics and serving in various ministerial and judicial posts under various presidencies, eventually becoming the Dean of Bolivia's Corte class family in Suprema de la Justicia. Although raised in an upper-middlean area of La Paz that appeared to have all the trappings of Spanish high society, Paredes considers himself a mestizo. His ancestry includes Spanish immigrants from the Canary Islands and indigenous caciques from Carabuco, a small village on the shores of Lake Titicaca. This combination of the races, Spanish and Indian, makes Paredes very proud. He believes that the mixture of both cultures is He — what gives Bolivia her cultural strength. — do most youth playing, doing chores, and attending school. Paredes did play some of the games common to Bolivian children such as marbles and tops. He did not enjoy participating much in team spent his childhood sports such as soccer. books and He as preferred to talk with his mother. He sit in the window of his home and read also took care of the chickens and sheep, which were penned in one of the three patios that were part of the family home. As a youth he enjoyed attending parties where the teenagers associated with one another, listened to 78 rpm records, drank punch, and and candies. Paredes began his education in La Paz. He ate cakes, cookies, finished the ciclo pri- mario and the quinto curso del secundario. He then became disinterested in school. He felt that he could learn more from his books. He never completed nor graduated from secondary school, preferring instead to teach himself. 133 ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA, BOLIVIAN FOLKLORIST Like tary. all Bolivian young men, Paredes was required to serve in the mili- He was part of the 1st He found along the Chilean border. He was Cavalry unit, stationed in the hinterlands that he thoroughly enjoyed riding a horse. the tallest in his group and, therefore, name was of Bolivia had the biggest horse whose El Moro. While in the military he had the good fortune of being asso- ciated with a commander who lived his life in accordance with strict moral val- commander, Captain Armando Escobaduria, once asked him if he was going to take a leave one weekend to visit his family, and he said no. Of course, he did not have enough money to buy passage and was too embarrassed to reveal the real reason. The captain got wind of this and ordered him to return to his office. "Paredes, you don't have any money to travel? I will lend you the money on one condition, that you carry this box of eggs to my wife and family." Paredes delivered the box to the captain's wife. He was able to visit his family. He learned from this experience that men who are true to their values ues. His can gain the respect of their subordinates. His father obtained for him a post in the Ministerio del Exterior. It was supposed by his father and perhaps even himself that he would eventually enter the career of diplomacy and would be part of the Bolivian embassy in Paris. Over a three-year period, Paredes sensed a growing conflict of values between his supervisor and himself. His supervisor was a very competent and capable man, but a man who seemed to lack any sense of morals. This conflict led to Paredes 's decision to leave the Ministerio. He had no degree, no job experience. His father had paved the way for him to enjoy a successful career as a diplomat, but now any future in a government post was destroyed. Paredes 's career options looked bleak, but even more damaged was his relationship with his father. The senior Paredes was very displeased and confused with his son's decisions. How could a son be so ungrateful, so short-sighted, so pig-headed? Paredes found a solution to his career problem by getting a job teaching seven-, eight-, and nine-year-old children in a rural school in Quechisla, a min- ing village in southern Bolivia. Running after this teaching post, nothing to solve his problem with his father. In fact, it however, did probably aggravated the problem. Concern for the well-being of his son led the senior Paredes to ask What kind of job is that, teaching a bunch of small camp? What kind of career will that lead to? What secu- questions similar to these: children in a mining rity will that offer that seeds you for your future? would be sown during even the anxieties of his father. began teaching. He found it We will see, this teaching however, in the long run, experience that would satisfy Paredes arrived in the small mining camp and thoroughly to his liking to immerse himself in text- books and prepare lessons for his young students. He was appalled, however, at their inability to pronounce the Spanish language correctly. them with their pronunciation skills, Paredes began Red Riding Hood, the Big Bad Wolf, and other similar In an attempt to help to tell them of Little children's stories. As he concluded a story, a girl named Agustina Balajar raised — 134 JOHN B.WRIGHT know some He her hand and said, "Teacher, I them to tell stories of the fox, the rabbit, to the class. dor, narrating She began them also in a mixture of Spanish Paredes was enthralled by her stories. stories." invited her to tell and the con- and Quechua, her native language. When she finished, a boy, Asencio Titi- knew more stories, and that his grandmother knew them all. That day, the seeds were sown for the long-term solution to Paredes 's career troubles and his troubled relationship with his father. He knew that he zano, indicated that he, too, had to collect and document these natural and national treasures of Bolivia. When the children left that day, Paredes had an would visit him and agreement with the boy that he grandmother the following Sunday and collect his their stories. As part of his responsibilities as a teacher, Paredes planned for his stu- dents' tactile, as well as their intellectual, development. He would help them make puppets. He believed the best children to develop their tactile skills. that this was He also saw way for the Creating puppets and the scripts that puppet shows require would be a great way to develop their their imaginations. decided that he artistic abilities a pragmatic benefit to the puppet shows. and The puppet productions would provide a much-needed pastime for the children and their mining families, something other than drinking. The puppet shows became a success. They performed several shows for their families and neigh- boring communities. Another way of helping the children develop physically was playing games and sports. Paredes tells of being out on the playground with the children during a recess period. He heard a plane and instinctively looked up, shielding his eyes to see the plane fly overhead. He ning the sky to see the plane, but could never locate from the children. They said, looked and looked, scanit. "No, teacher, the plane is He soon not up there, high he was living in the mining however, that this story, told camp down dis- event helped him realize how located on Mt. Chorolque. by Paredes trates the significant, life-changing this it's and soon there." Paredes shifted his gaze to the sky in the lower valleys covered the plane. Paredes casually says that heard laughter I believe, in a casual, matter-of-fact way, illus- impact his years as a rural teacher had on him. While living in Quechisla, Paredes saw the sad reality of people living in poverty and ignorance. His experience taught him to reexamine the value of the view of life held by the Indians. middle-class upbringing did not prepare by the lower He — to truly see learned that his upper- him for the realities of life experienced social classes living in the mines. was away teaching, he received word that he should return home immediately: his father was dying. He secured train passage back to La Paz. Upon entering his father's room, his father, who was lying in bed, grasped his hand, clutched it to his ear, and died. Soon after his father's In 1950, while Paredes death, Paredes 's four-year contract expired. He left the mining school. Although he had a wonderful experience teaching school, Paredes was ready to 135 ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA, BOLIVIAN FOLKLORIST turn his efforts full-time to his interests kindled in the mining camps — gather- ing folklore and combating poverty and ignorance. This was the beginning of Paredes 's planning and conducting book His book and fairs had two purposes: (1) fairs. he carried books and culture to the people he gathered folklore from the people. Traveling into the various towns, (2) both urban and rural, Paredes was able to live like the people he visited. He ate same type of bed, and witnessed what made the people laugh and cry. He was able to participate with them in the daily activities of living. While sitting at his table with books, he would ask people questions to the same food, clarify slept in the and understand the events he experienced, the food he heard, the language he heard, and so on; and he recorded ate, the stories their answers in notebooks. This was in the days before the portable tape recorder. down the Upon data in pencil. arriving home he would transfer the he little He wrote information onto worksheets which were later typed and classified according to topic and filed into a drawer. These drawers have since become draws from these cards the data necessary Paredes 's style of living — to create his folklore archive. He monographic works. traveling the countryside, living with various —has groups of people, sharing in their experiences, and documenting them produced many interesting experiences in his own life. One such experience happened while he was gathering folklore in the valleys surrounding the city of Cochabamba during Yo the 1950s. recorrí el valle de que guardaba muchos la He says: Cochabamba elemental lápices y tajadores. a pié, con Vivíamos dad era peligroso caminar por el a la espalda en la el el valle y mis cuadernos de apuntes, tiempo que según la gente de la ciude Cochabamba, ya que imperante, por conveniencia propia y mala y mi mochila muda de ropa fe, había politizado al el partido campesino, señor de vida y haciendas de la región era el Secretario General del Sindicato Agrario, de Apellido Rojas. Al hablar de aquél líder, los citadinos temblaban de miedo porque muchas veces había amenazado invadir y saquear la ciudad. Muchos me aconsejaban que no cometiera la imprudencia de viajar allí, podía raban hasta que podían fusilarme. de valiente, sino porque conocía altas cualidades me decían, y los más timoratos aseveYo me reía, no por audaz, ni por jactarme sufrir atropellos humanas que al aymara y quechua, y sabía de las cualidades que están ausentes en la indio tienen, conducta de los mestizos y blancoides. Llegué a Cliza y bajé del vehículo. Inmediatamente dos campesinos armados se me acercaron y me dijeron que debía explicar a su jefe el me llevaba a esa región. El líder Rojas, secretaria era la profesora. Primero me motivo que despacho en la escuela y su observó desconfiado y estuvo hasta reticente en su actitud, no podía ser de otra manera; ellos recién conocían la libertad después de cuatro siglos de tenía el esclavitud. Yo tomé la palabra y le expliqué el motivo de mi presencia en esos lugares. Rojas cambió de gesto del rostro por cordial, era un valluno moreno, alto, fornido. Me hizo recuerdo a Pancho Villa y como al líder meji- cano sus paisanos, a este los vallunos le obedecían ciegamente y tenían fe en 136 JOHN su palabra. Inmediatamente ordenó a su secretaria rándum que valle me extendiera un B. WRIGHT memo- era el pasaporte para que todos los sindicatos y rancheríos del me recibieran, me Ese memorándum escrito a me cuaderno escolar, alojaran y me dieran los máquina con informes que yo les pediría. cinta roja, en papel cuadriculado de abrió las puertas del Paraíso, y fui tratado a cuerpo de rey por el campesino valluno. Entonces saboreé la auténtica comida campesina, agradable, nutritiva hombres. y sana, y conocí el cordial trato humano de esos 3 He has been all over the country, conducting book fairs and gathering folklore. He claims that forty to fifty years ago, when he gathered the majority of his data, the folklore of the people was authentic. Many people today have learned that by making up ceremonies or dances, they can earn researchers. He dollars from the therefore believes that the folklore gathered today is field not as valid. Paredes established the practice of taking the books to the people. In Bolivian society the indigenous peoples, the cholas and the cholos, were not wel- comed in bookstores. They really had no access to the written word. After his experience in the mining school and traipsing around the countryside gathering power the written word had in changing the lives of people, for he witnessed it. He would take his backpack full of books into towns, and the local people could look at the books with no pressure to buy. Those who wanted a book frequently had no money to buy it, so they offered to barter with him. They would bring potatoes, chickens, corn, and other foodstuffs to exchange for books. The book fairs became very popular. He now operates book fairs throughout the country. When asked how the people received his book fairs, he told the following story: folklore, Paredes realized the En Potosí viene un indio y me dice, "Y por qué no llevas [libros] a mi comunidad?" "Dónde es[tá] tu comunidad?" "Es un pueblo que se llama "Bueno, voy a ir, pero Visijsi." cómo se va?" Y el indio me dice, "Cuándo vas a ir?" Yo le digo, "Voy a domingo." ir el "Ah," me señal. "Te voy estar esperando." dice, "vas a Cuando tomo distingo en el que me chofer hago parar el camión en tal parte." Me da todo lo camión, llevo dos cajoncitos de libros y llego ya lo camino un hombre. Y mientras nos acercábamos era él el había invitado me tomar ir. Hago parar el camino me bajo. Todavía el mira un poco extrañado, que en un lugar tan desolado el camión y me bajé. Bueno y al indio se alegró mucho. 137 ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA, BOLIVIAN FOLKLORIST Y con su burrito, los dos cajones y caminamos. Caminaríamos una hora máxima, y en una ondonadita estaba la comunidad, las casas de la comunidad. Llegué fue una fiesta para ellos. Entonces, puse los en exhibición y ocurre que no había plata, no había dinero y dice, "No te podemos pagar con dinero, pero te pagamos con los libros me productos que tenemos." "Ay," yo "Pero he encontrado, pues, bueno, yá." le digo, Y entonces cambiaba un libro, digamos, por cinco huevos. cuantos libros por una cantidad de papas, o un patito tierno, ductos. . . . así. O otros Y hasta gallina, hasta o sea que regresé a Potosí con una cantidad de pro- Pero, lo interesante de esa, mi visita a Visijsi, es que había comunarios y esa noche se lo enterraba, o al día siguiente, y esa noche era el velatorio. Y allí recojí juegos ceremoni4 ales que están en mi libro de juegos. muerto uno de los The people of Bolivia, especially the indigenous communities, have been He has run some problems, however. For years, Paredes has conducted his book fair in the city of La Paz along its main boulevard, El Prado, which runs through the center of town in the business district. In 1990 the mayor of La Paz decided that having a book very supportive of and interested in his book fair with all fairs. into of its tables and books lying around did not contribute to the image of an advanced city that he was trying to create. There was also by local bookstores to do something with the book books were being displayed and sold. fair some pressure where many pirated Using members of the municipal police Mayor Ronald Mac Lean Abaroa shut down the book fair. The police came in one night and demolished the book displays. Paredes took the case to the Supreme Court of the Department of La Paz because he believed that he was within the law he had received authorization from the municipal government to operate his book fair prior to its opening. The Court decided in his force, — favor. Many people congratulated Paredes for winning the case, but he defi- antly insists that he did not win, the Bolivian people won. Anytime the laws are followed and enforced, the people win. In the aftermath of his experience with Mayor Mac Lean, Paredes and the book exhibitors have moved the book fair a block north on the pedestrian street Paseo Marina Nunez del Prado. Here there have been constructed 65 kiosks which are operated by independent book exhibitors, all members of the Asociación Nacional de Expositores de Libros "Antonio Paredes Cândia" which was founded in 1970. The members of this association have invested a great deal of time and money to create an area of the city which is very beautiful. The Paseo, formerly a place of prostitution, drug trafficking, and filth, has other now been converted into a place of culture. The kiosks line both sides of the Paseo which runs two city blocks. The Paseo is paved with beautiful tiles and JOHN B.WRIGHT 138 is adorned with lawns, planters, and benches. It is Paredes's hope that financial support can be found to create a permanent puppet theater at the west end of the Paseo. Finally, he says, this has Bolivian sculptress whose name become a lasting positive tribute to the great Although bears. it be satisfactory, Paredes warns that nothing this arrangement seems to is certain. He did, however, wish to share his life and feelings named Huáscar, who has since Paredes never married. with other people so he adopted an Aymara boy grown to adulthood, married, and has four children. The has three children. This has been a great joy in the father about and grandfather are important life. He to him oldest child, Kantutita, life of Paredes. His roles as for they have taught him more has learned that as a father, he can only suggest, not counsel. As a grandfather he has learned the special relationship a grandparent shares with a grandchild. His grandchildren, and now his great-grandchildren, visit him often and share their lives with him. Paredes indicates that he thought he under- Aymara people from his trips into their communities over the years, but he really came to appreciate the values of these people after adopting Huásstood the car and being his father. He has also appreciated greatly the fact that Huáscar married a young Aymara from the Altiplano. Interacting with his family has truly given him insights into the Aymara Presently, Paredes lives in his Avenida Manco Kapac across the end of the city of of books, and is as follows: La Paz. His people. home street home of more than forty years located on from the old is filled train station on the west with colonial era furniture, walls many art treasures, paintings, and sculptures. His daily schedule He gets up at 7:30 a.m., tends to his bed (airing out the sheets and blankets, then making it), research until 10:30 a.m. washes, dresses, eats breakfast, and works on his when he goes downtown to work at his kiosk. He returns at 1:00 p.m. and eats lunch and then naps until 3:00 p.m. In the afternoons he works on his research. home and He He returns news. He works returns to his kiosk until 6:00 p.m. which he sometimes watches the on his research until 1:00 a.m. Sometimes he will be so excited about what he is reading, or the notes he is making from his cards, that he totally forgets eats dinner, after about the time and ends up going to bed at 2:00 or 3:00 in the morning. not experience insomnia and he doesn't dream; he sleeps like a child. a very modest He life. He does He does He lives not experience loneliness as he advances in age. says he will continue in this pattern until the end. Documenting His Research The publications of Antonio Paredes Cândia span almost a half a century. was published in 1953. He originally took it to the Ministerio de Educación, which had advertised its desire to publish national authors whose works deal with Bolivia. His work was rejected; he was told that it was complete nonsense. He continued his efforts to see his work published and was successful when A. Gamarra agreed to publish As mentioned, his first book, Literatura folklórica, ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA, BOLIVIAN FOLKLORIST When 1 39 book was published and printed, available for sale, Paredes did not have any money to pay for the printing. He gave the publisher a stove with three burners in payment. It was accepted. From the introduction the manuscript. we the read: El estudio del folklore de una region o de un grupo étnico, es labor patriótica y plena de sacrificios cuando se trata de naciones como la nuestra, en la que no se ha inquietado el ánimo de los intelectuales por el conocimiento de esta cuyo estudio y divulgación en la mayoría de las repúblicas sudamericanas avanza notablemente. El folklore en sí, representa la explicación de ciencia, la idiosincracia cias, mitos, de un pueblo mediante sus costumbres, danza, música, creen- leyendas y alimentación. Bolivia, en el continente, es uno de los más ricos en este sentido. ... Su enorme población indígena ... es fecundo campo para que el estudioso recopile datos sobre tan interesante países tema. ... Se ha llegado al convencimiento de que un pueblo que no guarda celosa y sobre todo honestamente su folklore, dá a entender que reniega de la herencia de antecedentes que estructuran su existencia. Es lamentable que en nuestra Patria no se haya tomado en serio del nuestro, que es amplísimo. The following la recopilación y divulgación 5 year, 1954, Paredes received a book from Efraín Moróte Best, a Peruvian folklorist. This book, Elementos de Folklore (1950), encour- aged Paredes to continue in his new career of investigator and researcher of Bolivian folklore. The book contains a detailed history of the principles and practices of the discipline of folklore. It also contains a lengthy classification scheme for organizing and classifying the different forms of folklore. This book became the basis for Paredes 's future work. Since publishing that first book, Paredes has taken advantage of the richness of Bolivia's folklore and has published several more. He decided, however, not to have to book would be published. Paredes established results of his research. He chose the that the culture of Bolivia is his own name Ediciones wonder how each imprint to publish the Isla because he believes an island. Paredes worked cooperatively with Librería-Editorial "Popular," a publishing house headquartered in print all of the books produced under the Ediciones with this printing house began early de Villamor, a woman when he Isla imprint. it came time to to His relationship contracted with doña Elena Lucia with great business acumen, to publish his books. She and Librería-Editorial "Popular" helped to make Ediciones When La Paz, Isla successful. pay for the publication, doña Elena would say, "Bring new book, you can pay me for the publication book." The company is now presided over by her son, Germán another book. With the sale of the of the earlier Villamor Lucia. The Librería operates bookstores in several Bolivian and in Argentina. It which is in Bolivia also controls about 60 percent of the greeting card industry what they primarily produce now dars, date books. Paredes is the only author Librería. cities who — greeting cards, calen- has books produced by the 140 JOHN Since 1953 Paredes has published 95 titles, B. WRIGHT the majority as monographs. 6 Primarily they focus on topics of folklore: documenting popular practices, speech, dances, food, anecdotes, stories, and so on. specifically for Bolivian children because Some works were written he wants them from an early age to begin to love Bolivia. This they will do, he believes, as they learn about her people, legends, stories, geography. These include the following two books: Cuentos bolivianos para niños (1984) and Cuentos de maravilla para niños (1988). He has published books dealing with the folklore of different regions of Bolivia: Folklore de Potosí (1980), Tradiciones orureñas (1980), ción paceña (1982), Literatura oral delBeni (1992), Folklore de De la tradi- Cochabamba (1997). Another group deals specifically with popular usage in folk language: Refranes, frases y expresiones populares de Bolivia (1976), Voces de trabajo pregones, juramentos e invocaciones (1976), El apodo en Bolivia (1977), Estribillos populares de carácter político (1993), Lenguaje mímico (1997). Anee- dotes are another favorite collection for Paredes. night and reads several regional newspapers, worth saving. He He watches the news every combing them for new anecdotes believes that anecdotes are important because the anecdote "en muchos casos da lugar a la creación de cuentos populares. Con tiempo se olvidan los personajes protagonistas de la anécdota. el correr del Queda el hecho iniciándose así el proceso de folklorización hasta que llega el tiempo en que se cuenta la anécdota anteponiendo 'dice que ha pasado', abuela', o 'oceurió en tiempos antiguos.' novels dealing with social injustices Each of these short novels for the reader positive is ways panying these forms of social its 'le contaron a mi Paredes has written several short commonly important in to "7 practiced in his native land. own right because it demonstrates break out of the pattern of victimization accominjustice: El zambo salvito (1982), Aventuras de dos niños (1986), Ellos no tenían zapatos (1989), Los hijos de la correista (1990), and La historia de Gumercindo (1994). He wrote two biographies of two men who have deeply influenced him: La vida ejemplar de Antonio González Bravo (1967) and La trágica vida de Ismael Sotomayor y Mogrovejo (1967). One a musicologist the other a traditionalist/historian, both were authentic, no illusions; both were quiet, unassuming researchers who, for the most part, have been forgotten by their countrymen. Paredes believes that all of his books should be considered as a single grain of sand that will someday be used to reclaim the true Bolivian culture which has been neglected and destroyed by decades of corrupt politics and politicians. Paredes folklore. The is principally a collector, an arranger, and a describer of Bolivian discipline of folklore is, preserving knowledge of the people. of course, concerned with gathering and The collection of this data is crucial for the student of folklore. Current trends in the discipline, however, also require the serious scholar to evaluate and analyze the importance of the performance of the folklore and the environment of its performance in addition to the collection of the data. Paredes 's work seems to be lacking in this important facet of 141 ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA, BOLIVIAN FOLKLORIST folklore scholarship, but this folklore — is the preservation of culture — is it Bolivians come his work was have been kept alive for generations books are a seedbed for future scholars all states in the noticulas of to preserve from disappearing. Because of Paredes 's work, facets of Bolivian culture help collection of the greatest contribution Paredes has made to the study of Bolivian folklore. In fact, he many of his books that his sole motivation in doing the culture, to prevent The a topic for another paper. in Bolivian folklore. to a better understanding of their to many come. His His writings will own culture. After conducting an interview with Paredes, one person described the significance of his work as follows: "Antonio Paredes-Candia, admirado por muchos, criticado por otros, respetado por todos, constituye nuestro folklore. el más importante investigador de A lo largo de sus cien obras ha recopilado tradiciones, leyen- das, cuentos, personajes, en nuestra identidad cultural. Conocer la obra de fin, Paredes-Candia es requisito para entender y reconocer lo que somos." 8 Conclusion I have offered you a brief glimpse into the life of Paredes. I described his manner of doing research and I have explained how he documents his research by publishing books. I have mentioned the impact his writings had on me at the beginning of this paper. I would like to return now to that book, Tukusiwa, o, La muerte. By reading this book, I gained insights into the historical practice of burying children. This information helped me clarify the meaning of my expe- rience assisting in the burial of a Bolivian child. ilege it was for me I now understand what a priv- to act as the child's godfather, at the request of his parents, and wash, dress, and bury the child. Now, however, I have more questions. Why was I, a Mormon missionary, chosen to act as godfather? Was it because my missionary companion and I were the only available religious leaders? Were the child's godparents unavailable? Did the child not have godparents? If he didn't have godparents, does that mean that he was never baptized? If not, what impact would that have on the status of his soul? Could he be an angelito? do not know exactly what the significance of that event was for Germán Mendoza and his wife. I do not know if I understand what the dressing of their I still meant for them. I do know, however, that this was their third child and the third one to die. I would hope that they were comforted in knowing that their son was every bit as beautiful as was his angel costume. I would hope that they had the consolation that their son could return to the presence of God. In anyone's language, customs, or folklore I would hope that this would be the case. child in an angel's clothing Aymara is a language that is very capable of expressing the depths of a human soul. The first word in the title of Paredes 's book is tukusiwa. The word tukusiwa is Aymara. come It is constructed from the verb tukuña come —meaning to finish, make the verb reflexive; the suffix -wa changes the reflexive verb into a noun. An complete, to an end, full circle; the suffix -si is added to 142 JOHN B. WRIGHT English translation of tukusiwa might be then the state of completing oneself by bringing oneself to an end or coming full circle or simply finishing one's cycle. This is not the usual does Paredes use it word used here? I Aymara. That word for death in think he chose is jiwaña. Why to express the feeling that death has it Aymara people. Death is not a crisis for the Aymara. It is something natural and logical for someone who has completed his life cycle. Paredes himself knows that one day he will complete his life cycle. Does he feel complete? What does he feel about his work, his attempt to document Bolivian folklore? I will let him speak for himself as he explains the significance of the dedication written by Moróte Best in the book Paredes received in for the He 1954. explains the following: me mandó tiene una dedicatoria muy El libro que voy a Mi significativa para mi. Se lo leer: querido amigo Sr. don Antonio Paredes Candía, Deposito en sus manos este libro que ojalá sirva para que usted continúe la admirable obra de su ilustre padre. y por eso, le Tengo fe en lo que usted logrará envío también mi espíritu. Su amigo, Efraín Moróte Best Cuzco, Perú 1954 Yo creo que ni lo a mi padre, ni a Moróte he defraudado. Creo he cumplido con que dice en esta dedicatoria Moróte Best. 9 The life Paredes has lived and the books he has written have been a direct result of his decision to accept the position of rural teacher in the of Quechisla. He says in a letter los raros escritores in the letter, I received in February 1999, "Yo soy uno de He de mi Patria, que vive de lo que escribe." "Yo vivo de que escribo," and adds lo mining town this repeats later important qualifier: "Mi no me da para lujos ni derroches, pero sí, para una vida honesta y honrada." The gathering of folklore and the writing of books based on this folklore has allowed Paredes to sustain himself. More important, by conducting his oficio 10 research he cer a mi is "sumergido en la verdadera Bolivia . . . porque me enseña a cono- patria, a conocer a mi pueblo, a poder saber sus inquietudes, sus con- 11 This understanding has allowed Paredes to continue honestly fesiones, todo." and honorably the work of isfied the senior Paredes 's his father which most definitely, more important concerns I believe, has sat- for his son. NOTES 1. Antonio Paredes Cândia, Tukusiwa, o, La muerte (La Popular, 1995), pp. 126-127. In this passage Paredes is Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial actually recording the events surrounding the death of children in Tarata, Department of Cochabamba, Bolivia. Although place on the Altiplano in the Department of La Paz, I my experience took found the events discussed here strikingly 143 ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA, BOLIVIAN FOLKLORIST similar to those surrounding my experience in Tahri. I am assuming the meanings of the events are similar as well. In April 1999 2. sion of the interview information I La Paz, traveled to 1 Bolivia, and conducted an oral history interview with We met April 9-10 and Antonio Paredes Cândia. 12-14 at his home from 3:00-5:00 p.m. Each ses- was videotaped and tape recorded. The biographical sketch was created from learned during the interviews. I am in the process of transcribing the interviews. I will record subsequent references to this interview in the following manner: Interview, date of interview. 3. Antonio Paredes Cândia, Folklore de Cochabamba (La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1997), pp. 9-10. 4. Interview, April 10, 1999. book Tukusiwa, 5. o, La muerte, The ceremonial games that he refers to are recorded in his pp. 356-358. Antonio Paredes Cândia, introduction to Literatura folklórico: (Rocogida de la tradición oral boliviana) (La Paz, Bolivia: Tall. Gráf. A. Gamarra, 1953). 6. When I first spoke with Paredes during the interviews, I understood that the 95 resented monographic plete works, that the format. I number believe that graphic publications. titles. I my I represents the total bibliography have also 7. all is number of at the titles complete as far as listed different editions if Works of Antonio Paredes Cândia" complete the bibliography of titles believe, however, after trying to create a bibliography of his end of I this paper.) rep- com- published by him regardless of listing all of the titles of his mono- could discover them. (See "Selected More work will have to be done to of Paredes 's work. Antonio Paredes Cândia, Cuentos populares bolivianos: De la tradición oral, 3. ed. (La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1984), p. 20. 8. Ramiro Calasich, "Conversación con Antonio Paredes-Candia," Presencia-Dominical (La Paz, Bolivia), July 14, 1991, 9. p. 5. Interview, April 9, 1999. 10. Antonio Paredes Cândia, 11. Interview, April 12, 1999. letter to author, February 9, 1999, p. 4. SELECTED WORKS OF ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA Monographs (Chronological Order) Literatura folklórica: (Recogida de la tradición oral boliviana). La Paz, Bolivia: Tall. Gráf. A. Gamarra, 1953. Folklore en el valle de El folklore en la Cochabamba: Dos fiestas populares. La Paz, ciudad de La Paz. Separata de la revista de arte y Bolivia: n.p., 1957. letras "Khana," año V, vol. 2, nos. 25 y 26, julio de 1957. Bibliografía del folklore boliviano. "Khana," correspondiente La Paz, al Bolivia: Separata de la revista de arte y letras no. 35, diciembre 1961. Todos Santos en Cochabamba: Folklore. La Paz, Bolivia: Separata de "Khana," no. 36, septiembre 1962. Vocablos aymarás en Isla, el Revista habla popular paceña: Folklore. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones 1963. La danza folklórica en Bolivia. La Paz: Ediciones Isla, 1966. Juegos, juguetes y divertimientos del folklore de Bolivia. Isla, la 1966. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones 144 JOHN La Artesanías e industrias populares de Bolivia. La La Isla, WRIGHT Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1967. trágica vida de Ismael Sotomayor y Mogrovejo: (Bio-bibliografía). Ediciones B. La Paz, Bolivia: 1967. La vida ejemplar de Antonio González Bravo. Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, Antología de tradiciones y leyendas bolivianas. 3 tomos. La Paz, Bolivia: J. 1967. Camar- linghi, 1968. La Navidad paceña: Fiesta popular. La Paz, Bolivia: H. Municipalidad de La Paz, 1968. Selección del teatro boliviano para niños. Comercio popular de y 2, Paz, Bolivia: Camarlinghi Editor, 1969. ciudad de La Paz: Folklore. La Paz: Prefectura del Departa- la mento de La Paz. Separata de al no. 1 La Revista de Cultura "Pukara," correspondiente la 1970. Brujerías, tradiciones y leyendas. 2. ed. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones El Amauta, 1972. Cuentos de curas: Folklore secreto. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1972. Diccionario mitológico de Bolivia: Dioses, símbolos, héroes. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Puerta del Sol, 1972. Cuentos populares bolivianos: Isla, De La la tradición oral. 1. ed. Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones 1973. Las mejores tradiciones y leyendas de Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Puerta del Sol, 1973. Antología de tradiciones y leyendas bolivianas. Tomo I. La Paz: Editorial "Los Amigos del Libro," 1974. Leyenda de Patacamaya. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Anécdotas bolivianas. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Cuentos de curas: folklore secreto. 2. ed. La Isla, Isla, 1974. 1975. Paz: Ediciones Isla, 1975. Leyendas de Bolivia. La Paz: Editorial "Los Amigos del Libro," 1975. Las mejores tradiciones y leyendas de Bolivia. 2. ed. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Puerta del Sol, 1975. Adivinanzas de doble sentido: Folklore secreto. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Brujerías de Bolivia. La Paz: Editorial "Los Fiestas populares de Bolivia. 2 tomos. Amigos La Paz, Isla, 1976. del Libro," 1976. Bolivia: Ediciones Isla/Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1976. Refranes, frases y expresiones populares de Bolivia: 1.495 paremias. Ediciones Isla, 1976. Tradiciones de Bolivia. 2. ed. La Paz: Editorial "Los Amigos La Paz, Bolivia: del Libro," 1976. Voces de trabajo, pregones, juramentos e invocaciones: Folklore de Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1976. Adivinanzas bolivianas: (De la tradición oral). La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1977. El apodo en Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones El sexo en el folklore boliviano. La Isla, 1977. Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Cuentos kjuchis: Folklore secreto. La Paz: Ediciones Isla, Isla, 1978. 1977. 145 ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA, BOLIVIAN FOLKLORIST Otros cuentos de curas: Folklore secreto. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Penúltimas anécdotas bolivianas. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Brujerías, tradiciones y leyendas. La Isla, 1978. 1978. Isla, Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones El Amauta, 1979. Las mejores tradiciones y leyendas de Bolivia. La Paz, 3. ed. Bolivia: Ediciones Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1979. Costumbres matrimoniales indígenas. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Folklore de Potosí: Algunos aspectos. Tradiciones orureñas. La La Paz, Isla, 1980. Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1980. Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Adivinanzas de doble sentido: Folklore secreto. Isla, 3. ed. 1980. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1981. Diccionario mitológico de Bolivia: Dioses, símbolos, héroes. La 2. ed. Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla/Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1981. Poesía popular boliviana. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla/Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1981. Las alachas: Fiesta y feria popular de la ciudad de La Paz: Monografía. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería Editorial "Libertad," 1982. De la tradición paceña: Folklore y tradiciones de la ciudad de La Paz. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular"/Ediciones Isla, 1982. Kjuchi cuentos: (Folklore secreto). 2. ed. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1982. Las mejores tradiciones y leyendas de Bolivia. 4. ed. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1982. El zambo salvito: Vida y muerte. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1982. Once anécdotas del Libertador. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1983. Cuentos bolivianos para niños. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1984. De la tradición oral. 3. ed. corr. y considerablemente aumentada. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1984. Cuentos populares bolivianos: La danza folklórica en Bolivia. 2. ed. La Paz, La comida popular boliviana: Apuntes y Bolivia: Editorial Gisbert y Cía., 1984. recetario. La Paz, Bolivia: A. Paredes-Candia, 1986. Leyendas de Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1986. Otras anécdotas bolivianas. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1987. Tradiciones de Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1987. Cuentos de maravilla para niños: De almas, duendes, aparecidos. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1988. Ellos no tenían zapatos. ... La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1989. Otros cuentos de curas: Folklore secreto. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1989. Antología de tradiciones y leyendas bolivianas. 3 tomos. La Paz, Bolivia: LibreríaEditorial "Popular," 1990. Artesanías e industrias populares de Sucre. lar," La Paz, Bolivia: Librería Editorial "Popu- 1990. Ellos no tenían zapatos. ... 2. ed. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1990. 146 Los JOHN hijos de la correista: Novelín. La danza folklórica en La B. WRIGHT Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1990. La Bolivia. 3. ed., aumentada. Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1991. La chola boliviana. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1992. Literatura oral del Beni. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1992. La Estribillos populares de carácter político. Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones El molino quemado: Novelín. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones La Aymara salvito. trans. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones 1993. 1993. Isla, El rutuchi: Una costumbre antigua. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones El zambo Isla, 1993. Isla, Casa de la Cultura, 1993. Gumercindo: Novelín. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," historia de 1994. Quehaceres femeninos. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1995. Tukusiwa, o, La muerte: Algunas costumbres bolivianas. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería- Editorial "Popular," 1995. Ultimas anécdotas bolivianas. 4. entrega. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1995. Isolda: La historia de una perrita. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1996. Costumbres matrimoniales indígenas: Y de otras capas sociales. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1997. La Folklore de Cochabamba, 1949-1955. Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Lenguaje mímico: Folklore. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones La muerte del dictador Germán Busch. La Isla, Isla, 1997. 1997. Paz, Bolivia: Librería-Editorial "Popular," 1997. Relaciones históricas de Bolivia. Tomo La 1. Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Bandoleros, salteadores y raterillos. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones De rameras, burdeles y proxenetas. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, Isla, Isla, 1997. 1998. 1998. Periodical Articles "Los pájaros en Khana, los cuentos vol. I, nos. de nuestro folklore: (Recogidos de 3-4 (julio "El folklore escrito en la ciudad de La Paz. Khana (julio "Folklore en el valle de Cochabamba: El sombrero." "Folklore en el valle de Cochabamba: la tradición oral)." de 1954), 80-84 de 1955), 53-98. Khana (octubre de 1956), 136-152. Dos fiestas populares." Dos fiestas populares." Khana (marzo de 1957), 145-151. "El folklore de la ciudad de La Paz: Khana (julio de 1957), 160-177. "Antología de cuentos del folklore boliviano: (Recogidos de la tradición oral)." Khana (octubre-diciembre de 1957), 64-70. "Folklore de la Hacienda Mollepampa." Khana, vol. II, nos. 31 y 32 (julio de 1958), 135-141. "Antología de cuentos del folklore boliviano: (Recogidos de (julio de 1959), 300-313. la tradición oral)." Khana 147 ANTONIO PAREDES CANDÍA, BOLIVIAN FOLKLORIST "Bibliografía del folklore boliviano." Khana, vol. I, no. 35 (diciembre de 1961), 119-172. "Todos Santos en Cochabamba: Newspaper (folklore)." Khana (septiembre de 1962), 66-82. articles "Cuando Dios quiere dar: Tradición paceña." La verdad: Una voz con fe en Tarija. Año VII, Tarija, jueves, 18 de marzo de 1982, no. 800, p. 8, columns 3-6. "La leyenda de 1, la coca." Chulumani: Publicación del Centro Cultural y Deportivo. No. 24 de agosto de 1984, "De Santa Marta p. 5. a los barrancos de Llojata: tradición." Tiahuanacu. Septiembre de 1987, p. 9, columns 1-3. "El banquete en el cielo." Opinión: El esolar. Año III, no. 141, Cochabamba, 20 de febrero de 1990, pp. 6-7. "La bodega." Pausa Semanal. Sucre, jueves, 7 de junio de 1990, no. 18, año I, p. 2. "Los aldabones o llamadores en puertas de casas coloniales de Sucre." Correo del Sur. Guía Semanal. Sucre, domingo 10 a sábado 16 de junio de 1990, año 2, no. 86, pp. 12-13. "Francisco Perro." Prensa Libre. Sucre, 15 de agosto de 1992, p. 14. "Una "Caín oreja es una oreja (tradición)." Prensa Libre. Sucre, los habría enviado." 22 de agosto de 1992, Prensa Libre. Sucre, 29 de agosto de 1992, "El carnaval de antaño era una diversión sana." Ultima Hora, La p. 14. p. 18. Paz, domingo, 21 de febrero de 1993, p. 7. "La poesía popular boliviana." Sociedad Hoy. La Paz, domingo, 8 de mayo de 1994, "El Alto: Ciudad Túpac Katari." Presencia. La p. 8. Paz, Bolivia, viernes, 8 de octubre de 1998. "Calendario Folklórico del Departamento de Potosí." 10 de noviembre, año I, no. 1, La Voz de Potosí. Sucre, sábado, pp. 6-7. "Nuevas anécdotas bolivianas: Sin guardar las apariencias." Opinión: Pueblo y Cultura. Año III, no. 117. . Los esfuerzos por recuperar y 13. preservar el cine puertorriqueño Víctor Torres Cualquier aproximación al cine puertorriqueño tiene que comenzar con la pre- gunta obligada, ¿existe realmente un cine puertorriqueño? La respuesta es mativa, aunque en términos cuantitativos el mismo esté muy afir- lejos del cine mexicano o argentino, por mencionar dos de los países latinoamericanos que cuentan con una amplia y sostenida producción cinematográfica. Etapas del cine puertorriqueño La 1 trayectoria del cine puertorriqueño se Etapa puede dividir en cuatro etapas. inicial A comienzos del siglo XX dos pioneros del cine puertorriqueño, Rafael Colorado y Juan Viguié, producen las primeras películas. El primero realizó en 1912 la película Un drama en Puerto Rico y en 1916 funda la primera compañía de cine del país, la Sociedad Industrial Cine Puerto Rico, para la que Por hembra y El milagro de la virgen y Mafia compañía nativa, la Tropical Film Company, que contaba en su Junta Directiva con los conocidos hombres de letras Nemesio Canales, Luis Lloréns Torres y Antonio Pérez Perret. Ese mismo año producen Paloma del monte dirigida por Lloréns Torres. Otra compañía con capital nativo y norteamericano, la Porto Rico Photoplays, se funda en 1919 y dirige tres películas: en Puerto Rico. produce Amor En 1917 tropical la el gallo, se funda otra con dos estrellas del cine silente norteamericano. Este primer periodo culmina con Romance tropical, primer largometraje sonoro del cine puertorriqueño que produjo y dirigió Juan Viguié en 1934 con libreto de Luis Palés Matos (Torres 1994:14-21). 2. Cine de la División de Educación a la Luego de un periodo de Comunidad inactividad, la producción fílmica resurge con la Aunque se crea oficial14 de mayo de 1949 como una agencia creación de la División de Educación de la Comunidad. mente mediante adscrita al la ley número 372 del Departamento de Instrucción Pública (actualmente, el Departamento de Educación), la División comenzó a producir cine a mediados de los años 40 cuando Jack e Irene Délano, junto a Edwin Rosskam, comienzan la producción y distribución de películas, carteles, folletos y otros materiales visuales en un taller ubicado en el sótano de la Comisión de Parques y Recreo Público 148 149 LOS ESFUERZOS POR PRESERVAR EL CINE PUERTORRIQUEÑO (Délano 1994:44). Así se inicia un proyecto abarcador para educar especialmente a los habitantes de les la zona rural, que combinaba el al pueblo, uso de carte- y folletos con películas. La División produce más de un centenar de películas a lo largo de su exis- en su mayoría corto y mediometrajes. Su producción consistió principalmente de documentales o películas dramatizadas filmadas en ambientes tencia, naturales con actores no-profesionales. Según Ramón Almodóvar Ronda, las películas de ficción se utilizaron para trabajar los temas sociales y el docu- mental se utilizó para los temas culturales (1994:88). Este cine respondía a los objetivos ideológicos y programáticos del Partido Popular Democrático. Como tal, tenía unos claros objetivos didácticos encaminados a elevar el nivel y la calidad de vida de la población y señalar problemas sociales o algunas de las necesidades básicas de las comunidades. El enfoque didáctico estaba dirigido a que la población, en particular las comunidades, resolvieran motu próprio, problemas o necesidades: "la necesidad de obras públicas en las sus comunidades, educación del consumidor y el mercadeo, el autoritarismo o caciquismo, los derechos de la mujer, el cooperativismo, el trabajo y el bienestar social, la culla (Mongil Echandía y Rosario Albert 1994:32-33). Estudiosos del cine puertorriqueño coinciden en señalar las aportaciones tura popular y la historia" indiscutibles del cine de la División. puertorriqueño al En primer término, sienta las bases del cine producir un corpus sostenido de alta calidad artística y técnica. En segundo término, desarrolla al personal técnico necesario para la producción de cine. En este renglón hay que destacar que a los pioneros del proyecto, los esposos Délano y Rosskam, se unieron escritores de la talla de Rene Marqués, Emilio Díaz Valcárcel y Pedro Juan Soto en calidad de guionistas; Rafael Tufiño y Lorenzo Homar, entre otros, en las artes gráficas y los compositores Hector Campos Parsi y Amaury Veray. A este cuadro de talento puertorriqueño hay que añadir al grupo de realizadores que se forjan bajo la División: Amílcar Tirado, Luis A. Maysonet, Ángel 3. F. Rivera y Marcos Betancourt, entre otros. Cine comercial El auge económico de Puerto Rico durante los años 50 y la popularidad que adquieren los artistas de la televisión, motivó a que varios productores independientes y compañías reiniciaran durante esta década la producción de largometrajes. Uno de estos esfuerzos fue el del realizador dominicano Rolando Barreras que produjo tres películas a fines de los años 50 y principio de la década del 60. Sin embargo, ninguna de estas películas alcanza el éxito de Maruja, película de la compañía PROBO Films que se estrenó en 1959. Todavía es común referirse incorrectamente a Maruja como el primer largómetraje del cine puertorriqueño. en lo que se refiere al Lo cierto es que esta película abre una brecha cine comercial que habría de durar 20 años al promo- ver la producción ininterrumpida de largometrajes con capital nativo o en co- producción con México. Durante este periodo se producen 46 filmes que, en su 150 VÍCTOR TORRES mayoría, siguen de cerca las fórmulas convencionales del cine mexicano: melo- dramas o comedias ligeras más consecuentes de esta etapa. con un fuerte ingrediente de música. Entre las mejores producciones de este periodo se encuentran: Ayer amargo, El alcalde de Machuchal y Mientras Puerto Rico duerme producidas, respectivamente, por Gerónimo Mitchell, Paquito Cordero y Damián Rosa, los tres productores 4. Período actual Aunque dera que en podemos todavía no periodo actual el ciclo se inicia en 1980 a Dios alcanza, junto al éxito comercial, petir internacionalmente una industria de cine, se consi- cine puertorriqueño alcanza su madurez. El el raíz de referirnos a los cría, película un nivel artístico en festivales de cine. de Jacobo Morales que y técnico que la lleva a com- A este periodo pertenecen La gran fiesta, La guagua aérea y otros filmes de Jacobo Morales. A pesar de que la nueva generación de cineastas tiende a identificarse y resaltar el cine de este periodo, a tal grado que suele menospreciar o subestimar el cine del la producción de estos 20 años resulta exigua en lo refiere. En cambio, cobra fuerza la producción de docu- periodo anterior, que a largometrajes se mentales independientes, de cine experimental y de animación, gracias, entre nuevos formatos que surgen: otros factores, a los el video y el Super 8. Preservación y conservación del cine puertorriqueño Los dos esfuerzos que existen por preservar y conservar el cine puertorriqueño, ambos de creación reciente, son el Archivo de Imágenes en Movimiento y el Proyecto Cine Nuestro. Archivo de Imágenes en Movimiento El Archivo de Imágenes forma parte del Archivo General de Puerto Rico y, como tal, está adscrito al Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña. El mismo se crea mediante la Resolución Conjunta 129 de la Legislatura de Puerto Rico que encomendó al Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña la organización del primer archivo de cine y televisión del país. El archivo se organiza propiamente en 1988 como un centro especializado en la conservación, preservación y divul- gación del material fílmico producido principalmente por las distintas agencias del gobierno de Puerto Rico. La colección incluye imágenes en movimiento en películas de 8 tapes) de mm, V", V", 1" y 16 mm y 35 mm y cintas videomagnetofónicas (videovida política, cultural y social de 2". El material refleja la Puerto Rico desde finales del siglo XIX. una de a las imágenes fílmicas es Guánica en • el distintos formatos: 1898. la de la Como dato curioso, cabe destacar que invasión de las tropas norteamericanas La colección primaria incluye los siguientes fondos. La colección completa de las películas realizadas por la División de Educación a la Comunidad desde 1946 hasta 1974 incluye las películas LOS ESFUERZOS POR PRESERVAR EL CINE PUERTORRIQUEÑO que realizara • División en sus orígenes bajo el nombre de la División Comisión de Parques y Recreo Público. La colección de Felisa Rincón de Gautier presenta algunos aspectos de la vida y la gestión pública de la alcaldesa de San Juan durante su incumbencia de 22 años, entre 1946 al 1968. Películas y cintas videomagnetofónicas de la Administración de de • la 151 la Educación Visual de la Fomento Económico muestra través de actividades como la promoción industrial de esta agencia a inauguración de fábricas, reuniones pro- la fesionales y noticieros. • La colección de comprende los noticieros Al día con Kresto y Denia, Deportes Kresto y Denla, El Mirador Kresto y Denla y noticieros fílmicos El noticiero Vlgulé que se presentaban en de • la de cine como parte función durante las décadas del 50 y 60. Películas comerciales entre los títulos que posee la colección se encuentran Maruja, El otro camino, Diez años de nostalgia, tolio • las salas Más allá del capi- y Obsesión. La Colección de Kinescopio de personalidades puertorriqueñas incluye imágenes de varias figuras de entre ellas Luis Muñoz la vida pública y del ambiente artístico, Marín, Inés Mendoza, Ramón Ortiz del Rivero (Diplo) y Johnnie Rodríguez. WIPR que consta WIPR en cinta video- Otros fondos añadidos a la colección son la Colección de varios de los programas de la estación del gobierno magnetofónica, entre estos Mirador puertorriqueño (80 ediciones) y las telenovelas Pueblo chico, El regreso y Los dedos de la mano producidas por el Instituto tas de Cultura Puertorriqueña durante los años 70. Además, varios cineas- puertorriqueños han donado su producción fílmica, entre ellos José Artemio Torres y Enrique Trigo (Luna Films). Como medida de preservación, mato de video (VHS J¿") producción fílmica se transfiere al for- y permite su uso y manejo. En lo que se Archivo trabaja en la restauración de películas y, que refiere a conservación, el la facilita hasta la fecha, ha restaurado 25 filmes entre los que figuran Maruja, Modesta y Los peloteros. Toda la colección está localizada en una bóveda climatizada que reúne los requisitos de temperatura y permite el control apropiado de la humedad. Como se desprende de esta breve descripción, la colección del Archivo de Imágenes en Movimiento recoge principalmente documentales, noticieros y programas de televisión, relacionados de una forma u otra al gobierno, dejando al descubierto el cine comercial que se produce en el país desde principio de siglo. Proyecto Cine Nuestro Es precisamente para cubrir esta necesidad que un grupo de ciudadanos la iniciativa de Roberto Ramos Perea, conocido dramaturgo y Director acoge 152 VÍCTOR TORRES como Cine Ejecutivo del Ateneo Puertorriqueño. Este proyecto, conocido Nuestro, e impulsado por la Sección de Cine y Video del Ateneo Puertorriqueño, intenta localizar y rescatar una copia en video de cada película pro- ducida en el país, ya sea con capital nacional o extranjero. El proyecto resulta ambicioso pues contempla, además, incluir y técnicos puertorriqueños en Estados Unidos. La las películas realizadas el extranjero, tarea inicial consistió en realizar por artistas principalmente en México y los un inventario de ducidas en Puerto Rico. Para este trabajo se utilizó como las películas pro- fuente de consulta principal la filmografía del cineasta puertorriqueño Joaquín (Kino) García Morales (García Morales 1997). El inventario realizado arrojó un total de 508 que incluyen cortometrajes, mediometrajes y largometrajes producidos por agencias del gobierno, productores independientes o compañías privadas. títulos Incluye, asimismo, las co-producciones realizadas, principalmente con México. Luego de identificar los títulos se procedió a localizar las películas en colec- ciones públicas y privadas de Puerto Rico y el extranjero, en filmotecas, distribuidores de video, bases de datos en Internet y otras fuentes. Se logró ubicar un 70% de los títulos. Los rado "desaparecidas" por restantes, el que ascienden a 44 momento, copia disponible o su paradero. Se declararon también varias películas que si títulos, se esto es, se desconoce como si han decla- existe alguna "desaparecidas" bien se conoce localización, los dueños o custodios no han permitido su acceso. En la actualidad, el tarea de recuperar estos títulos y, a tales fines, proyecto está enfrascado en la comenzó a circular una lista ya recabar la colaboración de personas e instituciones. El siguiente paso, aún inconcluso, está encaminado a conseguir una copia en video de cada una de las películas identificadas y localizadas. Salvo en los casos en que el video se encuentre accesible en el mercado, la labor requiere formato de video todas transferir al algunos casos, películas a el las películas que se puedan recuperar. En propio curador del proyecto ha transportado los rollos de un laboratorio para realizar esta labor (Ramos Perea, sonal, 7 de abril de 1999). películas de lo que La lista hemos llamado entrevista per- de "desaparecidas" incluye a todas la etapa inicial del cine puertorriqueño, con toda probabilidad se han perdido para siempre dada películas que las la natu- raleza inflamable del material fílmico de la época. Sin embargo, las películas desaparecidas no se limitan a las primeras décadas del siglo XX ya que incluye 60 y aún de los años 70. Entre estos títulos sobresale Ayer amargo, una adaptación libre de Yerma, de García Lorca, trasplantada al ambiente boricua y filmada en San Germán, que dirigió Amílcar Tirado y propelículas de los años 50, tagonizó Marta Romero. Según las el curador del proyecto, una de las explicaciones para que pelícu- de época reciente no puedan localizarse obedece a que durante esta época fue práctica común que los productores recibieran dinero de la casa distri- buidora, en la mayoría de los casos la Columbia Pictures, y entregaran el 153 LOS ESFUERZOS POR PRESERVAR EL CINE PUERTORRIQUEÑO producto final a la compañía perdiendo así el control de la película (Ramos Perea, entrevista personal). Control y acceso No un acceso adecuado para estas colecciones. La colección primaria del Archivo de Imágenes en Movimiento se encuentra catalogada, pero dicha catalogación no está accesible al público. El único acceso al acervo es a través de las listas que son propiamente un inventario de la colección (Marisel Flores Carrion, entrevista personal, 1999). El proyecto Cine Nuestro ha reaexiste lizado una lista por título, que se puede consultar en el Ateneo, y que indica dónde está ubicada la película, el año de producción, y una clasificación por Muchos de género. los títulos que aparecen, especialmente la producción de la División de Educación de la Comunidad, se encuentran en el Archivo de Imá- genes en Movimiento. Algunas permanecen en custodia de su productor y las más recientes (Angelito mío, Cuentos para despertar) están a la venta en video. Las proyecciones de món del Archivo lar la los encargados de ambas colecciones, Marisel Flores Ca- y Roberto Ramos Perea de Cine Nuestro, contemplan insta- información en un banco de datos de manera que la misma esté accesible a través de Internet. Ambas colecciones cuentan con un acervo documental relacionado con el cine en Puerto Rico. El Archivo de Imágenes posee revistas especializadas, de periódicos, carteles, fotografías y libretos. El Archivo también permite y cuenta con facilidades para la duplicación del material fílmico, aunque artículos este servicio se limita estrictamente al material de entidades considerado de dominio público. Nuestro está abierta al La colección de videos del Proyecto Cine público en general que puede examinar cualquiera de las películas del acervo en la biblioteca del A gubernamentales Ateneo Puertorriqueño. pesar de las limitaciones señaladas, estos esfuerzos resultan enco- miables si tomamos en cuenta que ninguna por nuestro patrimonio fílmico. El acceso y otra institución se la utilidad ha preocupado de estos recursos, par- ticularmente para el investigador, dependerán de un control bibliográfico ade- y provea una descripción. En gran medida, esta tarea se encuentra supeditada al reclutamiento o asesoramiento de cuado que permita identificar el material personal bibliotecario especializado. BIBLIOGRAFÍA Almodóvar Ronda, Ramón. 1994. "Archivo de y el cine la memoria: el documental, la animación experimental en Puerto Rico". Idilio Tropical: la aventura del cine puertorriqueño. San Juan: Banco Popular de Puerto Rico. Délano, Jack. 1994. "Mi participación en los comienzos de la Comunidad". Idilio Tropical: la Banco Popular de Puerto Rico. la División de Educación de aventura del cine puertorriqueño. San Juan: VÍCTOR TORRES 154 García Morales, Joaquín (Kino). 1997. Cine puertorriqueño, filmografía, fuentes y rencias. refe- San Juan: Ateneo Puertorriqueño. Mongil Echandía, Inés y Luis Rosario Albert. 1994. "Cine con un propósito". Idilio Tropical: la aventura del cine puertorriqueño. San Juan: Banco Popular de Puerto Rico. Torres, José Artemio. 1994. Idilio Tropical: la de Puerto Rico. "Apaga misiú: los primeros pasos del cine puertorriqueño". aventura del cine puertorriqueño. San Juan: Banco Popular III. Women and Identity 14. A Bolivian Literary Minority: Women Writers Nelly S. González Between 1945 and 1999, Latin American literature witnessed a dramatic explosion in both the volume and quality of literary production. Creative styles developed and flourished during this period which were nourished by the environment before, during, and after the "boom." This surge in literary activity is evidenced by the fact that five Nobel Prizes for Literature were awarded to Latin American writers for work created during this period. Even while this boom was flourishing, women writers were largely ignored by publishers and scholars. When Isabel Allende entered the limelight with her novel The House of Spirits, women's literary works began to gain importance among publishers and literary critics. American women Spanish America, concur that female authors record their knowledge Literary historians, in analyzing the evolution of Latin writers in with a unique vision, both of their immediate surroundings and of the world as a whole. This often relates to how they express their feelings and the constant conflict with their sociocultural position in society. Lucía Guerra Cunningham in the introduction to her work on Latin American women writers 1 acknowledges progress in the status of women in society today, but states that in spite of these advances, in the specific case of Latin American literature it has not yet reached the importance it deserves. Women's writing and their culture in general are undergoing an important reevaluation and change. If that is true of the literary corpus by case of Bolivian literature is ographers, and compilers of works by in their works. women writers in Latin America, the even worse, since women literary critics, scholars, bibli- writers Josep M. Barnadas and Juan José seldom include Bolivia Coy wrote that in Bolivian lit- up to 1959 there is a profound symbiosis between the text and the context making it impossible to separate one from the other. 2 Thus, the themes and erature scope present in its literature range from the mountains through the valleys and tropics, the rural space as well as the urban, life in the mines, social conditions, politics and government, and so on. Anything literary writers. It is their way is a source of inspiration for these to express their feelings. Bolivian literature was not in the avant-garde of the modernizing process that challenged Latin American writers. Only a couple of 157 writers were known 158 NELLY beyond its why in the Historia de borders. This explains women S. GONZÁLEZ la literatura boliviana 3 on the fingers of one hand. The Encyclopedia of Latin American Literature^ is among the most recent works devoted to the region's literature. The editor's note states that one goal was to stimulate "interest in some of the smaller countries of the region such as Bolivian writers could be counted Ecuador and Bolivia." However, a careful reading in search of Bolivian writers revealed scant references, mostly in passing. Women as its Writers of Latin America: Intimate Histories do not include Bolivia on Bolivian literary history, criticism, I found no Bolivian that provide information some writers and their works, and women specific titles such 5 Reviewing works at all. More women literary writers included, with the exception of Adela Zamudio, and maybe a couple more. The bibliographic scarce; on the contrary, tools available for Latin other reference sources. The problem literary there American a myriad of works, indexes, dictionaries, and is arises when scholars want to research the production of lesser-known countries. Furthermore, works with such as Latin American Writers or Spanish American seem to literature are not Women be comprehensive, and where researchers could hope Writers, titles which to unequivocally find the information they are looking for, often fail to provide even basic data on these countries. Unfortunately, same information about the all these research tools keep repeating the more prevalent countries, and continue to omit treatment of the less important ones. For example, in Diane E. Matting's Spanish American Bio-Bibliographical Source is not represented at Although the editor all. Book (1990), an update of the 1987 Writers: A edition, Bolivia One might think: Are there no Bolivian literary women? work was compiled with the help of numer"names of seventy-eight readers who commented states that this ous scholars and provides the on the Women entries in a cooperative spirit of help 6 of mere acceptance or rejection," Bolivian women and reinforcement rather than one women writers are not included. The made in the chapter "Indian Women Writers of Spanish America," written by Nancy Gray Diaz. 7 Yet there are several reasons why Bolivian women's literature should be only references to Bolivian writers are of interest to publishers and scholars. The fact that Bolivia is a multiethnic soci- which Aymara and Quechua peoples coexist with populations of Hispanic descent makes multiculturalism an important issue in the country. The testimonies of two indigenous women, Domitila Barrios de Chungara 8 (Si me permiten hablar, 1977) and Basilia 9 (Dos mujeres indígenas, 1976) have illuety in women within this context. These stories of Moema Viezzer and June Nash respectively, in minated the role and vision of Domitila and Basilia, as told to which they relate their social exemplary of how and political struggles in Bolivian society, are women negotiate their roles in this complex ment. Indeed, Domitila sheds light on the organized labor social environ- movement and revolutionary politics of the period. In spite of the fact that Gray Diaz devotes A BOLIVIAN LITERARY MINORITY: WOMEN WRITERS 159 coming of age of indigenous women's a complete chapter to the literature, the surface has only been scratched, and only the future will bring to light their contribution to society. Most of the works by Bolivian women writers share some common political inclinations and denounce in their works the violence that sprang from the social and economic conditions to which they have been submitted. Ironically, this chauvinistic society was one of the few to appoint a female president (Lydia Gueiler). Either directly or indirectly, political and social movements shape and influence the literary expression of a country, and within women its it, writers. Enrique Finot, describing the history of Bolivian Zamudio as Adela literature, cites one of the "independent" writers of what was known as mod- ernism. Although her life was dedicated to education, it is important to note that her feminism remained "invisible" during the period in which she lived. manifested itself in the expression of her honest feelings and plight against the unjustifiable treatment of a secondary role Castillo 11 nations when It women in society, where she was condemned which for her was unworthy of a states that there is always a moment civilized society. 10 to fill Carmen in the intellectual history of the valiant and loud feminine voice is heard. For Chile it was Gabriela Mistral, and for Bolivia, Adela Zamudio. Born in Cochabamba, Bolivia, in 1854 she led a prolific life dedicated to teaching. Among ings there are various essays, short stories, and poetry. Perhaps her her writ- poem Nacer 12 hombre best portrays her philosophy and conviction of her equality, and maybe superiority, toward men. Indeed, Adela Zamudio expresses clearly in this poem her struggle with the "machismo" that was not only inscribed in the culture, but given legitimacy in the country's legislation at that time. Cuánto trabajo ella Por corregir torpeza De la It reads: pasa su esposo, y en la casa, (Permitidme que Tan inepto como Sigue él me asombre). fatuo, siendo la cabeza, Porque es hombre! Una mujer superior En elecciones no vota, Y vota el pillo peor. (Permitidme que Que me asombre). a ella se llame el "ser débil" Y a él se le llama el "ser fuerte," Porque es hombre! Zamudio also wrote short stories. In her reunión de ayer and Noche de fiesta,^ the own words her best stories are La latter being also a rebellious critique 160 NELLY S. GONZÁLEZ of her contemporary society. Perhaps the best recognition of her struggle for equal rights for women in society is the fact that in 1980, a century her grandniece wrote Adela Zamudio's biography. later, On women occasion, have been forced An stances outside their control. When Mario Vargas which he recounts felt more than interesting to become example Llosa published his work La is writers by circum- Julia Urquidi Illanes. tía Julia y el escribidor , 14 in his erotic adventures with Urquidi, ten years his senior, she compelled to write her que Varguitas no dijo} 5 own version of the affair. "what [little] Vargas did not say," literally In 1983 she published My Life with Mario Vargas Llosa. lated into English as 16 Lo later trans- This work sheds light not only on Vargas Llosa the man, but also on the creative process and the relationship between an author's personal life and his fiction. Cochabamba published its Primera antología in 1994. It lists twenty-five writers, nine of them women. This representative sample, in which women make up 36 percent of the total, The Unión Nacional de Poetas y Escritores de 17 is encouraging and signals the changing times. Fire from the Andes™ reflects a work of love by the compilers, who gath- ered the information and translated into English the short stories of nine con- temporary authors included in biography and at the list end, including works by Bolivian women awakening Furthermore, they provide a short of works by each writer, with a more extensive bibliography the language provides, this for this anthology. women writers. Because of the accessibility that work opens a great path for the dissemination of writers and their literary works, and interest among the literary it will serve as a catalyst community. Also, it will help to intro- of the country. In addition, Kathy S. duce high school students to the literature Leonard compiled an Index Translated Short Fiction by Latin American Women in Bolivian to English Language Anthologies l9 and in women it there is a selected list of writers and their works. Marjorie Agosin 20 clearly demonstrates the lack of attention that Bolivian women writers had to endure, when she states that foreword for Fire from the Andes she "felt great when invited to write the enthusiasm, but at the same time, great fear. Enthusiastic at the possibility of collaborating in the effort to make American authors known, voices often destined for oblivion. Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru have remained somewhat anonymous, and their literature largely unknown." The Bio-bibliografía boliviana 11 is the best source for books published in the silenced voices of Latin Bolivia and by Bolivian writers. Published yearly, bibliography arranged by author. nals. this an excellent up-to-date includes the imprints of the year and jour- Since Bolivia does not have a national bibliography, through the years, work has served (i.e., It it is author, subject, their works. This is that purpose very well. Although not very well organized title), it where I provides brief information about the authors and found the authors that I present in this paper. This . WOMEN WRITERS A BOLIVIAN LITERARY MINORITY: is not a comprehensive and complete list of 161 women writers, but it is a step toward achieving bibliographic control of Bolivian literary a start and women. The purpose of this paper is to stimulate interest among scholars and students in Bolivian women's literature. It is hoped that that this will encourage Bolivian women writers to continue producing their works, knowing that they are not being ignored by the literary community. To this end, I have reviewed the reference works dedicated to Latin American and Bolivian literature for the past fifty years, and I have compiled a bibliography of works by Bolivian women writers. I hope it will serve to open the road for the cultivation of a literary environment that will offer variety, vitality, and promise for future women writers and scholars. NOTES 1. Women Lucía Guerra Cunningham, Splintering Darkness: Latin American Search of Themselves (Pittsburgh, PA: Latin American Literary Review Press, 1990), 2. Josep P. Barnadas and Juan José Coy, Realidad sociohistórica y expresión Bolivia (Cochabamba, Bolivia: Los en Enrique Finot, Historia de la literatura boliviana (La Paz, Bolivia: Gisbert, 1964). 4. Verity Smith, ed., Encyclopedia of Latin American Literature (London, Chicago: Fitzroy 5. p. ix. Magdalena García Pinto, Balch and Magdalena García Pinto, 6. Diane E. Marting, (Westport, CT: ed., Greenwood Women tr. Writers of Latin America: Intimate Histories, Trudy (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991). Spanish American Marting, pp. 546-547. 8. Domitila Barrios de Chungara, Si 9. las Writers: A Bio-Bibliographical Source me permiten hablar: Testimonio de Domitila, una minas de Bolivia (Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno, 1977). Basilia, in 10. Finot, pp. Dos mujeres indígenas (Mexico: Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, 1976). 158-159. 1 1 Carmen Castillo, Una visión personal de Mayor de San Andrés, 1967), p. 53. 12. Finot, pp. 13. Women Press, 1990), pp. xi-xii. 7. mujer de sidad literaria del Libro, 1977), pp. 11-12. 3. Dearborn, 1997), Book Amigos Writers in p. 8. la poesía boliviana (La Paz, Bolivia: Univer- 159-160. Gabriela Taborga de Villarroel, La verdadera Adela Zamudio (Cochabamba, Bolivia: Editorial Canelas, 1980), p. 343. 14. Mario Vargas Llosa, La 15. Julia Urquidi Illanes, 16. Julia 17. Urquidi Illanes, tía Julia y el escribidor (Barcelona: Seix Barrai, 1977). Lo que Varguitas no dijo (La Paz: My Life with Mario Khana Cruz, Vargas Llosa (New York: P. 1983). Lang, 1988). Unión Nacional de Poetas y Escritores de Cochabamba, Primera antología (Cochabamba, Bolivia: The Union, 1994). 18. Susan E. Benner and Kathy S. Leonard, Fire from the Andes (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), pp. 3-50. 19. in Kathy S. Leonard, comp., Index to Translated Short Fiction by Latin American English Language Anthologies (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1997), p. 58. Women 162 NELLY S. GONZÁLEZ 20. Benner, p. vii. 21. Bio-bibliografía boliviana (Cochabamba, Bolivia: Los Amigos del Libro, 1975- ). SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF BOLIVIAN WOMEN WRITERS Ábrego, Guadalupe. Los Crúcenos y la cultura: Un diagnóstico de Cruz. Santa Cruz: Edición Municipal, 1990. 399p. Aguirre de Ballivián, Virginia. Poemas: Club del Libro la Número Dos Cultura en Santa "Virginia Aguirre de Ballivián." Cochabamba, Bolivia: Editorial Serrano, 1993. 282p. Poemas a una sombra de . su sombra {Breviario). Cochabamba, Bolivia: Edito- 1971. 63p. rial Universitaria, Waldo Ballivián, legendaria figura de . lealtad. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Editorial Canelas, 1976. 140p. Aguirre Gainsborg de Méndez, Aída. Instantes de una vida. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Offset Boliviana, 1995. 170p. La Teatro. . Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Offset Boliviana, 1995. 304p. Alemán de Uribe, Sonia. El baúl de DonBosco, 1990. 8 lp. —Por siempre Potosí- . los recuerdos: Cuentos. inmortal: Poemas. La La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Paz, Bolivia: Garza Azul, 1991. 62p. Aliaga Raygada, Daisy. recuerdo en la distancia: Poemas. La Paz, Bolivia: E. Un Burillo, 1968. 168p. [Also in Microfilm.] Amelunge de Lavayén, Paquita. Hilvanando recuerdos. Santa Cruz, Bolivia: Sociedad Cruceña de Escritores, 1994. 121p. Urquidi, Mercedes. Evocaciones de mi vida y mi tierra. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Anaya de Editorial Canelas, 1965. 113p. Andrade S., Lupe. La tía Eduviges y otras historias. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Vaca Sagrada, 1993. 178p. Antelo Aguilar, Peggy. de . Como veo La Paz, mi ciudad. La Paz, Bolivia: Casa Municipal Cultura "Franz Tamayo," 1982. 73p. la Simón Bolívar niño (y otras páginas). Biblioteca Popular Boliviana de Ultima Hora, 1979. 153p. Anzoátegui de Campero, Lindaura. La Aranzaes Episodio histórico. Paz, Bolivia: Librería Editorial Juventud, 1976. 172p. V Emma. Arminda: Historia de una Gramma Impresión, 1990. 77p. de Butrón, Bolivia: . Don Manuel As cencío Padilla: vida polifacética. La Paz, Narraciones verídicas. La Paz, Bolivia: Impr. y Librería Renovación, 1986. 89p. . Novela infantil: Vivir con alegría. La Paz, Bolivia: Industrias Gráficas "Sagi- tario," 1990. 106p. . Para 117p. tí, mujer boliviana. La Paz, Bolivia: Empresa Editora Proinsa, 1980. 1 A BOLIVIAN LITERARY MINORITY: Amai Franck, Ximena. WOMEN WRITERS La Paz, del siglo XVIII. Siles, 63 Visiones de un espacio. Bolivia: Ediciones Piedra Libre, 1994. 99p. Arze, Silvia. Mujeres en rebelión: Avendaño 1 La presencia femenina en las rebeliones de Charcas Humano, 1997. 158p. Bolivia: Ministerio de Desarrollo Dilma. Pedrito. Potosí, Bolivia: División de Extensión Universitaria, U.B.T.F., 1976 or 1977. 27p. Avila, Silvia Mercedes. Tu nominas los sueños. La Paz, Bolivia: Empresa Editorial "Universo," 1980. llp. Ayllón Soria, Virginia. Búsquedas: Cuatro relatos y algunos versos. Potosí, Bolivia: Artes Gráficas Potosí, 1996. 53p. . Las campeonas: Mujer y deporte en la Centro de Información y Desarrollo de . De andado yo ya soy tanto haber prensa nacional 1991. La Paz, Bolivia: la Mujer, 1992. 42p. otra: Bibliografía de la mujer Boliviana, 1986-1991. La Paz, Bolivia: Centro Documental de la Mujer "Adela Zamu- dio," 1991. llOp. . Gritos sin eco: Violencia contra la mujer en la prensa boliviana. La Paz, Bolivia: Centro de Información y Desarrollo de la Mujer, 1989. 38p. . La memoria de las ciudades: Bibliografía urbana en Bolivia, 1952-1991. La CED-ILDIS, con el auspicio de la Honorable Alcaldía Municipal de La Paz, 1992. 474p. Paz, Bolivia: . "Prayer to the Goddesses." In Fire from the Andes. Susan E. Benner and Kathy S. . Leonard, eds. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. Pp. 4-6. Volar entre sonidos, colores y palabras: (Mujer y actividad cultural en prensa boliviana 1991). La Paz, Bolivia: CIDEM, 1992. 112p. En Balcazar Rossell, Gaby. el recodo del tiempo. Santa Cruz de la la Sierra, Bolivia: Industrias Gráficas, 1993. 66p. Bedregal de Conitzer, Yolanda. Almadía. . La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial "Juventud," 1977. 14p. Antología de la poesía boliviana. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Los Amigos del Libro, 1991. 94p. . . Antología mínima. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial El Sigma, 1968. 280p. Ayllu: El altiplano boliviano. La Paz, Bolivia: Museo Nacional de Etnografía y Folklore, Los Amigos del Libro, 1984. 94p. . Bajo el oscuro sol. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Los 24 lp. Premio Nacional de . . Ecos. La Novela "Erich Guttentag." Escrito. Quito, Ecuador: Printer Graphic, 1994. 315p. La Nadir. . Naufragio. . / . del Libro, 1991. Paz, Bolivia: Editorial "Juventud," 1977. 76p. . . la Amigos Paz, Bolivia: Editorial "Juventud," 1977. 107p. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial "Juventud," 1977. 77p. [Primera] antología poética. Caracas, Venezuela: [s.n], 1961. 64p. Poemar. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial "Juventud," 1977. 92p. Poesía de Bolivia, de rial Universitaria, la época precolombina. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Edito- 1969. 119p. 164 NELLY "The Traveler." In Fire from .. eds. the Andes. Albuquerque: University of Bruzonic, Erika. Historias inofensivas. Susan E. Benner and Kathy New Mexico Press, La S. GONZÁLEZ S. Leonard, 1997. Pp. 8-13. Paz, Bolivia: Impresiones Arellano, 1995. 83p. Cegados por . la luz. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial La Bruzonic, Erika. El color de la memoria. Don Bosco, 1992. 85p. Don Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Bosco, 1989. 106p. Ecos de guerra. La Paz, Bolivia: . Editorial Don Bosco, 1987. 79p. "Inheritance." In Fire from the Andes. Susan E. Benner and Kathy S. Leonard, . eds. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. Pp. 15-16. Bruzzone de Bloch, Olga. Hondo, muy hondo: Poemas. La Paz, Bolivia: Don Bosco, 1960. 99p. Torbellina de horas: Novela. . La Amigos Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Los del Libro, 1984. 277p. Colección Premio novela "Erich Guttentag." Emma Alina. Espiral de Alivio: Sonetos y romances. La Paz, Bolivia: "Unidas," Bullón, 1978. 121p. Cajías, Lupe. Don Flávio Machicado Viscarra: 1898-1986. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Gráficas, 1994. 106p. . Valentina: Historia de una rebeldía. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Editorial Los Ami- gos del Libro, 1998. 252p. Besides the above works, she has also published extensively on politics and related subjects. Calvimontes de Rodríguez, Velia. Abre Bolivia: Oficialía Mayor de la tapa —y destapa un cuento. Cochabamba, Cultura, 1991. 65p. Cañedo de Camacho, Georgette. Creéis en fantasmas? La Paz, Bolivia: Imprenta Edi- tora Andegrafía, 1989. 169p. . . Creéis en fantasmas? No, pero SummaArtis, 1991. 190p. Letra desleída. La les temo: Ensayos literarios. La Paz, Bolivia: Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Casa de la Cultura: Alcaldía Muni- cipal, 1993. 77p. Cárdenas Pacheco, Ruth. Poesías. La Paz, Bolivia: Casa Municipal de la Cultura "Franz Tamayo," 1977. 322p. . Telegramas a Fermín. La Paz, Bolivia: Casa Municipal de la Cultura "Franz Tamayo," 1979. 57p. Cardona Tónico, Aleira. Carcajada de estaño y otros poemas. La Paz, Bolivia: Edi- ciones Arcoiris, 1949. 16p. . . De paso por la tierra: Cuento. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones IPRA. 24p. Letanía de las moscas: Tragedia en tres actos. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones IPRA, 1980. 149p. . . Mesa redonda sobre el problema cipalidad de La Paz, 1966. 325p. del litoral boliviano. "Positivismo generacional de Gesta Bárbara." revista Khana no. 36, septiembre 1962. 13p. La Paz, La Paz, Bolivia: Muni- Bolivia: Separata de la A BOLIVIAN LITERARY MINORITY! Rayo y simiente. Tormenta en el WOMEN WRITERS La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Benavides, 1995. 172p. Ande: Cuatro cantos. La Paz, Bolivia: Casazola Mendoza, Matilde. El espejo del ángel: Bolivia: Universidad . . . La noche abrupta. Obra poética. 165 1991. Paz, Bolivia: Universidad Sucre, Bolivia: s.n., 1967. 103p. Una canción y cuatro poemas. La Paz, Mayor de San Andrés, La s.n., Mayor de San Andrés, 1996. 1996. 969p. Poesía y naturaleza = Poesie und natur. Crista Fabry de Orias, tr. Sucre, Bolivia: Instituto Cultural Boliviano- Alemán, 1993. Castellanos de Ríos, Ada. Buenos días, señorita! Potosí, Bolivia: Departamento de Extensión Universitaria de . . Teatro boliviano. Un La la Universidad Boliviana, 1976. 129p. Paz, Bolivia: Instituto Boliviano de Cultura, 1977. 80p. "Tomás viernes de Miguelito. Potosí, Bolivia: Universidad Boliviana Frías," 1976. 28p. Charbonneau de Villagómez, Nicole. Antología de autores crúcenos: Desde XVII hasta nuestros días. Santa Cruz, Bolivia: Editorial Casa de la el siglo Cultura Raúl Otero Reiche, 1988. 265p. Contreras, Pilar. Existencias insurrectas: sterio La mujer en la cultura. La Paz, Bolivia: Mini- de Desarrollo Humano; Secretaría de Asuntos de Género, 1997. 448p. Dávalos Arze, Gladys. Corazones de arroz: Sátiras. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Colorgraf Rodríguez, 1989. 104p. . Piel de bruma: Poemas. Dorado de Revilla Valenzuela, Bolivia: . . s.n., La Elsa. Paz, Bolivia: Hisbol, 1995. 112p. Las bacterias no hacen huelga: Cuentos. La Paz, 1994. 95p. Filón de ensueño: Cuentos. La Paz, La Libertadora Juana Azurdui de Bolivia: 1977. 140p. Padilla: Guerrillera de la independencia de América. La Paz, Bolivia: Gráfica Alianza, 1980. 53p. . "The Parrot." In Fire from the Andes. Susan E. Benner and Kathy Estenssoro, Maria Virginia. Cuentos y otras páginas. Amigos . . S. Leonard, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. Pp. 26-31. eds. Ego La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Los del Libro, 1988. 149p. inútil. Cochabamba, Memorias de Villa Bolivia: Editorial Los Amigos del Libro, 1971. 83p. Rosa. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Los Amigos del Libro, 1976. 167p. . Obras completas. La Paz, Bolivia: Estenssoro, Quica. Violeta de oro: Cuentos. Editorial La Los Amigos del Libro, 1988. Paz, Bolivia: Escuela Tipográfica Sale- siana, 1925. 170p. Estrada Sainz, Milena. Corola de Agua. Oruro, Bolivia: Imp. de la Universidad Técnica de Oruro, 1946. Unpaged. Fajardo de Perelman, Leticia. Pampa, metal y sangre : Poemas. rial La Paz, La Paz, Bolivia: Edito- 1959. 118p. Fernandois de Bailón, Marina. Cartas a la vida. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Los Amigos del Libro, 1992. 274p. 166 NELLY La Ferrufino Llach, Clara. Pensamiento filosófico de Franz Tamayo. CIMA, ducciones . Tamayo y el GONZÁLEZ Paz, Bolivia: Pro- 1995. 188p. hombre boliviano. Bruma Flores Saavedra, Mery. S. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Gisbert, 1987. 203p. [microform]. Potosí, Bolivia: Editorial Potosí, 1958. 70p. . Poesías. Potosí, Bolivia: Departamento de la Cultura de la Universidad Mayor y Autónoma, 1965. 14p. . Poemas de sombra. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones de la la Casa de la Cultura Bolivia: Ediciones de la Casa de la Cultura "Franz Tamayo," 1975. 35p. . Los silencios de Dios. La Paz, "Franz Tamayo," 1988. 65p. . La Sonetos. Paz, Bolivia: Editorial "16 de Julio," 1965. 39p. Fortún, Julia Elena. Antologia de Navidad. La Paz, Bolivia: Alcaldía Municipal, 1956. 77p. . La danza de los diablos. Mayor de Artes, Oficialía Garnica, Blanca. . La la Paz, Bolivia: Ministerio de Educación y Bellas Cultura Nacional, 1961. 108p. De la tierra y de las preguntas. Cochabamba, Bolivia: La razón del [s.n.], 1992. 36p. musgo: Poemas de amor. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Ediciones Alti- plano, 1986. 73p. . Retama y lombriz. Cochabamba, amor. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Ediciones Puente, 1993. 109p. . Siempre . Vastago del sol. La vocal de la higuera. . el Bolivia: Senda, 1986. 65p. Cochabamba, Gutiérrez, Marcela. Diario de Bolivia: Ediciones Altiplano, 1993. 35p. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Ediciones Altiplano, 1986. 83p. campaña: Cuentos eróticos. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones del Ventarrón, 1994. 85p. . "The Feathered Serpent." In Fire from the Andes. Leonard, eds. Albuquerque: University of S. Susan E. Benner and Kathy New Mexico Press, 1997. Pp. 33-38. She also works as a journalist. Gutiérrez Aguilar, Raquel. Las armas de la utopía: Marxismo, provocaciones heréticas. La Paz, Bolivia: Punto Cero, 1996. 350p. Jiménez Bullain, Maritza. Podemos ser dación La Paz, —desde nosotras mismas. La Paz, Bolivia: Fun- 1996. 54p. Kavlin, Alicia, and Susana Kavlin. Susurros. Mexico: Federación Editorial Mexicana, 1977. 62p. . Holocausto: Poemas. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Los Amigos del Libro, 1975. 87p. Kuramoto Medina, Beatriz, and Estela Bringas Cruz. Fuego de tiempos. Santa Cruz, Bolivia: Editorial Pynda, 1992. 135p. . "The Agreement." In Fire from the Andes. Susan E. Benner and Kathy S. Leonard, eds. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. Pp. 40^43. Loayza Millán, S. Beatriz. "The Mirror." In Fire from the Andes. Susan E. Benner and Kathy Leonard, eds. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. Pp. 44-47. A BOLIVIAN LITERARY MINORITY! Maldonado, Clara WOMEN WRITERS Isabel. Arcoiris 167 de sueños - Rainbow of Dreams. Sydney, Australia: Cervantes Publ., 1993. 93p. Poems and prose in Spanish with selections in English translated by the author. Melgar de . . . Ipiña, Rosa. El amor y La ciudad crece. La Lo sabía: la gloria del Libertador. Sucre, Bolivia: s.n., 1993. Amigos Paz, Bolivia: Los 26 cuentos. La Paz, Maura: Novela. La Paz, del Libro, 1968. 280p. Bolivia: Editorial Educacional, 1988. 244p. Bolivia: 1964. 359p. s.n., Monje Landívar, Mary Luz. Abalorios. La Paz, . 432p. Bolivia: [s.n.], 1967. 87p. Dulce y amargo. Oruro, Bolivia: Editorial Universitaria, 1968. 33p. Also avail- able in microform. Monroy, Maria Eugenia. Ensueño entre sombras, poemas. La Paz, Bolivia: 1967. 49p. Montenegro, Raquel. Cuentos bolivianos. La Paz, Bolivia: Alfaguara, 1966. 190p. Nava, Paz Nery. Distancias interiores: Poemas. Santiago?, Chile: Ediciones Renovación, 1965?. 44p. . Lina: Novela. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería "Renovación," 1971. 174p. Palacios Parada, María del Rosario. Volemos al infinito. Santa Cruz, Bolivia: Offset Landívar, 1995. 70p. Patino de Murillo, Blanca. Himnos y canciones en Aymara. La Paz, Bolivia: Imprenta Visión, 1978. 30p. Paz, Blanca Elena. Breve poésia cruceña. Santa Cruz, Bolivia: . "The Light." In Fire from eds. . the Andes. s.n., 1991. Susan E. Benner and Kathy S. Leonard, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. Pp. 49-50. Teorema. Santa Cruz, Bolivia: Litera Viva, 1995. 146p. Peña de Rodríguez, Martha. Hoy, mañana y siempre. Santa Cruz, Bolivia: Sociedad Cruceña de Escritores, 1994. 102p. Peralta Soruco, Pepita. Espigas al viento. Santa Cruz, Bolivia: Editorial Serrano, 1979. 112p. Quiroga, Giancarla de. Aurora: A WA: Women Novel. Seattle, in Translation, 1999. 178p. . "Une Chambre à Soi" à Saint Nazaire. Saint-Nazaire, France: M.E.E.T., 1995. 77p. . De angustias e ilusiones: Cuentos. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Editorial Serrano, 1990. 59p. Also published in English: the Andes. sity . Susan E. Benner and Kathy S. Illusions." In Fire from Leonard, eds. Albuquerque: Univer- of New Mexico Press, 1997. Pp. 18-24. La discriminación de la mujer en los textos escolares de lectura. La Paz, Bolivia: Ministerio de Desarrollo Mayor de San Simón, . "Of Anguish and Humano; Cochabamba, Bolivia: Universidad 1995. 93p. La flor de La Candelaria. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Editorial Los Amigos del Libro, 1990. 188p. . Los mundos de "Los deshabitados" (Estudio de la novela de Marcelo Quiroga Santa Cruz). Cochamba, Bolivia: Offset Caserna, 1980. 125p. : 168 NELLY Quiroga, María Soledad. Ciudad blanca. . . La Paz, S. GONZÁLEZ Bolivia: P.A.P., 1993. 133p. Recuento del agua. La Paz, Bolivia: Plural Editores, 1995. Strengthening Voluntary Environmental Organizations in Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: The Office, 1992. 39p. Richardson, Hermila Armida Clemente. Encadenada en infernal drama de violencia. La Paz, Bolivia: H. Richardson, 1995. 426p. Rivera Cusicanqui, Silvia, and Denise Arnold. Ser mujer indígena, chola o birlocha en la Bolivia postcolonial rrollo Humano, de los años 90. La Paz, Bolivia: Ministerio de Desa- 1996. 45 lp. Most of her works are in the social sciences with occasional publications in literature. Rizo A. de Alfonso, Fanny Luz. "Niño grande, niño niño" : Poemario. Santa Cruz de Casa de Sierra, Bolivia: Sánchez de Hoss, Bertha, et al. la Cultura, la 1989. 85p. Estos cuatro. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Vientos Nuevos, 1976. En Schulze Arana, Beatriz. . el diente de la noche. Madrid, Spain: s.n., 1951. Luces mágicas. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Juventud, 1986. 104p. She writes extensively children's literature. Suárez de Antelo, Berta. Ilusión mágica: Poemas infantiles. Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia: Sociedad Cruceña de Escritores, 1994. 97p. Taborga de Requena, Lola. Cuadros incásicos. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Don Bosco, 1952. 159p. Cochabamba, Vallejo de Bolívar, Gaby. Encuentra tu ángel y tu demonio. torial . Leer: Los Amigos del Libro, 1998. 174p. Un placer escondido. Bolivia: Ediciones Puente, 1994. 149p. Vásquez de Arizcurinaga, Olga. Poemario para Mundy . Von Bornes, rial todos. La Paz, Bolivia: Tall Gráf. de Color, 1993. 90p. Tres figuras del torial Bolivia: Edi- modernismo latinoamericano. La Paz, Bolivia: Librería y Edi- Puerta del Sol, 1990. 99p. Edith. En un e Imprenta atardecer violeta: Gramma Impresión, Poemas y cuentos. La Paz, Bolivia: Edito- 1988. Wilde Lavayén de Disch, Güiomar. Legado de libertad. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Editorial Serrano, 1992. lllp. . Relatos bolivianos. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Editorial Serrano, 1986. 192p. Zamudio, Adela. Cuentos breves. La Paz, Bolivia: Difusión, 1975. 155p. . . . Zapata Noche de Fiesta. La Paz, Bolivia: Ediciones Isla, 1983. Peregrinando: Poesías. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Editorial Canelas, 1965. 191p. Redon y Rondín: Cuento. La Paz, Parrilla, Norah. De las estrellas y Bolivia: Ediciones el silencio. La Paz, ISLA, 1976. 15p. Bolivia: H. Municipalidad de La Paz, 1975. lOOp. . Diálogo en el acuario. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Ediciones Casa de los Pueblos, 1985. 29p. . Gémenis en invierno. La Paz, Bolivia: Editorial Casa Municipal de la Cultura Franz Tamayo, 1978. 79p. — 15. Memory and Identity Selected French Caribbean in Women Writers: Maryse Conde and Simone Schwarz-Bart Marian Goslinga At a recent conference sponsored by Florida International University's Women's Studies Center, the keynote address was delivered by Marjorie Agosin, noted writer and human rights activist originally from Chile and author of more than twenty books of fiction, poetry, memoirs, and essays. Her work ranges from a book on Chilean women during the Pinochet era, to fiction about "women who only desire to live a good life," to collections on Latin American women writers and artists, as well as two highly regarded family memoirs. The presentation was billed as the Minerva Bernardino Keynote Address in honor of the feminist from the Dominican Republic who died at the age of ninety-one. Bernardino was one of only four women to sign the Charter of the United Nations (the others being Eleanor Roosevelt from the United States, Jean McKenzie from New Zealand, Evdokia Uralova from the Soviet Union, and Ellen Wilkinson from Great Britain) and was a founding member of the U.N. Commission on the Status of Women. At the Charter Conference in San Francisco in 1945, it was she who insisted that the document include the phrase "to ensure respect for human rights and freedoms without discrimination against race, sex, condition or creed." She chaired the Inter-American Commission on Women and is remembered as an honored leader of Acción Feminista Dominicana. Agosín's presentation, "A Passion Memory: Women Writers for in Latin America," dealt with some of the issues facing contemporary authors throughout the region. Colonialism, dependency, gender, and class friction are but some of the realities of everyday life across the border. women's movement She pointed out that, most Latin that it is the writers who can most often be found on of any cause dedicated to improving women's lives. despite these obstacles, the is alive and well in American countries and the front lines Agosin traced women this vigorous and committed role of Latin America's writers to the concept of to use reality for their and continuity "memory" — own purposes, and to remember the past, new sense of engagement the ability to create a in their fiction. Past experiences —no matter how traumatic should not be forgotten and should be preserved with the same veneration 16Q 170 MARIAN GOSLINGA awarded the present. Claribel Alegría (El Salvador) and Elena Poniatowska (Mexico) are but two examples of this contemporary trend, according to Agosin. In the case of Caribbean women writers, the concept of "memory" strong and invigorated, to a certain extent, by the issue of race. In major language areas vidual back — to trace women use "memory" in the region, and return They go an African homeland, and the invisible scars of displacement, captivity, and exile to is four collective or indi- to the past in search of their true identity. to the era of slavery, the legacy of ingredient and — all is tell their story. Race is a powerful frequently reflected in the use of "Creole" as the language of choice. Indeed, race and language have become close allies in the quest for cul- tural identity. The next section of this paper addresses the related issues of "memory" in the works of selected Caribbean women from the French Caribbean in particular the island of Guadeloupe. Nowhere, I believe, has the women's search for some and "identity" through the eyes and — writers, specifically writers kind of separate "identity" made greater inroads or has had greater influence than in the small Caribbean island tiful known as Karukéra (the island of the beau- waters) in pre-Columbian days. was Aimé Césaire, from neighboring Martinique, who in the first half of the twentieth century together with Guyanese Léon-Gontran Damas and Sengalese Leopold Sedar Senghor developed the theory of Negritude while studying in Paris. At the core of Negritude was the It a French Caribbean author — — exaltation of an African cultural identity long repressed and despised in the West Indies, where the assumption of white superiority over black was a basic tenet of the institution of slavery. Césaire's aupays natal (Return to key text of 1939, Cahier dun retour My Native Land), gave poetic form to the yearning for reconciliation with ancestral Africa. Its searing text became the cornerstone of modern Francophone West Indian literature, and Césaire's theme of black cultural exile was picked up by many writers concerned with the search for identity. Writers from all parts of the Caribbean — —Spanish, English, French, and Dutch raised the doctrine to an absolute truth and lingered on it incessantly. However, within the relatively short span of nineteen years, this privileged position which Césaire had accorded — to Africa a step intended as a corrective to Europe's long dismissal of African civilization opposed on the grounds that it —was encouraged West Indians to challenged and bypass their own country in their quest for spiritual roots. Hence, it was in 1958 that another French Caribbean academic, Edouard Glissant, brought forth the concept of Antillanité, pretation of cultural identity —one more tuned which offered another inter- in to geographical reality and Viewing the recovery of an African identity as a practical impossibility owing to the intervening, alienating centuries of slavery, Glissant preferred to focus his attention not on a distant, imagined continent but on the historical truth. — IDENTITY IN FRENCH CARIBBEAN MEMORY AND real country of his birth WOMEN WRITERS —Martinique. Rather than 171 a total emotional affiliation with Africa, Antillanité instead sought to incorporate the history and traditions pertaining to the despised institution of slavery and all its accompanying evils. was adapted and adjusted to conform to the Caribbean reality. For Glissant, therefore, the real issue became one of Negritude was fused into Antillanité not authentication rather than denial Negritude was not repudiated; rather, it only to provide a historically correct basis for identity theories but to give it a stamp of legitimacy as well. In founding the journal Acoma in the early 1970s, he initiated a forum for a lively psychological and socioeconomic debate dealing with the new doctrine and its implications for Martinique and Guadeloupe. This Glissantian insistence on the value of history despite the imperfec- "memory" has had upon succeeding generations of novelists, dramatists, and essayists in the French Caribbean. The two women Maryse Conde and Simone Schwarzwriters I have chosen to discuss here Bart are both from the French Caribbean island of Guadeloupe and, in their literary works, best exemplify this cultural transition from Césairian Negritude tions of a marked effect — — to Glissantian Antillanité. Maryse Conde Maryse Conde was born in 1937 in Pointe-à-Pitre, Guadeloupe, the eldest in a family of eight children (four boys and four girls). At the young age of six- teen, she left her native island to continue her studies in she married Mamadou Conde, weds moved an actor from Africa. Soon afterward, the newly- — to Africa France where, in 1959, —and Conde taught school the Ivory Coast for a year on her own for Ghana. Yet she was not happy, and in the 1970s she left Africa and returned to France where, in 1975, she earned a doctorate in comparative literature from in Bingerville. After the disintegration of her marriage, she set out the Sorbonne. In 1982 she married Richard Philcox, who was to become the English translator of the majority of her novels. Since then, she has been back to Guadeloupe but bia University in is is currently residing in the United States teaching at New York. Conde has received many honors Colum- and awards and generally regarded as one of the most criticized and complicated as well as one of the most prolific writers the —eleven novels Caribbean has produced over twenty years. The work of Maryse Conde not only highlights the tensions in Caribbean between traditional and modern values but those among ethnic groups and between the sexes as well. She combines a representative view of a Caribbean writer's specific concerns with a postmodern view of literature as a multicultural, polymorphous intersection. It has been argued that Conde culture bypasses the conventional notions of Antillanité in favor of affirming her particular style, selectively choosing one or the other idea at own her discretion. A careful analysis of the chronology of her literary production proves otherwise and places her firmly within the parameters set by Glissant. For Conde, the 172 MARIAN GOSLINGA concept of "memory" —an integral part of Antillanité — of the utmost impor- is tance as she carefully weaves together personal experiences and meticulous documentation to develop plot and historical style in her fiction. Within the context of the complex and traumatic West Indian heritage of slavery, colonization, which and assimilation, her reflects that of a larger fictional characters are searching for community. And as a black an identity woman novelist from a geographically, culturally, and politically marginal world, Conde self-con- sciously attempts to represent the interrelated issues of race, gender, and class. With this is mind, it is possible to divide stages chronicling this trajectory Conde 's works from Negritude into three distinct to Antillanité. Maryse Condé's writing, the influence of Césairian Negritude is clearly dominant as references to Africa are everywhere and the return to the past is her main source of inspiration. With Hérémakhonon (which ironically means "welcome home" in Malinké) and Une saison à Rihata (A Season in Rihata), Veronica and Marie-Hélène, the two female protagonists (both from Guadeloupe), are in search of their African roots. Veronica seeks in In the stage of first Africa an elusive sense of belonging, but finds instead a continent torn by violence, ambition, opportunism, and living and in the sleepy African becomes involved Marie-Hélène, married to Zek lost hope. town of Rihata with in a variety of intrigues, corruption, their six daughters, and power struggles. Mirroring the antinomies of their colonial backgrounds, neither is able to define a role for herself on the African soil and to break free from a Westernized frame of reference. The quest for the African past is also the main focus of Segou (Segu), the two-volume saga of the mythical Bambara empire of eighteenth-century Segu. In this award- winning best-seller, Conde re-creates a high civilization of a pre- colonial Africa that practiced slavery well before the Europeans and enter- tained extensive contacts with the Christian and Islamic worlds. After Ségou, Conde entered the second stage of her writing by resolutely turning to the Americas and the African diaspora with Moi, Tituba, sorcière noire de Salem (I, Tituba, Black Witch of Salem), begins her series of fictional works set in the sl historical subject New World. The which novel's female protagonist, Tituba, asserts her presence and her role within the puritanical and racist U.S. society of the seventeenth century, as well as within the institution of sugarcane plantations on the Caribbean island of Barbados. Tituba's — of her escape from domination by new Caribbean —allows Conde person narrative the story to rewrite a patriarchal forces first- colonial and history from a woman-centered point of view. In La vie scélérate {The Tree of Life), finally returns to Guadeloupe where, torical step further and as she herself has said in a recent interview, she comes to terms with her quest and her development, she has Conde proceeds one is at peace with herself. In this stage of become convinced that being black is no longer a his- appendage but an ideological construction. Criticizing Negritude, she — MEMORY AND writes "Or IDENTITY IN FRENCH CARIBBEAN le WOMEN WRITERS 173 nègre n'existe pas. L'Europe soucieuse de légitimer son exploita- tion le créa de toutes pieces" ("Negritude césairienne," p. 413). La vie scélérate, based on the "memories" of Conde 's own family, is a multicultural narrative that explores the historical and cultural significance of race, gender, and class relationships in the diverse contexts of the — New World Panama, the United States, Jamaica, Haiti and of France. Using "memory" against the backdrop of the slave-like conditions of the building of the Panama Canal, she raises unrelentingly the questions of exile, estrangement from the motherland, relations to the "others" of the diaspora and to the whites, and a return to roots. In what is perhaps her most celebrated novel, Traversée de la mangrove (Crossing the Mangrove), native Guadeloupe in for a separate identity Conde presents the reader with another vision of her what can only be construed and the culmination of her as the final stage of her quest affiliation with Antillanité. Set at a wake, the novel not only explores the diversity of the voices of community but also suggests the impossibility of retrieving a collective "memory." The mysterious figure of the dead man, Francis Sancher, and the solemn backdrop of the wake provide Conde with the crucial tools to formalthe ize the quest for identity within a typical As Ruthmarie H. Mitsch Caribbean framework. so aptly points out in her "Maryse Condé's Man- groves," the search for identity within the framework of a Caribbean landscape is the central theme in the novel with the mangroves as the appropriate vehicle and symbol of Caribbean authenticity. In La colonie du nouveau monde, published in 1993, same themes — Conde returns to the the African heritage, the destructive consequences of colonial- ism, the concept of alienation — as well as other aspects that locked in a certain space. The novel is keep the Caribbean Anna SoestMaryse Condé's La colonie du ably criticized by Bettina wohner in her "Uprooting Antillean Identity: nouveau monde." Creativity, says Soestwohner, quoting Conde, means to wander, which might mean geographically, as well as exploring one's cultural and historical heritage. Simone Schwarz-Bart Simone Schwarz-Bart was born Simone Brumant in 1938 in Guadeloupe. After graduating, she went to Paris where she met André Schwarz-Bart, a French Jew, whom she married in 1960 and with whom she has had two children. These two people, separated by color, religion, and culture, were, for a time, to become inseparable and form one of the most successful literary alliances in the French Caribbean. In collaboration they wrote Un Plat de pore aux bananes vertes and La mulâtresse Solitude, the latter patterned after a historical Guadeloupean figure from the eighteenth century. Unfortunately, they have recently separated, signaling the collapse of one of the French Caribbean's most celebrated "power teams." 174 MARIAN GOSLINGA In Un Plat de pore aux bananes vertes, the female protagonist, Marie, a seventy-two-year-old Martinican woman, living in an institution for the Paris, narrates her failed efforts to reclaim her lost a voyage to the past aged in Caribbean identity through and the rediscovery of the Creole language. Using the con- notations of Antillanité to the fullest, the novel — becomes a celebration of life the "memories." manifest through a story told Simone published her masterpiece, Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle (The Bridge of Beyond), which follows the lives of three generations of women from a small remote village in Guadeloupe. The focus of the text is on Télumée 's struggle for survival against poverty, dispossession, betrayal, discrimination, and work in the cane fields. Poetically written, the novel is based on the true story of a Guadeloupean peasant reliving the past. It matters little to Schwarz-Bart that slavery as an institution was abolished long before Télumée 's time. The dishonor and spiritual displacement suffered by her ancestors linger on in her "memory," leaving psychological and social scars and interiorized but no less damaging shackles. Ti Jean V Horizon (Between Two Worlds), written upon Schwarz-Bart's return to Guadeloupe, where she settles with her husband in Goyave, is based on the adventures of Ti-Jean, a Guadeloupean folk hero who journeys to other countries and the netherworld in search of the knowledge needed to defeat the In 1972 Beast that has swallowed the sun. In his quest, Ti-Jean travels through history and space, recalling Caribbean folktales, legends, and myths. Her play Ton beau capitaine (Your Handsome Captain), published in 1987, relates the ending of a proletarian love story through a counterpoint of poignantly restrained French-speaking voices and insistent, wailing Creole song. Conclusion Although they have pursued questions of racial ancestry and cultural identity in their own way, both Schwarz-Bart and Conde have adhered to Glissant's West Indian reality and have used different aspects Both writers have consistently, for instance, used the French basic notion of a special intermittently. Creole language as a vehicle for defining the parameters of their identity quest —although not always in the conventional way. In Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle, for example, Schwarz-Bart conveys the essence of a peasant community without ever actually employing Creole dialogue. Rather, her richly metaphoric French text contains frequent echoes of Creole proverbs and habitual expressions that re-create the social ambience of rural Guadeloupe. The select bibliography at the end of this paper focuses on the theories of Negritude and Antillanité and the impact of these ideologies on the literary development of Guadeloupeans Maryse Conde and Simone Schwarz-Bart. The no way exhaustive and should only be considered an introthe subject. At the same time, it seems appropriate to call attention bibliography duction to to is in some of the difficulties involved in isolating pertinent works. — MEMORY AND WOMEN WRITERS IDENTITY IN FRENCH CARIBBEAN controversial and illusionary multidisciplinary The documentation of a concept such as identity is rife with contradictions and has, as yet, not been suc- — abound especially in works and/or authors. No cessfully completed for the Caribbean. References literature — but always in relation to specific literary framework nor record general theoretical writers, and all 175 exists covering all disciplines, all aspects. Frederick Ivor Case's groundbreaking The Crisis of Identity: Studies in the Guadeloupean and Martiniquan Novel, published in 1985, effectively deals with just two women writers from Guadeloupe Michèle Lacrosil and Simone Schwarz-Bart while ignoring similar contributions made by others. — Compounding the issue further Caribbean area studies in identity has women been most pronounced writers, in particular, been relegated to a the general state of neglect of French is U.S. academic While the quest for a separate French Caribbean and among the area's in the it is circles. precisely these areas that have traditionally back burner. Were it not for the heroic efforts of Richard Philcox and other qualified translators, the possibility exists that both Maryse Conde and Simone Schwarz-Bart would still be laboring in relative obscurity. BIBLIOGRAPHY Arnold, James. "Poétique forcee et identité dans la littérature des Antilles franco- L heritage de Caliban. Maryse Conde, ed. Pointe-à-Pitre, Guade- phones." In loupe: Jasor, 1992. Pp. 15-27. Arowolo, Olubukoye. "Maryse Conde: un retour aux sources africaines." M A. thesis, University of Ife, 1984. Balutansky, Kathleen M., and Marie- Agnes Sourieau, eds. Caribbean Creolization: Reflections on the Cultural Dynamics of Language, Literature, and Identity. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1998. Bernstein, Lisa. "Ecrivaine, sorcière, nómade: la conscience critique dans Moi, Tituba, sorcière . . . noire de Salem de Maryse Conde." Etudes Francophones 13:1 (Spring 1998), 119-134. Bouchard, Monique. Une lecture de Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle de Simone Schwarz-Bart. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1990. Busia, Abena P. A. "This Gift of Metaphor: Symbolic Strategies and the Triumph of Survival in Simone Schwarz-Bart 's The Bridge of Beyond?' In Out of the Kumbla: Caribbean Women and Literature. Carole Boyce Davies and Elaine Fido Savory, eds. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990. Pp. 289-301. The Nihilism of Simone Schwarz-Bart." In The Crisis of Identity: Studies in the Guadeloupean and Martiniquan Novel. Frederick Ivor Case, ed. Sherbrooke, Canada: Naaman, Case, Frederick Ivor. "In the Grips of Misery and the Absurd: 1985. Pp. 133-177. Césaire, Aimée. Cahier d' un retour aupays natal Paris: Bordas, 1939. Maryse Conde 's HéréKumbla: Caribbean Women and Literature. Carole Clark, Vèvè. "Developing Diaspora Legacy: Allusions in makhonon." In Out of the 176 MARIAN GOSLINGA Boyce Davies and Elaine Fido Savory, eds. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990. Pp. 303-319. Colloque sur l'oeuvre de Maryse Conde (1995, Pointe-à-Pitre, Guadeloupe). L'oeuvre de — Maryse Conde: à propôs d 'une écrivaine politiquemente incorrecte actes du "Colloque sur l'oeuvre de Maryse Conde," 14-18 mars 1995, organise par le Salon du Livre de la ville de Pointe-à-Pitre (Guadeloupe). Paris: L'Harmattan, 1996. Conde, Maryse. La colonie du nouveau monde. . Les derniers wis mages. . HérémakhononlEn attendant . Moi, Tituba, sorcière . Pays mêlé . Pension Les Alizés. . . . . Paris: R. Laffont, 1993. Mercure de France, 1992. Paris: le bonheur. Paris: Seghers, 1976. noire de Salem. Paris: Mercure de France, 1986. (nouvelles). Paris: Hatier, 1985. Une saison à Paris: Mercure de France, 1988. Rihata. Paris: Laffont, 1981. . Ségou. Paris: Laffont, 1984-1985. . Traversée de la mangrove. Paris: Mercure de France, 1989. . . La vie scélérate. Paris: Seghers, 1987. "Negritude césairienne, negritude senghorienne." Revue de Littérature Com- parée 48:34 (1974), 409^19. Conde, Maryse, and Vèvè Clark. "Je me suis réconciliée avec mon ile: une interview". Callaloo 12:1 (Winter 1989), 86-133. Conde, Maryse, and Françoise versity of Pfaff. Conversations with Maryse Conde. Lincoln: Uni- Nebraska Press, 1996. Crosta, Suzanne. "Corps, écriture, et ideologic dans Les derniers wis mages de Maryse Conde." In Elles écrivent des Antilles: Haiti, Guadeloupe, Martinique. Susanne Rinne and Joelle . "La reception Vitiello, eds. Paris: critique de Glissant." L'Harmattan, 1997. Pp. 193-205. Presence Francophone 30 (1987), 59-70. DeVille, Jennifer Suzanne. "La parole creóle dans Traversée de la mangrove de Maryse Conde." M. A. Glissant, Edouard. . thesis, University Le discours of Georgia, 1997. antillais. Paris: Seuil, 1958. "Le romancier noir et son peuple." Presence Africaine 16 (October-November 1957), 26-31. Gyssels, Kathleen. "Dans la toile d'araignée: conversations entre maitre et esclave dans Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle." In Elles écrivent des Antilles: Haiti, Guadeloupe, Martinique. Susanne Rinne and Joelle Vitiello, eds. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1997. Pp. 145-157. . Filies de Solitude: essai sur V identité antillaise tives . dans les (autobiographies fic- de Simone Schwarz-Bart. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1996. Le folklore et la littérature órale creóle dans l'oeuvre de Simone Schwarz-Bart (Guadeloupe.) Brussels: Académie Royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, 1997. Heady, Margaret Loren. "From Marvelous to Magic Realism: Modernist and Postmodernist Discourses of Identity in the Caribbean Novel." Ph.D. dissertation, Uni- versity of Massachusetts, Amherst, 1997. MEMORY AND IDENTITY IN FRENCH CARIBBEAN Knutson, April. "Maryse Conde: creer WOMEN WRITERS les textes de la 177 diaspora antillaise". In Elles écrivent des Antilles: Haiti, Guadeloupe, Martinique. Susanne Rinne and Joelle 163-173. Vitiello, eds. Paris: Seuil, 1997. Pp. Lionnet, Françoise. Autobiographical Voices: Race, Gender, Self-Portraiture. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University . Press, 1989. "Traversée de la mangrove de Maryse Conde: vers un nouveau humanisme antillais?" McKinney, Kitzie. French Review 66:3 (February 1993), 475-486. "Second Vision: Antillean Versions of the Quest in Two Novels by Simone Schwarz-Bart." French Review 62:4 (March 1989), 650-660. Mekkawi, Mod. Maryse Conde: Playwright, Critic, DC: Howard liography. 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"L'image de la femme résistante chez quatre romancières noires: Conde, Simone Schwarz-Bart, Toni Morrison et Maryse Alice Walker." Ph.D. disserta- tion, Florida State University, 1995. Prouix, Patrice J. Sanford, "Situer le 'moi' dans Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle." tr. Whitney In Elles écrivent des Antilles: Haiti, Guadeloupe, Martinique. Susanne Rinne and Joélle Vitiello, eds. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1997. Pp. 135-143. Rogers, Nathalie. "Oralité et écriture dans Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle." French Review 65:3 (1992), 435^48. Rosello, Mireille. "Les derniers wis mages et Troversee de la mangrove: insularité ou insularisation?" In Elles écrivent des Antilles: Haiti, Guadeloupe, Martinique. Susanne Rinne and Joélle Vitiello, eds. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1997. Pp. 175-192. Scharfman. Ronnie. "Mirroring and Mothering in Simone Schwarz-B art's Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle and Jean Rhys' Wide Sargasso Sea." Yale French Studies 62(1991), 88-106. Schwarz-Bart, Simone. Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle. Paris: Seuil, 1972. Jean Horizon. Paris: Seuil, 1979. . Ti . Ton beau capitaine. I' Paris: Seuil, 1987. Schwarz-Bart, Simone, and André Schwarz-Bart. Paris: Seuil, 1967. Un Plat de pore aux bananes vertes. MARIAN GOSLINGA 178 A Triangular Structure of Alienation." Smith, Arlette. "Maryse Conde 's Hérémakhonon: CIA Journal 32:1 (September 1988), 45-54. Soestwohner, Bettina Anna. "Uprooting Antillean Identity: Maryse Condé's La colonie du nouveau monde." Callaloo 18:3 (Summer 1995), 690-706. Sourieau, Marie-Agnès. "La vie scélérate: une écriture de l'histoire." In Elles écrivent des Antilles: Haiti, Guadeloupe, Martinique. Susanne Rinne and Joèlle Vitiello, eds. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1997. Pp. Toureh, Fanta. L imaginai re dans 207-219. I'oeuvre de Simone Schwarz-Bart. Paris: L'Harmat- tan, 1987. Veldwachter-Sapotille, Germina N. "Tracées de la 'negritude' au féminin; ou, L'art de conter les Antilles dans Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle et JuletaneT thesis, University of New M. A. Mexico, 1998. Williams, Helen Teresa. "Female Identity Through Language in Simone Schwarz-B art's M. A. thesis, University of British Colum- Wood, Jacqueline E. "Cracked Roots: Identity in Maryse Condé's M.A. thesis, Florida Atlantic University, 1991. Hérémakhonon.'''' Pluie et vent sur Télumée Miracle ." bia, 1986. Zimra, Clarisse. "Righting the Calabash: Writing History in the Female Francophone Narrative." In Out of the Kumbla: Caribbean Women and Boyce Davies and Elaine Savory Fido, Literature. Carole eds. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990. Pp. 143-159. . "What's in a Name?: Elective Genealogy Novels." Studies in in Simone Schwarz-B art's Early Twentieth Century Literature 17:1 (Winter 1993), 97-118. Menchú, and Ideology: Oral History and Documentation 16. Stoll, Mark L. Grover The April 1999 photograph of fifty-four Nobel Peace Prize recipients and Pope John Paul II was historic because so many previous Prize winners had come together in one place. Standing next to the Pope was a small, native- American woman in distinctly Guatemalan Indian dress, quite a contrast in the group of mostly white men in business suits. 1 The Indian woman, Rigoberta Menchú, has been the focus of much interest over the past fifteen years. Even before the 1983 publication of her passionate autobiography, /, Rigoberta Menchú, 2 she had attracted attention because of the cause she espoused and the manner in which she presented her message. The autobiography thrust her into the international spotlight and she became a frequent guest and speaker at conferences and meetings around the world. Her high visibility as the principal spokesperson for indigenous groups led to her being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1992, five hundred years after Columbus set foot in the Americas. For twenty years the stimulus to her activities and the reason for her passion was the horrific civil war and senseless violence in Guatemala that resulted in thousands of deaths. An unexpected by-product of her book was the unusual attention accorded her by the academic community. Menchú suggests that over 1,500 thesis and dissertations have been written about her. 3 Nevertheless, she found this type of The most well known of anthropologist David Stoll's Rigoberta Menchú and the Story of intensive scrutiny of her writings and life unsettling. these works All is Poor Guatemalans. 4 On the basis of oral documentation and archival research, Stoll challenges the veracity of some of the incidents Menchú describes in her autobiography and then uses these inconsistencies to suggest a different interpretation of the Guatemalan conflict and to criticize the involve- ment of the world academic community in it. His assertions about the accuracy of parts of Menchú 's story were supported in a front-page New York Times article by Larry Rohter who also went to Guatemala and interviewed family members whose recollections of events differed from Menchú's. 5 The aftermath of the appearance of these two critical publications typifies the polemics surrounding the conflict in Guatemala. The conservative right immediately took the offensive and used Stoll's arguments to question the imacy of all worldwide revolutionary or indigenous movements. The 179 legit- right also 1 MARK 80 community tioned why anyone would continue attacked the academic raphy in light of what considers a it L. GROVER movements and questo have students read Menchú's autobiogcomplete repudiation of her story. The left for supporting the rallied around Menchú and pointed out the veracity of the general descriptions in the book, while acknowledging that some of the details are not completely accurate. The left's response was to question Stoll's political motives and to suggest that his writing of the book was influenced by racism. Some even hinted at a religious motive, making frequent reference to Stoll as a "Protestant scholar." One wonders tary, regardless if either of politics, side read the book, since fails to most of the commen- address the primary thesis of the book which questions the motives of the international academic Guatemalan conflict. community in the 6 This paper examines the issues surrounding oral history in relation to the Stoll/Menchú controversy. The focus (Stoll's). Little that libraries collect is logical motive. issues, we Although we is neither truth (Menchú's) nor motive not tainted by issues of veracity or ideo- librarians may have strong feelings about volatile how we" do our job. Our work cannot allow such feelings to affect should not be compromised by political or ideological beliefs or personal concerns. Our responsibility that scholars is to collect and make available the documentation and students need in order to carry out their research, regardless of their motivation. What does the controversy about Menchú's autobiography have to do with libraries and the role of about Latin America? librarians in collecting I and disseminating information suggest that librarians look at the entire episode in terms of what documentation was used and what the incident suggests about what we should be collecting. In order to do so we need to understand issues related to oral documentation. Oral History The role of oral documentation in research varies according to discipline. For scholars in anthropology, folklore, and sociology, the collection of oral data is essential. In these disciplines evidence is generally gathered not to obtain information about one person or one event but to assemble an accumulation of opinions. Often the concern is not to establish the veracity of thing but to arrive at a description of a group or communal the use of oral documentation in these disciplines extends perception. some- When beyond these pri- mary purposes, its value and authenticity have to be assessed. The use of oral documentation in history is much more controversial. For historians, the goal is the re-creation of the past. Consequently, historians prefer documentation that was created contemporaneously with the events under study. The value of oral history is questionable because of the time between the interview and the actual event. There is also concern about distortions that MENCHÚ, STOLL, AND IDEOLOGY 181 occur during the interviews. Oral history when other documentation is is of greater value in social history not available and when multiple interviews are conducted information. The use of oral history to establish menting and adding is life Rigoberta specific information such as problematic. Oral history's greatest value details and body torians the use of oral history /, similar to sociological in order to gather the desired research dates and chronology is Menchú is is to a description of is in supple- an event. For most his- limited to this function. 7 the result of an interview. Rather than oral history, history, or autobiography in the traditional sense, it falls into the category of testimonio. John Beverley defines this genre as a "novel or novella-length book or pamphlet (that is, printed as opposed to acoustic) form, told in the first person by a narrator who is also the real protagonist or witness of the events he or she recounts and whose unit of narration is usually a 'life' or a signarrative in nificant life experience." 8 One difference between the testimonio and oral history oral history interview monio, however, the narrator is is purpose. An normally conducted to gather historical and back- is ground information about the subject's change. The document is its is life and work. In the case of the testi- generally motivated by a desire to bring about often political and intended to elicit a reaction. There a reason, for example, for describing repression, imprisonment, or struggles. Unlike a novel, a testimonio focuses on issues, not on "literariness." In most cases the narrator speaks for, or acts on behalf of, a group or community. genre is well developed in Latin America. The 9 Questions arise about the value of the testimonio with respect to One concern description of events and establishment of fact. is its whether the descriptions were modified to evoke emotion and encourage support. If the narrator wants the testimonio to establish the description of events as legitimate, then the document must pass the scrutiny of historical evidence. If the expectation is different cal —then — the narrator's presentation the process for evaluating the is document more fictional than histori- is different. Menchú 's book was promoted as fact, the true story of the author's life. Whether that was the purpose when she told her story on tape is not known, but that was the way readers perceived it. As a result, the book has been unusually sympathy effective in generating for the author and support for revolutionary movements in Guatemala. Note how Allen Carey-Webb describes to the book and the way his students responded to it: [It] is one of the most moving books that I feel I classes. . . . must pass on, that I I have ever read. It is his reaction the kind of a must urge fellow teachers book to use in their My students were immediately sympathetic to the Menchú story and were anxious to tions about culture know more, and to involve themselves. history, about their own about the purposes and methods of education. 10 They asked ques- position in the world, and MARK 182 GROVER L. The Process how a document such as Rigoberta Menchú's autobiography is constructed will assist librarians in understanding the value of collecting all components of the oral interview. Collecting only the finished product, such as a copy of an oral interview or a published volume, suggests a disregard for Understanding the complexities of the oral history process. In the case of/, Rigoberta the process is Menchú, important because the document was created from both oral and The more complex written components. the process, the greater the possibility of introducing unintended changes. Rigoberta Menchú was unique in the revolutionary movement against the Guatemalan military government because of her very personal connection to the widespread violence and destruction. She was able to speak forcefully about what was happening to the indigenous population under military dictatorship because of her Indian to the background and her family's history of opposition Guatemalan government. Several members of her family, including her were victims of it. She was also unusually parents, died in the violence or astute and The articulate. leaders of the revolutionary movements in Guatemala, particularly the January 31st Popular Front, recognized her potential and used her as an international spokesperson to further their cause. her story appears to have come while The idea to have Menchú tell she was in Paris in January 1982 as part of a European tour with the Popular Front. The group was to be in Paris for a week before traveling to Holland for a conference and could arrange for Menchú to be interviewed during that time. The group contacted Elisabeth Burgos-Debray, a longtime friend of the Guatemalan guerrilla movement. From an upper-class family, Burgos was a political exile with a long history of activism in her native Venezuela and other parts of Latin America. In Bolivia, she married Regis Debray, the olutionary and Bolivia. member French rev- of Ernesto "Che" Guevara's revolutionary troops in Debray had written the famous Revolution in the Revolution and was American insurgencies in Cuba and Chile. He eventually active in Latin became an advisor to In 1982 Burgos begun to question whether it was in Paris some of working on a Ph.D. in anthropology. She had the theories of revolutionary war, wondering could actually be successful. She had become particularly interested in indigenous port of the French president Francois Mitterand. 11 movements and had organized at least one demonstration in sup- Guatemalan revolutionary movements. Because of her political ide- ology and experience, combined with her academic training, she appeared to do the history of Menchú the way they thought it should be done, despite the fact that she had never been to Guatemala and came from an upper-class Venezuelan family. 12 the Guatemalans to be the right person to MENCHÚ, STOLL, AND IDEOLOGY 183 how important to understand It is scribed, edited, reviewed, Menchú story. First, and the interviews were conducted, tran- book form as Menchú's autobiography. Beyond what the inter- finally published in did not write the viewer and interviewee bring as preparation, the interview session process which often results in unique outcomes The interviewer takes. trols the way is is a creative and mis- very important because in most cases he or she con- course of the interview. Certain information the interview is as well as distortions is elicited according to the conducted and what questions are asked. 13 Elisabeth Burgos-Debray's interview of Rigoberta Menchú was con- ducted over the course of a week and took place in Burgos 's apartment. Burgos says her involvement in the interview was limited because of the way Rigo- berta spoke. Although Burgos had prepared an outline for the interview, she says she soon put According it to Burgos, Menchú needed little encouragement. "Rigoberta made more and more digressions, introduced aside because descriptions of cultural practices into her story and generally upset chronology. possible." I 14 therefore let her talk freely and tried to ask as This kind of situation often occurs when there my few questions is as an overarching purpose for the interview and frequently indicates that the interviewee prepared extensively in advance. David Stoll, who listened to two hours of the interview, agrees with Bur- gos 's description of the course of the interview and suggests that Burgos inter- Menchú only to ask for clarification. He says, "Never does Elisabeth new subjects, change the direction of the interview, or prod a reluctant rupted raise subject into continuing." 15 Obviously Burgos 's role can be assessed only tening to all the tapes and comparing them to the final by lis- Spanish version of the book. Another issue in the transformation of an oral interview to its published the role of the transcriber and editor (most often the interviewer). The becomes a creative partner in the process. Oral interviews are never completely smooth and error free: accounts are told out of chronological order, grammar is incorrect, terms are undefined, discussions are incomplete, and so on. The sequence of stories and events in the chronology affects meaning and form is editor understanding. Additional information almost always has to be added for clar- and continuity. Although the editor seldom intends changes are known to occur. ity The tions, final version of the document, incorporating to alter all meaning, such changes and addi- needs to be approved by the interviewee. This part of the process can also introduce changes and adjustments to the text. Exactly what happened during this phase of the preparation of the Menchú volume is unclear. Burgos suggests was changed. She and her assistant tranproducing a document of more than 500 typed pages. Burgos that little of the original interview scribed the tapes, then rearranged the story according to the original chronological outline she 1 MARK 84 had made in preparation for the interview. difficult that she had then reorder the parts. She states that the only corrections she ders, as otherwise it own powerful form I who each made part, and to the text corrected verb tenses and noun gen- would not have made sense, but always trying to retain her of expression." 16 Burgos then gave the completed manuscript of Menchú, GROVER Organizing the document was so to cut the interview into sections, identify were grammatical. Burgos says, "Yes, L. delivered it to Arturo Taracena, a friend to the revolutionary organization. The document was read and changes suggested. According to Burgos, only minor changes were requested and most were done. Menchú is said to have delivered the manuscript herself to Burgos, Menchú who then made all the publication arrangements. has given different versions of her role in the process. In her book Crossing Borders, she describes a very diminished role for Burgos. She says that Taracena, a Guatemalan historian, was the most influential person in the book's creation. "He had a significant hand in the book, though he is a modest man and was not interested in self-aggrandizement." She never states that Burgos actually conducted the interview and says that Burgos was involved in the publication of the book only because she had "a reputation and an entree into the academic and publishing world." She says that the Guatemala Solidarity Committee in Paris "helped with the transcription." When the text was finished, Menchú kept it for more than two months "trying to understand it." She even got help from friends in Mexico in the editing of the manuscript. She had them read the text to her so that she could understand it. She requested recent that several passages be omitted. 17 This version of the publication process sug- gests a very limited role for Burgos and a more important one for Arturo Taracena. Menchú was not allowed any involvement in the editing of the document and that the final version was a surprise to her. "Elisabeth Burgos took those manuscripts, arranged them accordNever did ing to her own criteria, and added and suppressed what suited her. In another version of the story, says she . she permit that I . . know the final version, much less make obser18 text." Although Menchú has never clarified or Dr. Taracena vations or corrections to the exactly what happened, the fact that she has distanced herself from the over the past few years suggests she payment of her royalties is dissatisfied with have also played a part it. book Problems with the in the conflict between Menchú and Burgos. In recent interviews and writings Burgos has talked about believes I Menchú was not accurate in telling her have become aware that they why story._ (Menchú and another person she interviewed) own experiences, what they could not have witnessed directly, in proximity to their own histories. It is not that they bad faith, nor that they lie. Instead, they are moved by a feeling of relate, as their what instead happened act in belonging. . . . The act of telling a story orally required recreating what she MENCHÚ, STOLL, AND IDEOLOGY 185 happened through images, it requires setting a stage, like a theater director would, and requires what theater does — to demonstrate. Rigoberta's objec- tive with her testimony was to demonstrate, to shake public opinion to the maximum win support, and to that she has accomplished. 19 Conclusions This account of the creation of Rigoberta /, Menchú points out several issues concerning the use of oral interviews and histories in academic research. An analysis of set of problems with his sources. David use of oral documents would likely yield another Stoll's am I not suggesting that the potential prob- lems with oral documents preclude their use in academic research. they are vital and important resources. trary, that libraries tation need to carefully collect and make Many all all On the con- What I am suggesting, however, the components of the oral is documen- of them available to scholars. most do not recDgnize the long-term importance of these documents, nor do they acknowledge that they should become part of the library's collection. Librarians need to scholars use oral documentation in their work, but make scholars aware of the value of these sources them on the how to conduct the for the library and to advise interviews and gather the proper documents so that complete documentation can be made available to other researchers. 20 Once the interview is complete, librarians need to be involved in the tran- scription process. Researchers the interview. to know the proper format and structure for They need to understand the importance of retaining :opy of the transcription. If the transcript is the original then given to the interviewee for copy of the suggested changes needs additions and corrections, a well. need to be kept as Correspondence containing information about the interview should be retained as part of the record. Thus the file in the library should include a copy 3f the original tape recording, the original transcription, all correspondence, the document listing suggested changes and additions, and the corrected final manuscript. Regardless of one's position on the Menchú/Stoll controversy, the story of Rigoberta Menchú 's autobiography underscores :ollectors and preservers of oral documentation. These are valuable research resources. Collecting these documents enables us to better serve our patrons. NOTES 1. "Trimble Meets Pope 2. First published in ranslation 3. at Vatican," later classroom. A2. by Verso (New York). Menchú can be found in Allen Carey- Webb and Stephen Menchú and the North American Classroom of New York Press, 1996). The authors describe how the book is used in of the interest in ;Albany: State University p. Spanish in 1983 (Barcelona: Editorial Argos Vergara). The English was published one year An example The Times, April 23, 1999, Benz, eds., Teaching and Testimony: Rigoberta :he the importance of libraries as . MARK 186 CO: Westview 4. Boulder, 5. Larry Rohter, "Nobel Winner Finds Her Story Challenged," 15, 1998, pp. Al, ary 21, 1999, p. A8. (Summer 18 1999, GROVER Press, 1998. New York Times, December New York Times, Janu- See also "Guatemala Laureate Defends 'My Truth,' " 8. eral years. See, for L. It should be pointed out that there have been questions about the book for sev- example, Doris Sommer, "Rigoberta's Secrets," Latin American Perspectives 1991), 32-50. um tal 6. See Frei Betto, "Rigoberta Menchú e p. A2; Diane Nelson, "Rigoberta Menchú, Stoll," O Estado de São Paulo, March 24, Truth Stranger Than Testimonial?" Is Http://www.vanderbilt.edu/AnS/Anthro/GSN/nelson.htm Guatemala Scholars Network; David Horowitz, On? See 7. "I, Rigoberta Menchú, Liar" Http://www.frontpagemag.com/dh/dh01-l l-99.htm Right also several letters to the editor, New York Times, December 20, 1998, Section For a good discussion of the problems of subjectivity in oral history, see 4, p. 12. Olga Rodrigues de Moraes Simson, organizer, Os desafios contemporâneos da história oral (Campinas, Brazil: Centro de Memória, 2d UNICAMP, 1997). See also Paul Thompson, The Voice of the Past: Oral His- Oxford University Press, 1988), and Arthur Marwick, The Nature of History (New York: Macmillan, 1970), pp. 133-137. tory, ed. (Oxford: 8. John Beverley, "The Margin at the Center: On Testimonio (Testimonial Narrative)," in Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson, eds., De/Colonizing the Subject: The Politics of Gender in Women's Autobiography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota 9. John Steven M. Bell Dame, Press, 1992), pp. 92-93. Second Thoughts on Testimonio," in Theory, Cultural Politics, and Latin American Narrative (Notre et al., Critical IN: University of Notre 10. the Beverley, " 'Through All Things Modern': Dame, 1993), pp. 125-151. Allen Carey-Webb, "Teaching Third World Auto-Biography: Testimonial Narrative in Canon and Classroom," Oregon English (Fall 1990), 8. 1 1 Burgos and Debray have since divorced. 12. For a discussion of the role of Burgos see Marc Zimmerman, Literature and Resistance Guatemala: Textual Modes and Cultural Politics from El Señor Presidente to Rigoberta Menchú; Volume Two, Testimonio and Cultural Politics in the Years of Cerezo and Serrano Elias in (Athens: Ohio University, 1995), p. 55. 13. Two episodes Several years ago when in I my personal experience illustrate the important role of the was beginning a research project interviews conducted by a colleague. As viewer asked certain questions in order to in the desired was given a listened to the tapes, I needed for I interviewer. large collection of oral quickly realized that the inter- information. If the person did not respond elicit certain way, a particular line of questioning was pursued given. Dissatisfied with these interviews, the data I I until the desired response was decided to re-interview each person in order to gather my research. In another instance, earlier in my career, I was doing an interview on a sensitive topic. The tell which side I was on and what my inter- interviewee stopped the interview and said that he could pretation to would be by the way I phrased the questions. He walked out in anger and was unwilling be part of the project. 14. Elisabeth Burgos-Debray, "Introduction," in /, Rigoberta Menchú: An Indian Woman in Guatemala (New York: Verso, 1984), pp. xix-xx. Rigoberta Menchú, p. 188. 15. Stoll, 16. Ibid, p. 185. 17. Rigoberta Menchú, Crossing Borders 18. "Carta de Rigoberta Menchú," El Periódico, December 12, 1997, quoted in berta Menchú, p. 301. Another version from (New Menchú 's York: Verso, 1998), pp. 113-114. organization, since discounted, gos had interviewed several Guatemalans and combined the stories. Stoll, is Rigo- that Bur- MENCHÚ, STOLL, AND IDEOLOGY 19. Quoted 20. For more on the role of in Stoll, 1 87 Rigoberta Menchú, pp. 198-199. libraries in the preservation of oral documentation, see Stephen Humphries, The Handbook of Oral History: Recording Life Stories (London: Inter-Action Imprint, 1984), and Thad Sitton and O. L. Davis, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983). Jr., Oral History: A Guide for Teachers (and Others) 17. The Urban Woman in the Electronic Age: A Survey of Electronic Resources Mina Jane Grothey I have been selecting materials and conducting research on America and I in Latin At SALALM XL presented preliminary findings about my work on the the Caribbean for (1995, Athens, Georgia) women more than fifteen years. "Women in the Urban Economy of Latin America and the Caribbean." When asked to prepare a paper for SALALM XLIV, I decided to return to this topic topic and pursue the goal of compiling an annotated bibliography on the subject to update earlier research (Bourque 1989). I realized quickly that much had changed since 1995 in the way we search for and find information. I also wondered whether, given the advances in information systems and technology, bibliographies were I still Had the useful. Internet made the bibliography obsolete? decided to do a literature search on the question "Is the bibliography dead?," a task that turned out to be more problematic than difficult to search for bibliography as a I had expected. It is form rather than actual bibliographies. I did find one article, "Bibliography as an Interdisciplinary Information Service," which argues that a bibliography is still argues that "although published subject their value due The author, Joan Fiscella, bibliographies would seem to have lost a valid tool. to the availability of electronic catalogs and indexes, they still play an important role in winnowing the vast amount of information derived from these resources" (Fiscella 1996:280). of a gathering activity or list plinary studies, add value by effective way" A bibliography is not just the result making. Bibliographies, especially for interdisci- "cull[ing] the materials retrieved in an efficient (ibid.:293). Fiscella states that "the tronically accessible bibliographic tools growing numbers of have not substituted for skillfully and elec- com- piled bibliographies, since electronic indexes are not constructed to identify functionally relevant materials or to identify patterns, analogies, etc." (ibid.). up on several of Fiscella 's references, I found a chapter by Howard D. White titled "Literary Forms in Information Work: Annotated Bibliographies, Bibliographic Essays, and Reviews of Literatures." White says that the most useful form is the review of literatures prepared by someone knowledgeable in the field. In good reviews of literatures, the arrangement of materials by function provides insight (White 1992:142). In following Reviews of literatures are how of central importance because they indicate readers can read convergently with insiders' definitions of the field. 188 . . . The THE URBAN WOMAN IN THE ELECTRONIC AGE review of a literature, if intelligent and screens out. some or all will it covers. resemble a course given by an and priorities. It you an essay. The guide to a It is resemble one or more sections of a level of organization this may be useful literature, While not library. not as high as the review's. is are interested in this subject, this be useful, and . . . etc." may There It be useful, and is I so simply points to them. would add many disor- says in this may no synthesis, merely agglomeration. The guide cannot substitute for any of the writings it 89 synthesizes claims, perhaps even obviating the need to read It its effect, "If good of its kind, critical teacher. It establishes contexts of the writings in contrast, will ganized, 1 it covers; (Ibid.: 148.) that a bibliography can also be a time saver. Today there are places to search for information that a bibliography can save the researcher time by indicating the most reliable, relevant sources. A major change ability in the way we look for information relates to the avail- of electronic resources. This paper examines, in particular, general data- and evaluates subjects, their general usefulness for research and economics. (See Appendix 1 Appendix 2 and Web resources on Latin America, women, of the databases and resources and American bases, specialized databases for Latin 1 for a list for a detailed account of search results.) General Databases At the University of New Mexico General Library (UNMGL) we are we provide to users to determine whether we are making the best use of resources and are meeting user needs. In summer 1998 we switched from Expanded Academic Index to EBSCOhost Academic reevaluating the general databases Search FullTEXT Elite. The Library also joined the consortium subscribing to Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe. In winter 1999 the began providing access to and college and university 1. New Mexico State Library ProQuest Direct-UMI for all public, high school, libraries. EBSCOhost The UNMGL subscribes to the Academic Search FullTEXT Elite version of EBSCOhost. The database provides abstracts and indexing for over 3,100 scholarly journals in the social sciences, humanities, education, and other fields. It also offers full text for over 1 ,000 journals including 380 journals dat- ing to 1990. Total coverage includes over 3 million articles. search by keyword, advanced, and natural language and peer-reviewed journals and to The The user may may limit the search to full text. natural language search is a special feature of the user to enter a phrase or question. The EBSCO results are relevancy — which allows ranked so one maximum number of hits 250. Another feature is the availability of links to Web results, although these Web sites may have little relevancy to the search. I did a search for the "role of urban women workers in latin can easily get the 190 MINA JANE GROTHEY american economy." Even when limited search still maximum produced the and peer reviewed the to full text of 250 hits. The citations show declining relevancy starting with 100 percent, and by record number 90 relevancy down to 69 percent. Journals indexed include Latin American Research Review (full text 7/96-), Latin American Perspectives on the Americas (full text (not full text), and 2. is 7/96-), (full text 1/90-), NACLA Report Economic Development and Cultural Change Urban Studies (full text). ProQuest Direct-UMI The ProQuest Direct-UMI database provides access and newspapers. nals, which are full text. (which It magazines, jour- covers over 2,200 magazines and journals, 1,400 of The searching is divided into The search can also be find frustrating). I to current (1997)- and backfile limited to peer reviewed and and can be done using basic or advanced search screens. full text perhaps because difficulty using ProQuest, host and how One it familiar with EB SCO- searches. between EBSCOhost and ProQuest significant difference up more news-type latter turns am more I had some I articles, is that the such as those from Inter Press Service The searches I conducted found articles from World Development (not full text), and Journal of Latin American Studies (full text). ProQuest is updated more frequently and provides full text quicker than EBSCO. Latin American Research Review is full text in ProQuest from 1/94 while Latin American Perbut only through 7/98). (full text, Journal of Third World Studies spectives is only ProQuest with 3. full text full text from (full text), 1/97. NACLA Report on the Americas is also in from 9/97. Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe Considerable practice and experimentation by do a good search using Academic Universe. tions are planned to lication make and error is required to understand that some modifica- searching easier, such as the ability to search by pub- and by multiple publications For I trial at once. my research, I concentrated on the Foreign Language News category, Source Material: Spanish language news. In addition to El Pais from Spain and EFE, the Spanish ico. I with ial: news agency, most of the newspapers included searched the General little success. I News are from Mex- category, Source Material: All Magazines also searched the General Newsletters and found more on my News category, Source Mater- subject than in the All Magazines category. How did I decide to search in this particular Source Material? I thought that Market Latin America, which I found while searching Info-Latinoamerica. When I determined which part of Lexis-Nexis included this title, I was led to Newsletters. There I found Inter-Press Service, Latin America Weekly Report, and NotiSur. To my surprise, I found only articles from 1994 and 1995 from Market Latin America while in Info-Latinoamerica Lexis-Nexis included the title THE URBAN WOMAN IN THE ELECTRONIC AGE 191 found items as recent as 1999. According to the Lexis-Nexis Source Locator, coverage is through 1997. I attempted to determine, by reviewing the pages I about content, whether Market Latin America had been dropped but found no helpful information. 2 4. Social SciSearch This electronic database is based upon the Social Science Citation Index (SSCI), an international, multidisciplinary index to social science journal ature produced is same the Alliance of New Institute for Scientific Information. as that for SciSearch via UNMGL The by the The search liter- interface Los Alamos National Laboratory (LANL). subscribes to both databases through the Library Services New Mexico, a consortium of science and technology libraries in Mexico. Currently, we provide coverage only back to 1991. I when found the search interface easy I to use and retrieved better results than searched SSCI on Dialog five years ago, although searching and economic and latin issues. Results are listed america" still "women retrieves citations dealing with health by relevancy ranking. The citation indexes enable the user to search by cited reference in addition to general searches by keyword, author, or source. 5. I found Social SciSearch helpful for finding current citations. FirstSearch FirstSearch contains my more than sixty databases including research, I searched Contemporary International. I had difficulty Women's Issues, EconLit, and PAIS doing a clean search in Contemporary Women's Issues, a full text database. This database is titles WorldCat. In updated weekly and indexes 1,500 with coverage from 1992 to the present. It includes standard journal and newsletter articles; research reports from nonprofit groups, governments, and international agencies; added and "fact sheets." (The content of database will be Academic Universe.) I have yet to determine how to do geographic name, which is apparently not the same as geo- to Lexis-Nexis a clean search for a graphic region found as a field label in a record. ject this keyword search it When I did a country as sub- can be pulled from anywhere in the record which includes notes and bibliography. Using "development" as subject keyword instead of "economic" produced more relevant citations. The problem in using "economic" is that it occurs in articles on the economic status of women in relation to other factors such as reproduction. As with other full text databases, it is important to use a variety of words, such as "labor force" and "employment," rather than relying only on a term that would appear in a subject heading. Produced by the Journal of Economic Literature, EconLit provides citations and abstracts for articles from more than 500 journals, books, dissertations, and the Cambridge University Press Abstracts of Working Papers in Economics (AWPE). Coverage goes back to 1969, and the database is updated monthly. Because it provides access to working papers, it is an excellent 192 MINA JANE GROTHEY resource. Once interest, a visit to that institution's my work scholars are aware of institutions doing Web site in their area of can also be helpful. For example, search turned up two working papers from the Economic Growth Center, Yale University The other database in FirstSearch that I tested was PAIS International, from Public Affairs Information Service. Updated monthly, the database includes articles, books, conference proceedings, government documents, book chapters, and statistical directories going back online to 1972. This database is a good source for foreign language materials. All the FirstSearch databases proved to be good resources, each with a particular strength. For example, Contemporary Women's Issues brings up nonjournal references that are difficult to find elsewhere; EconLit includes work- ing papers; and PAIS has foreign language materials including government documents from other countries. Latin American Databases This section reviews the standard interdisciplinary databases that focus on Latin America and the Caribbean: Hispanic American Periodicals Index (HAPI), Handbook of Latin American America Data Base (LADB). Studies, Info-Latinoamerica, and Latin HAPI includes citations to articles, documents, book reviews, and original 400 social science and humanities journals that regularly contain information on Latin America, the United States-Mexico borderlands, and Hispanics in the United States from 1970 to date. The Handbook of Latin American Studies has a long tradition of indexing and abstracting. A special feature is the introductory essays which discuss literary works in approximately recent research trends in a particular field. on the Web, I no longer use the Now that the Handbook is available CD-ROM version. Both HAPI and the Hand- book present preliminary information on works to be included in future volumes. For example, when I searched the Handbook I was able to select up through volume 60 (2003). Info-Latinoamerica is easy to use. The current citations I retrieved were from business publications such as Market Latin America. The most recent journal article was from 1994, in contrast to the very current news articles retrieved. When I searched the Latin America Data Base discovered that the I newsletter EcoCentral had been renamed NotiCen in line with NotiSur. has links to The Columbia Guide to Online Style and other marily economic), as well as to sites LADB of interest (pri- SALALM. My search in the economic journals was very productive. Each database has particular strengths. LADB is a good source for keeping up with what is happening in Latin America. Info-Latinoamerica is an section excellent supplement to LADB for additional articles. I recommend HAPI to THE URBAN WOMAN IN THE ELECTRONIC AGE 193 students doing basic undergraduate research and the Handbook for more in- depth searching. World Wide Web Resources Because discussion I Web resources are in a state of constant flux, this section of the makes no claim began my to being exhaustive. search using the University of Texas at Austin's Latin Ameri- can Network Information Center (LANIC) in the section "Women & Gender "Women, Gender & Sexuality in Latin America/'under "Society and Culture." As with other subject areas, it starts with the broad Studies," also called heading "Latin American Resources," then lists resources by country, followed by "International Resources." Other areas of interest are "Economy" under "Economy in Latin America" and "Development" under "Sustainable Development." The amount of information is overwhelming, although some sites ultimately did not deliver what I had hoped. For example, the section on Latin Women Development Network (WIDNET) provided links to other sites but no original information. The section on statistics gives very brief statistical information from other sources. I did not find a America and the Caribbean in statement outlining the purpose of the It is (where I in site. helpful to be able to go directly to sites such as the searched the publication list) and JOLIS World Bank (Joint Libraries Information the International Mon- etary Fund, rather than relying on other library catalogs. Another useful site is System), the combined library for the World Bank and Development Bank and its library. When I tried to access the Web site for the Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), however, I could get to the homepage but no further. the Inter-American In addition to LANIC, another important resource for finding Web sites is "Yahoo en español." Spanish language search engines provide access to sites not found by English language search engines. Sites can be searched in Spanish as well as by using the categories provided. For example, under "ciencias sociales" is the subcategory "economía" which is further subdivided into such categories as "Revistas" (1), "Bancas the Spanish language version of Yahoo, and "Educación y formación" (18). Many of are from Spain rather than Latin America. A search on the words centrales®", "Bibliotecas" the sites (1), "centro" and "mujer" brought up six sites, of which two where in Houston, Texas, two in the Gran Canarias, and two for Flora Tristan in Peru. Additional Spanish language search engines can be found at Motores de Búsqueda en Español, which includes a link to Yahoo en español (Withers 1999:363). The site is a collection of more than a dozen Spanish language search engines. Also, Yahoo Brasil, a Portuguese language search engine, provides access to Brazilian Has sites. the proliferation of access to electronic resources eliminated the need for bibliographies? My answer is no. As access has increased, so has the need 194 for MINA JANE GROTHEY more help in, as Fiscella says, tent of bibliographies will "culling" through what change ographies will remain useful tools not available elsewhere. The to include if more is available. they provide added value and information best bibliographies will offer guidance in deter- mining the usefulness of a particular source and will suggest igating through the The con- electronic resources. Bibli- overwhelming amount of material APPENDIX Databases and strategies for nav- available. 3 1 Web Resources General Databases EBSCOhost Academic Search FullTEXT Elite FirstSearch Contemporary Women's Issues EconLit PAIS International WorldCat Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe ProQuest Direct-UMI Social SciSearch Latin American Databases Hispanic American Periodicals Index (HAPI) (http://hapi.gseis.ucla.edu) Handbook of Latin American Studies (http://lcweb2.loc.gov/hlas) Info-Latinoamerica (http://biblioline.nisc.com) Latin America Data Base (LADB) (http://ladb.unm.edu) World Wide Web Resources Inter-American Development Bank Library (http://www.iadb.org/intAib) Joint Libraries Information World Bank and System (http://jolis.worldbankimflib.org) International Monetary Fund Library Latin American Network Information Center (LANIC) (http://lanic. utexas.edu) Latin American and Iberian Collections and Resources, University of New Mexico General Library (http://www.unm.edu/~libibero) Motores de Búsqueda en Español (http://www.aered.com/miscelanea/buscador.htm) Women in Development Network (WIDNET) World Bank (http://www.worldbank.org) Yahoo Brasil (http://br.yahoo.com) Yahoo en español (http://espanol.yahoo.com) (http://www.focusintl.com/widnet.htm) THE URBAN WOMAN IN THE ELECTRONIC AGE 195 APPENDIX 2 Search Histories General Databases 1. EBSCOhost Academic Search FullTEXT Elite Keyword: women and economic and latin america; retrieved 18 citations, 12 Advanced: (women or female) and labor and Natural language: role of urban women 10 citations, 3 brazil; workers in latin full text. full text. american economy. With natural language searching, the results are relevancy ranked so the user can maximum number of 250. Another feature is the availability to Web results, although these Web sites may have little relevancy to easily get the links search. Even when limited to full text and peer reviewed, the search maximum of 250. The up with the citations have declining relevancy with 100 percent and by record 90 the relevancy 2. still is down to May 17, starting 69 percent. 1999) Basic women women and economic and latin america, 1997- 20 and economic and latin america, - ; citations, 6 full text 1997; 22 citations, 6 full text Basic limited to peer reviewed 1997- ; citation, full text, a 1 -1997; 6 citations, 2 book review full text Advanced peer reviewed (women or female) and labor and brazil, 1997- (women or female) and labor and brazil, -1997; 8 citations, 2 full text ; none Basic peer reviewed urban urban urban Basic all women and and women and women latin america, 1997- and -1997; none and latin america, 1997- none and latin america, -1997; 6 ; citations, none full text databases women and latin and women and latin urban and america, 1997- urban america, -1997; 9 citations, none full text Advanced all ; none databases (women (women or female) and labor and brazil, 1997- ; 3 citations, one full text or female) and labor and brazil, -1997; 18 citations, 7 full text, earliest from 1974 the came ProQuest Direct-UMI (Searched March 18, 1999, and of 196 3. MINA JANE GROTHEY Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe (Searched March 16, 1999) Foreign News Category, Source Material: Spanish language news, 6 months mujer! and econom!; more than 1,000 documents mujer! and econom! and urbana; 69 documents. Using only "and" did not produce relevant documents. Searched again using "w/p", but the was very broad, sometimes the whole article. Searched again substituting "w/10" for "w/p" but found nothing. Actually, "w/s" works better than "w/p". definition of paragraph mujer! w/10 empleo; 44 citations Broadened date period to two years mujer! w/10 econom!; 656 citations mujer! w/10 econom! and additional terms: brasil or mexico; 455 citations (Searched General May News 18, 1999) Topics: All Magazines to retrieve English language magazine or journal articles women w/s economic in key term, additional term: 2 citations. Note: to find relevancy use latin america, "KWIC view" 6 months; to see where words are located. Redid search using "w/5" instead of "w/s" and retrieved the one relevant citation from previous search. Foreign Language News: Spanish language news, 6 months (mujer or mujeres) w/s econom! in key term and ecuador in additional term; 17 citations (Searched General May News Queen Sofia traveling to Ecuador in April '99! 21, 1999) Topics: Newsletters women and economic and latin america as keywords for all available dates; 3 1 citations women women 4. FirstSearch: and latin america for previous year; 38 citations and latin america and urban for previous year; 2 citations (both to the same article) Contemporary Women's Issues (Searched March 18, 1999) women and economic and latin america (all as subject keyword); 85 citations many dealing with health and reproduction same search adding There is NOT health; 24 citations a difficulty with geographic name, which as geographic region found in records. When is apparently not the same one does a country as subject keyword can be pulled from anywhere in the record which includes notes and bibliography (attempted again May 18 with no success). It is also difficult to retrieve relevant it . THE URBAN citations. WOMAN THE ELECTRONIC AGE IN A search using "development" in subject heading keyword worked better (May than "economic" as subject keyword 5. 197 18). FirstSearch: EconLit (Searched May women and 13, 1999) urban and america; 6 citations. (No need for "economic" since latin it is an economic database.) women and latin 6. FirstSearch: america; 44 citations PAIS International (Searched March 19, 1999) women women and economic and and labor and 1995- 7 latin america, ; america, 1995- latin citations 6 citations including 3 found in the ; previous search women and employment and latin america, 1995- same women and urban and latin america, 1995- none ; 6 citations as above ; women women women women and urban and brazil, and economic and and labor and 1995- brazil, brazil, and employment and 1 ; citation 1995- 7 citations ; 1995- 14 citations, including 4 in previous set ; brazil, 1995- ; 10 citations, all found in previous searches 7. Social SciSearch at LANL (Searched March 19, 1999) women and economic and latin america as keywords, 1997-98, 1994-96; 2 citations (not relevant) women and labor and latin america; 4 women and employment and citations, latin which also came up in search using america. (The term labor force worked better in order to exclude labor as in giving birth.) women and economic and limit language to Spanish 1991- ; 9 citations Latin American Databases 1 Hispanic American Periodicals Index (Searched March 19, 1999) women and economic 2. in keyword limited Handbook of Latin American to 1995-1999; 22 citations Studies (Searched March 19, 1999) women and economic in full text, 1995 (v. 54); 41 citations. (The system searched the word "and".) women economic in full text, 1995 (v. 54); reached the 100-item limit, 15 exact phrase, 85 citations contain the economic development women exact phrase, 14 all two words as subject, 1995- reached the 100-item ; words, and 84 with one or more words limit with 2 . 198 MINA JANE GROTHEY women urban in full text, 1995- reached 100-item ; words, and 26 containing or 1 limit with 6 exact phrase, more words. Using 68 all the starting date of 1995 retrieved citations from 1989. 3. Info-Latinoamerica (Searched May 13, 1999) women and economic; 472 citations and urban; 80 citations by date 1998; 28 limiting 4. citations Latin America Data Base (Searched May 13, 1999) Searched in NotiSur for women and economic, 1998- ; 14 articles Explored the economic journals section: (mujer or mujeres) and económica; 37 articles NOTES 1 Since it has been a while since Latin American Specialist University of New at the I worked in economics, I want to thank Carolyn Mountain, Parish Memorial Library, the business and economic library of the Mexico General Library (UNMGL) system, for assisting me with the economic portion of this research. 2. I want to schmidt, for leading 3. thank Harold Colson and an alert staff member of UNMGL, Rebs Bauer- me to these pages. For more on the usefulness of bibliography, see Chapter 19 (herein), Lesbia Verona, "Escritoras cubanas en el exilio." Verona points out the problem of tracking writers of descent who erature of the country of birth rather than as Cuban. See also Chapter 14, Nelly González, vian Literary Minority: women writers Women listed in sources that tant countries are often ignored. presented a paper titled claim to cover women writers At the SALALM women writers of less impor- 1999 meeting, Earl Fitz, Vanderbilt University, which he discussed the new an area in need of bibliographic help. For example, that a researcher "A Boli- of Latin America. According to "Latin American Identity in an Inter-American Context: Literature" (not published in this volume), in studies, lit- Writers." González discusses the difficulty of finding Bolivian her findings, which provide information not easily found elsewhere, by theme so Cuban are born elsewhere since the Library of Congress classifies these authors with the it is The View from field of inter-American difficult to find listings of novels can find works to compare. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bourque, Susan C. 1989. "Urban Development." In K. Lynn Stoner, Americas: Fiscella, A Source. New York: Latinas of the Garland Publishing. Pp. 581-594. Joan B. 1996. "Bibliography as an Interdisciplinary Information Service." Library Trends 45:2 White, ed.. Howard D. (Fall), 280-295. Forms in Information Work: Annotated BibliograReviews of Literatures." In Howard D. White, Mareia J. Bates, and Patrick Wilson, eds., For Information Specialists: Interpretations of Reference and Bibliographic Work. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Pub. Pp. 1992. "Literary phies, Bibliographic Essays, and 131-149. THE URBAN WOMAN IN THE ELECTRONIC AGE 199 Howard D. White, Mareia J. Bates, For Information Specialists: Interpretations of Reference and Bibliographic Work. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Pub. Pp. 239-246. Wilson, Patrick. 1992. "Pragmatic Bibliography." In and Patrick Wilson, eds., Withers, Rob. 1999. "Foreign Language, Literature, and Culture: New for Students and Scholars." C&RLNews 60:5 A Look at What's (May), 361-363, 410. Frances Toor and the 18. Mexican Cultural Renaissance Peter Stern Frances Toor, the gringa folklorista, was one of a host of political and cultural pilgrims way who flocked to Mexico in the decade that travelers, same after the Revolution. In the mostly European and American intellectuals, journeyed to Russia after the triumph of the Bolsheviks to see socialism in action and to find many North Americans headed for Mexico City to for themselves the new Mexico that Alvaro Obregón and José Vascon- their long-sought Utopia, witness celos were building after the Revolution. Toor, along with visitors like Tina Edward Weston, Carlton Beals, D. H. Lawrence, and many others, sought to discover a Mexico that met their particular political or cultural needs. Others, like Julio Antonio Mella, came seeking refuge from persecution; still others, like Bertram Wolfe and Vittorio Videlli, came to Mexico for political Modotti, reasons both altruistic and which they believed Mexico could found All these visitors had longings and needs sinister. fulfill; few were disappointed in what they there. Toor, together with other gringas like Anita Brenner and championed the cultural and artistic revival women made decade of the 1920s. These which flourished it their in Alma Reed, Mexico in the mission to explain the new Mexico to a suspicious United States and beyond, and to spread the word about the work of Mexican artists, composers, anthropologists, and educators who were bringing about this renacimiento. Even more, each of them made a deep personal commitment to Mexico and to the Mexican people; each had a lifelong "love affair" with the ideals of the Mexican Revolution, ideals which were all too briefly and incompletely fulfilled by a recalcitrant government. biographer of Tina Modotti In 1923 cals, summed it up Mexico City teemed with and visionaries. Intellectuals tural revelation now in this A recent way: fanatics, who had once bohemians, idealists, radi- looked to Europe for cul- turned their backs upon the old continent, embracing instead the genius of peasants and indigenous peoples Mexican community promised whose inclusion to bring forth the "regeneration tion of the national spirit." Military chieftains had retreated in the and exalta- to their ranches or ensconced themselves in plush ministries. Artists and writers were unfurling the blueprints of a structing a modern more authentic culture, forging utopia. 200 new values and con- 201 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE Lured by such vibrancy and ferment, anticipating by skirmishes between marauding lated own shook off their Some came tired affairs to inspiration, and titil- guerrilla bands, foreign pilgrims board trains and boats bound for Mexico. as intellectual sightseers; others seized the opportunity to embroil themselves in the artistic, social, nation-building, and the fiestas. and political experimentation, the 1 Frances Toor was born in Plattsburgh, New York, in 1890. She earned bachelor's and master's degrees at the University of California, Berkeley (studying with Herbert Mexico coming to versity. She admitted whelmed by an in Eugene Bolton, the father of borderlands studies) before 1922 to attend the summer school later that she exhibition sponsored knew and Labor. She wrote almost twenty years of the motivating factors in try in my remaining. Mexico really on its history, is. In those culture, and "The beauty of it was one wanted to know more of the coun- later that I by artists from the I an exhibit of folk art to entire republic. I saw the exhibit grew ever more enthusiastic over the beauty of an virile, passionate. calientes to to be able times, and produced by a humwork of modern artists, art at all, circles was Anita Brenner, but a Mexican citizen, born in 1905 in Aguas- immigrant Jews from Latvia. (She was delighted, much later in life, Mexican government's award of the Águila Azteca on the she could not accept an award meant only for foreigners.) Her fam- to decline the grounds that ily many 3 Another member of Mexico City's Bohemian who was in fact not a gringa be sent to the United work, gold and silver jewelry had been col- ble and practically enslaved people and also over the so alive, 2 But the Ministry of Industry and Labor had art. States. Textiles, pottery, lacquer lected Commerce came to Mexico I was ignorant of what days there was not the literature that there is now just financed the collection of I Secretariat of Industry, which humble people could make such beautiful things." Like most foreigners, when National Uni- about Mexico, but was over- little by the at the were small landowners and merchants; they fled the Revolution's fighting several times, the last time in 1916. schooled at a Catholic girls' They settled in San Antonio, where Anita was school before attending the University of Texas at Austin for only a year. (As a Jew and a Mexican, she Austin.) She managed to persuade her father to let felt like a social misfit in her go back to Mexico in 1923 The head of the B'nai Brith office in Mexico City assured Isidore Brenner that the capital was now quite safe, inasmuch as Carranza, Villa, and Zapata were dead and Obregón was president. Brenner supported herself by teaching English in the capital. 4 Toor later related in a 1932 issue of Mexican Folkways how she founded her magazine. She came to attend summer school and stayed on, supporting herself like Brenner by teaching English in government schools and attending the University. "Every vacation," she wrote, "I visited some villages. As I knew to finish her education at the National University. 202 PETER STERN enough Spanish to carry on a conversation, I made friends easily with the Indians, and became fascinated by their courtesy and customs as well as by their modes of artistic expression. Because of my own joy in the discovery of an art and civilization different from any that I had previously known, I thought it would interest others as well. Thus I conceived the idea of the magazine." 5 With no experience in publishing, she consulted friends who did; the Americans, like Ernest Gruening (who was then managing editor of The Nation and a reporter working in Mexico), tried to dissuade her; the Mexicans encouraged her efforts. Manuel Gamio, Sub-Secretary of Education, offered to contribute 100 pesos a month to support the effort and wrote a piece for the first number. Toor remarked later that, as she was making seven and a half pesos a day (three dollars yanqui) as an English teacher, working only ten hours a week, she had little to lose: "I had the time, and not much to lose if I were not successful, so I walked where angels feared to tread." Writing seven years after she started her enterprise, Toor described her intentions: I did not take existing folk-lore magazines for models. Mexican Folkways to express the Mexico that interested not only described customs, but has touched upon art, As I wanted me so keenly, it has music, archaeology, and the Indian himself as part of the new social trends, thus presenting him as a complete human being. And in order that the magazine might mean something to the Mexicans as well as to outsiders, everything has been published in both English and Spanish. 6 Volume one, number one oí Mexican Folkways appeared in June-July of 1925. The first issue carried an editor's foreword; an article titled "The Utilitarian Aspects of Folklore," by Manuel Gamio; pieces on Mexican pottery, Coatlicue, an Aztec goddess, "the magic of love among the Aztecs," the legend of Tzuatzinco; and articles about the petate, "a national symbol," by Anita Brenner and the passion play at Tzintzuntzan by Toor herself. The government's small subsidy did not suffice to pay for printing, and Mexican Folkways carried from its first issue through its last advertisements from various commercial enterprises operating inside Mexico, particularly those appealing to Thus the inside back cover had ads for the American Hotel Geneve, the Tlaquepaque Art Store (corner of López and Juárez Avenues) and a small ad for a photography studio operating at 42 Avenida Veracruz; the ad simply said "Photographs Edward Weston-Tina Modotti." In her foreword, Toor spelled out her aims and objectives, and the philostourists. — — ophy underlying them: "Ya se va pasando," I am told wherever I go. Legends and stories are being buried with the "ancianos" and forgotten. Fiestas, dances, marriage customs and other celebrations are no longer as they used revolution. The Indians are coming more to be before the into contact with white civilization and they are growing self-conscious, ashamed. 203 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE Mexico In there are about ten million, at least two-thirds of the popula- tion living in the remnants of their ancient that President Calles has will be a promised tremendously slow and and more difficult if difficult one. were not it civilizations. to incorporate into But it It is these ten million modern life. The task would be even slower that through his folkloric expression the Indian has kept alive that something which has prevented him from degen- mere beast of burden, compatible with his mode of living. The poorest Indian woman who lives with her whole numerous family, and perhaps with her animals also, in a one-room hut, who sleeps on the floor and erating into a has not a chair to sit weave marvelously upon, can embroider the most exquisite napkins or beautiful sashes or bags. Children of five begin to imi- fashioning and painting of pottery; others tate their fathers in the artistic weave made fine, lacy baskets or serapes. the unfortunate separation distorts our modern Although life. The primitive Indian producer has not between utility and beauty which so greatly 7 may sound patronizing, her swept up many collaborators who our postmodern sensibilities Toor to enthusiasm and delight in rural Mexican life agreed to contribute to her magazine (almost certainly for little or no remuner- Manuel Gamio (often called the father of modern Mexican anthropology) was especially encouraging, as was Franz Boaz, who urged that both Spanish and English be retained as the two languages of the enterprise. No ation). doubt printing the magazine in both languages (with the attendant costs of translation and increased expense of more pages) placed a greater financial bur- den on Toor, but she hoped Mexican Folkways would be of use that to high school and university students of Spanish as "material for the study of social background, which gives insight into language and those who concede It is are interested in folklore much beauty might be that not my show how this many and own sakes." She did 8 varied topics which Mexi- ten years of intermittent existence, but rather its magazine and their lost in translating. intention to catalog the can Folkways explored during to and the Indian for literature, as well as to its devoted band of contributing editors and authors typify attitudes and opinions in post-Revolutionary Mexico, and Mexican Folkways served intellectuals as a sounding board for many prominent artists how and who tried to bridge the immense historical chasm between gringos and mexicanos. Suffice it to say that in a decade of existence, Mexican Folk- ways explored indigenous dances, masks, village festivals, children's art, the muralist movement, Mexican theater, pre-Columbian deities, weaving, poems, corridos and other folk songs, maguey and pulque making, Tarahumara runners, Indian psychology, piñatas, Virgin, Mesoamerican Zapotee rites, passion plays, the cult of the architecture and archaeology, burial customs, the Mayan symbolism, and day of few hundred other topics. Frances Toor visited curanderas and related her experiences. She and colleagues drove or rode pack animals into remote villages, always, she said, made welcome by the the dead, a 204 PETER STERN poorest of Indian peasants. Mexican Folkways also reviewed recent books on Mexico (the reviews included a good-natured panning of D. H. Lawrence's The Plumed Serpent, titled "Mexico through frightened eyes"; Toor wrote "Poor Lawrence! How scared he was in Mexico"). 9 Very quickly, Mexican Folkways became the focus of those Bohemians who had taken up residence in the capital. Issue two carried a piece on the esthetics of Indian dances by Jean Chariot, who was one of the first artists to execute a public mural at the nom de pin- behest of José Vasconcelos. Dr. Atl, Gerardo Murillo, former head of the Academy of San Carlos and mentor of most of the muralists, contributed an article on the purple fabrics of Oaxaca. cel of By issue three Diego Rivera was weighing in on the issue of retablos as the true and only pictoric expression of the Mexican people; before Mexican Folkways was a year old Rivera was on the masthead as its art editor. The magazine itself reflected what one critic has called a quasi-official Mexican Folkways, with by linguists and writers, musicians and anthropologists, as well as professional and amateur folklorists, mirrored the times, since post-Revolutionary Mexico "seemed to find its reflection in all things popular; poets, musicians, and painters all cultistance of "romantic nationalism." articles vated this approach." 10 The journal, as befitted its name, concentrated on the rapidly changing culture of Mexico's Indian, determined to record native arts, crafts, and cus- toms even as its writers applauded the integration of the Indian into national Mexican Folkways carried a series of articles through the years about the new government programs in education; Moisés Sáenz wrote, "Without neglecting the city schools, preference has been given in the present adminislife. tration to rural schools." When Puig Casauranc replaced Vasconcelos as Secre- tary of Education in 1924, there that number had been were 700 functioning both material resources and make zeal: ". . . modern these schools really serve the community, according to the state- the teacher a social conscience, home make of the school. This the school the is ." . . Sáenz stated community, give home of the people and the not an easy task." 11 Ministry, Sáenz reported, had been holding "Cultural Missions" for the previous two years on. Federal inspectors followed home trip to the industries, up these courses with inspection well teachers were carrying out the Sáenz reported on a on educational cooking, sewing, and so for rural school teachers, with courses methods, hygiene, agricultural and how reflected in there has been a definite and intensive that "It is necessary to establish a spiritual relationship in the The was civilization ment of aims by Moisés Sáenz, Sub-Secretary of Education. village the by 1928 increased, according to the Secretary, to over 4,000. Calles 's call to incorporate the Indian into effort to rural schools; new trips to see "socialized school of action." Puebla Sierra, where he visited 37 schools. "This," he wrote, "is an entirely indigenous region, in which Aztec the exclusion of Spanish, excepting in the schools. The people is spoken are ruled to by an 205 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE who represents Aztec cacique, the government, and they still conserve the cus- toms of their ancestors before the Conquest." Although everywhere he and his companions went they were received with courtesy, music, flowers, and fireworks, his conclusions on the state of the pueblos were largely negative: In some insignificant. the children On were dirty and the scholarship bad; the social work on the schools the whole, however, the report more hopeful than on the people. The standard of living itive land methods, the agricultural production good. Alcoholism is Their [sic] is is is insufficient, many in this region, as in low. is infinitely Due to prim- even though the another, is a scourge. a resistance to the Spanish language, and the people cling to their primitive customs. Mr. Saenz conclusion [sic] is that the school alone cannot uproot the old and implant the new, but that "The Ministries of Industry and Commerce, of Agriculture, of Communications and the Department of Health Unless — all all have of them and their responsibility come with us to share in the labor will be lost and within a few years [sic] to hang on our necks." Saenz went on more hopeful about some their work of the Rural School, our shall have another desilusión 12 to report that Potosí region, he found we their place in these regions. when inspecting schools in the San Luis excellent and others in poor condition, but he was chances for improvement, as the inhabitants of this region were not Indians, but mestizos. The last paragraph of the report high- dilemma of both the government and champions of indigenous culture: "There are other Mexican scholars who hold the opinion that the Indians must become mestizos in order to progress." Toor and her collaborators championed the old ways while urging greater integration of the Indian into national society, and while Mexican Folkways alludes from time to time to the contradictions inherent in such attitudes, it was never able to reconcile them. A longer report on rural education placed the idealized school at the cenlights the ter of village life, alongside the church, a secular temple sometimes named the "House of the People." In each village inspectors asked questions designed elicit the desired information on the great project of national unity: How many children speak Spanish fluently? How many can read and write with ease? Is there a Mexican flag in the school? Do Do the children Do they raise chickens, pigs, bees, and silkworms? know about Mexico? they know the name of our President? What names of great Mexicans do they know? Have they Is there Is the a garden? water in the school? Do they use it? school socialized? In which grade? Has it a parents club? Does the teacher do any social work in the community? to 206 PETER STERN Sáenz freely admitted that the school routine did not particularly interest the authorities, and questions of method and technique est. ". . . but we were of secondary inter- are passionately interested," he wrote, "in having a vital school, contributing to social organization and national unity ... in which the raising of chickens is as important as undertaking the learning of a poem." 13 The teacher in these villages acted as pedagogue, librarian, correspondent, even pharmacist and rural doctor! Sáenz was careful to distinguish between a and a "socialized school," which he said represented a combetween the government and the children and adults of rural "socialist school" munity of effort Mexico. The Mexicans took cator and philosopher John their inspiration directly Dewey, who from the American edu- visited the country at the invitation of Mexican government and praised its program; he wrote that "there is no educational movement in the world which exhibits more of the spirit of intimate union of school activities with those of the community than is found in this Mexican development." He also praised the attention to music and design in the plastic arts, for which he said the Indians displayed a marked genius, which took place in many schools. 14 The aim of all this effort, Sáenz wrote, was to create in peasant classes a the rural spirit: To To incorporate into the Mexican family the millions of Indians; to make them think and feel in Spanish. To incorporate them into that type of civilization that constitutes Mexican nationalism. To bring them into that community of ideas and emotions that means Mexico. 15 integrate Mexico. Between the path of segregation, to annihilation, ter path. It was which Sáenz believed would finally lead and of assimilation and mixing, the government chose the in this perhaps unrealistic belief that on Mexican Folkways placed lat- Toor and her collaborators their faith. was a compound of fierce Mexican nationalism and an undoctrinaire, simplistic Marxism of the 1920s. The people with whom "Paco" Toor mixed in Mexico City were mostly unabashed admirers of the Russian Revolution, as well as Americans fiercely opposed to their own country's colonialism in Latin America. Mexican Folkways was first and last a magazine dedicated to showing Americans the "true" face of Mexico, through its arts and folkcrafts. It was never a political journal. While many who contributed to it were without any doubt "reds" (in the sense that they belonged to the Mexican Communist Party), neither Toor nor her journal could be said to be so. But both might be said to have been slightly "pink." The American ambassador to Mexico, James Rockwell Sheffield (a New York Republican with no diplomatic experience who was convinced that the Calles government was radical, That faith fanatically anti- American, and altogether too cozy with the Soviet Union), described Toor as a Mexican agent, a Soviet sympathizer, and a close friend of 207 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE Alexandra Kollentai, the ambassador of the U.S.S.R. first to Mexico. 16 Toor even permitted Diego Rivera to draw a cover for her magazine which featured Mexican peasants flanking an eagle with an ear of corn in its mouth; on second glance, one notices that one of the Indians holds a hammer, two stylized the other a sickle! From time to time the naive sentiments of revolution showed up in the pages of Mexican Folkways. The same issue that published Moisés Saenz's report on rural schools also carried a song titled "Corrido del ejido de 'Garra- pata y Misión Unidas," which celebrated land reform and included the verse: Gritaban los agraristas Cuando estaba ¡Que viva reunión la problema agrario el Y que muera la reacción! Somewhat more was October-December 1929 issue, titled "Thus Will be Proletarian Revolution," accompanied by a photo of a Diego Rivera fresco titled "The Insurrection," which showed Frida Kahlo and Tina Modotti handing out rifles and ammunition to the workers. The song celebrated the time when: blatant a ballad in the the people overthrew the kings And And And the mercenary bourgeois governments. installed their councils and laws established the proletarian authority. 17 But mostly Mexican Folkways stuck to an optimistic placed) that the Mexican government would live up to and promises to the people. rrido titled "El 30-30," More which is typical of a common its hope (oftentimes misits political revolutionary ideals philosophy was a co- caliber of rifle ammunition. short song expressed all the disappointed hopes of frustrated farmers: How poor we are all, Without bread to eat, Because our bread By is spent the boss in his pleasure. While he has clothes And palaces and money, We go about in rags And live in pigsties. Everything we sow we reap, And everything But, all the harvest Is for the good of the masters. The . 208 PETER STERN Everything we suffer, Exploitation and war; And yet they call us thieves Because we ask for land! And then the mean Excommunicate us little . priests . suppose they think that Christ I Was like our bosses! Comrades of the hoe And of all the tools of labor, Only one way is left us: To grasp the thirty-thirty. 18 Still, it who sang to fight for President Calles during the Cristero rebellion. The the editor's note to the song explained that the agraristas were ready rebels, explained Toor, hoped to find support in Morelos, Puebla, and Veracruz, but met with defeat, "because the peasants are for Calles and Obregón, the two presidents who have already given them land, irrigation, roads, and schools." 19 (When Bertram Wolfe, who was Mexico to teach English, but had been secretly ordered by the American Communist Party to Mexico to bring some order to the quarreling factions of the Mexican Communist Party, was expelled from the country without a hearing under Article 33 of the Mexican Constitution as a "pernicious foreigner," the police, upon detaining Wolfe, asked him whether he preferred "33" or "30-30"!) 20 But Toor never quite zine's existence, ried a tribute bit the ostensibly in hand that subsidized her. A year into the maga- Toor celebrated Mexican Folkways's financial survival and car- from the highest levels of the Mexican government. President Calles, besides being very original in its upon examining several numbers, wrote ". class, it is making known to our own people and to foreigners the real spirit of our . . aboriginal races and the expressive feeling of our people in general, rich in beautiful traditions." the 21 Similar accolades, she proclaimed proudly, had been given magazine by the Secretary of Public ranc, Sylvanus K. L. Krober Columbia. Morley of the Carnegie [sic- A. Instruction, Institution, L. Kroeber] of Berkeley, J. Manuel Puig Casau- Franz Blom of Tulane, and Franz Boaz and John Dewey of 22 Toor always steered a path between outright criticism and complete exoneration of the government: Everyone knows by this time that the Mexican Revolution of 1920 has brought about a social change. . . . The change got under way with the first of the Revolutionary-Reconstruction Governments, beginning with the incumbency of General Alvaro Obregón the present time. in 1920, and has continued down to 209 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE The change thus far consists chiefly in the Revolution has not yet to the people. It in an attitude. By human is still poor and this I an economic sense has been perhaps unnecessarily slow in work, and the Indian ognized as a made good illiterate. But its at least mean all its that promises reconstruction he has been rec- being. 23 Toor's editorializing merely reflected the mixture of radical rhetoric and caution which occasionally proceeded from the highest levels of the government on a visit by the Secretary of Education, Ezequiel Padilla, and the President of the Republic, Emilio Portes Gil (a maximato puppet put into office after Obregón's assassination), to a rural school in Tepecoacuilco, Gueitself. In a report rrero, Toor reproduced the speeches of the president himself: We wish to socialize the peasant classes, unifying them as much as possible, so that they capital. We may form a united, insuperable front against exploiting are not enemies of capital, but of capitalist systems that have been the most formidable extortionists of our workers, our women, our dren. ... In our proceedings to socialize the workers, we chil- shall not, in con- nection with the peasants, arbitrarily despoil of property, but only restore within the law the lands formerly wrested from the villages, the legitimate owners, who One of the still need them. 24 . . . Mexican Folkways lies in its contemporaneous nature. Toor and her friends were present "at the creation," so to speak, of a remarkable marriage of the artistic and the political. They were also witnesses to the dramatic integration of the Mexican peasant into the fabric of national life, and the subsequent erosion of traditional values in the campo. The photos of Indian peasants in their huaraches and calzones ("traditional" clothing into which they had been forced centuries ago by the Spanish missionaries) are mute testimony to the disappearance of a way of life which had existed since before the colonial period. Also, here and there in the pages of Mexican Folkways can be glimpsed newsworthy events in Mexico in the 1920s, including the union of Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera and the assassination of ex-president greatest values of Obregón. A piece on "Mexican Ballads" by Anita Brenner explains how the corrido is a "unique and characteristic product of native mood tragedy, impersonally, and often sardonically recorded; events of casual journalistic category etched upon a background of fatalistic sorrow." A collection of corridos, she writes, is a truer record of Mexico, a truer mirror of its people, than any text yet written. 25 Mexican Folkways' s corridos country. at a On July 17, 1928, ex- and future mood and news of the president Alvaro Obregón was shot reflected both the the banquet in a suburb of the capital by a religious fanatic and sympathizer with the Cristero rebels. In the next number of the journal (mysteriously dated April-June 1928 but presumably printed after the cover date), there appeared a 210 PETER STERN corrido titled "Trágica muerte de General Obregón," which called the assassin a treacherous cur. The song mourned: Oh beloved country of mine Look at the condition you're left in! They have killed General Obregón Your own and favorite son Who would have foretold That after having triumphed And having rid himself of enemies A traitor was to murder him Oh country of mine At this time you suffer so; The unkindness of your sons Offers you It seems By new that so grief to mourn much blood spilled others in the past everywhere Has not been enough, poor country Nuestra madre, qué más faltará de hacer? 26 A few months after an uprising in Sonora in 1929, Toor published a corrido how on the out a new rev- "Occupation of Chihuahua by Federal Forces," which related titled third of the month of March, "day of blackest abuse, olution in Sonora and Veracruz," and coast, and Escobar how Manzo there broke in Sonora, Aguirre in Torreón, betrayed the Revolution. on the The cause they pro- claimed as the pretext for their action, "fué suponer que Ortiz Rubio fué impuesto en la Convención." The song related at length how Calles crushed the rebellion and concluded by cynically observing how the defeated generals would fare: Well, they'll pass over to the North, To buy pleasure with their money. Eight millions of pesos Was And the profit from the job. 27 after Felipe Carrillo Puerto, the left-leaning agrarista governor of Yucatán, was murdered by delahuerista rebels in 1924, Mexican Folkways printed a corrido (translated by Anita Brenner) titled which mourned the death of a son of by the Reaction (with a capital "R"), and concluded: Carrillo Puerto, Martyr of Yucatán," Yucatán, killed "The Death of Felipe Mother mine of Guadalupe, The blood of that execution; Colors for us to remember, Red and black of our revolution! Felipe Carrillo Puerto, Murdered for keeping his faith 28 . . , 1 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE 21 Mexican Folkways was also instrumental in publicizing the renaissance in Mexican arts spurred largely by the efforts of José Vasconcelos and his successors in the Ministry of Education. From its inception a number of the muralists, including Jean Chariot, Diego Rivera, and José Clemente Orozco, contributed to the magazine in the form of articles, illustrations, and photos of their recent works on government walls. (Tellingly, David Alfaro Politics aside, most Siqueiros, the rrero, Stalinist of the muralists, except perhaps for Xavier Gue- never had anything to do with "Paco's" crowd.) Diego Rivera, who was on the masthead of the magazine as art editor, contributed articles on pulquerías, retablos, and Mexican painting in general. Mexican Folkways published an article by painter Ray Boynton in 1926 which openly spoke of a renaissance in art symbolized by Rivera's frescoes, which Boynton compared to the work of Giotto. The magazine further honored him with an homenaje in 1930, dedicating a whole "fresco issue" to his work, particularly the Cuernavaca frescoes which had been painted at the behest of Dwight Morrow, ambassador to Mexico and a man determined to redress some of the injuries caused by less progressive and sympathetic American diplomats. Accompanying the photos of the murals was an effusive tribute by William Spratling, which declared that Rivera "has not only fed on the Mexican revolution but been a conscious part of it; in his painting he has given flower and fruit to it." 29 Later on, fresco), it York murals (the latter was destroyed by Rivera refused to remove Lenin from the Radio City in Toor defended her friend on the grounds above pure politics. got into trouble for the radical New iconography of his Detroit and the Rockefellers after when Rivera that the quality of his art lifted 30 But Toor did more than publicize the muralists. She dedicated an issue 1928 exclusively to the work of José Guadalupe Posada, writing that long before the modern movement in Mexican art found its inspiration in the ican people's struggle for a better social order, Posada had had the conception of was art. "He worked alone and unrecognized," wrote the greatest artist produced declared, crystallize Revolution — all by the Revolution." 31 Mexsame Toor, "yet he His engravings, she the stirring events of the first years of the Madero the inevitable struggle of the middle class against feudalism and the reaction of the masses to politics, sport, miracles, crime, the parasitic church, and budding imperialism. "His ensemble of proportions reflect his inheritance from the greatest artists of the Americas, the indigenous masses of Mexico." 32 Other articles trumpeted the talents of Rufino Tamayo and Maria Izquierdo, the latter lingering in the Kahlo in spite of a similar style shadow of the much better known Frida and subject matter. (She was assigned to do a some of los jóvenes got wind of it and torpedoed her efforts before she could begin; few women ever joined the exclusive club of los muralistas.) Manuel Alvarez Bravo photographed frescoes for Mexican Folkways, public mural, but 212 PETER STERN and Miguel Covarrubias contributed caricatures. Carlos Mérida, a bona fide muralist, wrote of the new modern art gallery founded in the capital in 1929. After Dwight Morrow organized an exposition of Mexican arts, sponsored by Museum of Art in New York Mexican Art Association was founded in that city to maintain a permanent exhibition of Mexican applied arts and to sponsor special exhibitions of fine and applied arts of Mexico in the United States. But Mexican Folkways did launch one artist whose talents might never have been discovered if not for the encouragement of Frances Toor. Tina Modotti, the Italian immigrant to San Francisco who acted in minor Hollywood films and hung out with an artsy Los Angeles crowd, came to Mexico as the lover and assistant of a more established artist, Edward Weston, who took temthe Carnegie Art Corporation at the Metropolitan in 1929, a porary leave of his wife in California and, along with son Chandler and lover Tina, set up a home and photographic establishment in Tacubaya. Even given that the population of Mexico City in the early 1920s had a population of about seemed as if within the shortest time everyone met everyone else worth knowing in the capital. Modotti and Weston dined with an American named Robert Turnbull, who had provided photographs for the text of a folk art exhibit written by Katherine Anne Porter, who was having her own love affair with Mexico; they dined at a restaurant owned by the brother of José Clemente Orozoco. Diego Rivera had been supposed to dine with them, but he failed to show up, so Xavier Guerrero (later Tina's lover and a fiercely dedicated member of the Mexican Communist Party) and his wife joined them. Guerrero was a full-blooded indio and a member of the Syndicate of Revolutionary Painters, Sculptors, and Technical Workers who had rediscovered lost fresco techniques and had convinced Rivera to abandon the encaustic method 625,000 persons, it for the fresco. Tina and Edward Weston's gatherings in the capital. home became a new As one Modotti biographer center for Saturday night wrote: became the prime venue for the raucous gatherings of Mexico City bohemia. Mexican and foreign artists, writers and folksingers rubbed shoulders with cabinet ministers, Communist militants and Mexican generals, who sometimes bared their anatomies after a few drinks to compare war wounds. There was little attempt at serious discussion it was the "art" of having a good time that mattered. The eating, drink... the Modotti- Weston household — ing, at and dancing lasted dawn as party guests Edward Weston kept all night, occasionally deteriorating into pistol shots became over-excited. 33 a diary of his Mexican days and recorded his thoughts one typical gathering: To Monna's and Rafael's for chocolate. In chocolate, instead of 5:00 o'clock tea. his guitar, a tall handsome charro. Mexico it is 6:00 o'clock A Mexican Senator was there, he and He had fought in the revolution, two years on 213 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE with Villa; everyone here seems to have been in the fight. "Villa was the best loved man Mexico," said the Senator. "He was an outstanding personality in and made a gallant fight for the oppressed." And we in the United States, thanks to our controlled press, think only of "the bandit Villa." Lupe and the Senator sang Mexican popular songs and love of Pancho Diego was belt, all evening —some were in there. I watched him and cartridge closely. His six shooter He ready for service, contrasted strangely to his amiable smile. the Lenin of Mexico. Movement; is it memory Villa. The no parlor called Communist here are closely allied with the artists politics with them. is 34 Anita Brenner also kept accounts of gatherings for her journal: . . . our first smoking and semi-pretentious affair. Wild success. House from talking. All elements, art to paternally blessing our heads. ining books and offering preferences and awkward now has more use gallantries. of notables, Charleston. Diego, sitting in one corner and explaining Mexico to admiring gringos. baum in one corner, full I . . . . . . Frank Tannen- Salvador think he for females, especially Novo exam- reforming his is among them Lupe [Marín], beautiful in electric blue with her dark skin and large deep grey eyes and black close cropped Frances [Toor] . . . hair. . . . Carlos Merida & Mrs. Carlton [Beals], Edward [Weston] Tatanacho [Ignacio Fernández many others, some of whom I don't know and . . . Esperoón], lean, sensual, shy; many whom I don't remember. 35 At another time Weston wrote: As usual, last evening, the "reunión." few lingering ones, "Let us go dance at the At midnight, Frances Salón Azteca. It's said to the a tough joint; we'll have fun." There were Anita, Frances, Tina, and there were Chariot, Federico, a couple of Americans, and myself Azteca." no It was as who went tough as promised. Logically then restraint of style it to the was "Gran Salón colorful. Since and method were placed upon the dancers, one saw an unrestricted exhibition of expression, desires, passions, lusts, mostly crude unvarnished lusts tiful too. —though One could that French cocotte was subtle indeed and beau- not but wonder why she was in such a place among cheap and obvious whores. 36 — Weston recorded: "The evening, Frances took us, which meant Carleton Beals and the Weston-Modotti household to Teatro Lírico. Too much 'carne' though I am not moralizing. I was finally bored by all the wigStill later — — gling arses and wobbling tits." 37 was not fun and games, however; Weston was to stretch the boundMexico, and Modotti to discover her own talents. In the April-May 1926 issue of Mexican Folkways, Diego Rivera applauded their collaboration in extravagant terms (although he paid Weston a rather backhanded complement by writing, "Any day that Weston may wish or any day that some outside force may break through the modesty and indifference that All aries of his art in 214 PETER STERN are characteristic of him, he will astonish ... the poor intellectual bourgeoisie Of Tina, he of Mexico with his work."). done marvels even more in sensibility wrote, "Tina Modotti, his pupil, has on a plane, perhaps, more intellectual, as is natural for more aerial, temperament. Her work flow- an Italian abstract, Mexico and harmonizes exactly with our passion." 38 Weston and Tina traveled throughout Mexico with Anita Brenner taking the photographs that would ultimately illustrate Brenner's groundbreaking work Idols Behind Altars. But they grew apart; Weston missed his wife and family in Los Angeles and could never share Tina's growing radicalism, which flowered dramatically in the fertile soil of Mexican communism and anti-imperialism. After he departed for the States, Tina moved into the same apartment building in which Frances Toor lived and edited her magazine, and Toor gave her commissions and put her on the masthead of Mexican Folkways as a contributing editor. In 1929 Toor wrote an article on an exhibition of Modotti 's photographs in the Library of the National University. She praised Tina for making art with a social conscience: "Her recent work has a very definite place within the Mexican modern art movement. In subject matter and emotional ers perfectly in content it is comparable to that of the best revolutionary artists. She, too, has caught and expressed the social unrest of the Mexico of today." 39 Modotti followed that piece with her own, "Sobre she had had little formal schooling, and throughout her la fotografía." life always Although a dis- felt at advantage socializing with people better educated than herself, her intimate association with artists over the years had given her an appropriate esthetic vocabulary. This vocabulary, coupled with her led her to criticize commitment to social justice, what she termed "dishonest" work, photography that strove to impress with distortions, manipulations, and other "artistic" effects (in this regard she seems to have been particularly attacking the avant-garde photogra- — phy of the Europeans, especially the Dadaists she referred to superimposing "effects and falsifications that can only please those of perverted taste.") Modotti's objectives were to register objective life in all its aspects; from this, she declared, comes its documentary aspects: "Creo que el resultado es algo digno de ocupar un puesto en la producción social, a la cual todos debemos contribuir." 40 Tina Modotti's path away from photography and into Stalinist politics has been well documented number of biographies. 41 After her fling with Diego Rivera, a more serious in a Weston, she had a brief Xavier Guerrero, and then the most intense relationship of her exile in a Mexico City a machadista gunmen), waited with Tina in from affair with with Cuban and anti-Machado Communist Julio Antonio Mella. The night was shot who life, split that Mella street while walking with Tina (almost certainly by was Frances Toor, Diego Rivera, and Carlton Beals the San Jerónimo hospital; when Mella died, Tina col- it lapsed weeping into Frances Toor's arms. 215 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE Toor's efforts, although almost universally applauded, were not rewarded with commensurate commercial success. Mexican Folkways staggered along in a financially perilous state, published with lessening frequency as the decade of the 1930s began. new A bibliography of Latin American folklore by Ralph Boggs commented of Mexican Folkways, "Most of the numerous contributions to Mexican folklore of the editor, Frances Toor, appear here. I have encouraged her to continue this very vivid record of Mexican folk life, but she 42 Perhaps Mexican Folkways could not believes its support is insufficient." find a sufficient "niche" from which it could appeal to both the serious anthropologist and the sympathetic North American; it could not help that at the same time another English-language journal calculated to appeal to gringos, Mexican 43 Life, was also being published. A review of the magazine appeared in the April-June 1927 issue of Journal of American Folk-Lore The reviewer, a professor at Barnard College, called Mexican Folkways a small bright periodical, its aim to record the customs of the Mexicans "which are slowly dying out through the superimposition Steele . of white culture and its attendant assimilation." Professor Reichard noted with approval that there was no limit to the type of material that subsequent numbers of the paper had treated, citing pieces on archaeology, history, witchcraft, ceremonials, animal stories, legends of Holy Saints, poetry, song, and drama. Besides contributions to the imaginative journal, she wrote, arts. is to call attention to arts, one of the main purposes of the achievements and trends in the graphic "This periodical," she went on, "because of ican, should appeal to all affairs." who have even its MexMexican interest in all things the slightest interest in 44 For some time the Mexican government has hoped that by recognizing and making a conscious effort to assimilate the ancient primitive customs a happier adjustment of peoples might be made. Most nations proceed on the policy that to govern is to crush all that is indigenous. For this reason the Mexican government is being watched by those who believe that every primitive society has some rights to the culture it has developed. The reviewer concluded, "The publication, by its quaintness and sympathy with the Mexican natives does much to obliterate the rancid smell of oil which has lately accompanied our notions of Mexico gained from our own periodicals which treat of political matters." 45 In 1929 William Spratling published a piece Scribner's Magazine Encounters Among titled on the Mexico City scene in "Figures in a Mexican Renaissance, Being Various the Intelligentsia Mexicana." After praising the work of Rivera, Orozco, Moisés Sáenz, and Dr. Atl, Spratling termed Frances Toor "the one American is . traditionally cause of the . . who has consistently devoted herself toward preserving what and indigenously Mexican artists as well. Hers is in art, and not only this, but to the almost entirely a work of co-ordination and 216 PETER STERN same time she is thoroughly in touch with all the various movements and maintains a certain relationship between the departments of the government and the intelligentsia. The newspapers in Mexico like to refer to research, and at the her as 'la editora fecunda y sapiente,' an appellation vastly amusing." 46 which both she and I found This editora, he reported, was close to the Indian. "She has results of these trips many remote regions Mexico for her material, and the have occasionally formed priceless chapters in folkloric traveled alone through in research." 47 But Toor's energy and enthusiasm could not make up for the lack of a secure financial base for her magazine. In several editor's notes she alludes to the difficulty of finding funds to continue publishing. wrote, "As nearly always at the end of the year, At the end of 1932, she find myself without any I assurance of being able to continue publication. But Mexico cles. Seven have already been conceded me in my a land of mira- is seven volumes of Mexican Folkways. Perhaps there will be an eighth!" In "El Milagro ...!!" in January 1933, she rejoiced at her salvation, in the form of a Mr. and Mrs. William Can- oí New York, who had bought some bound volumes who had been disappointed at of Mexican Folkways and being told that publication had been suspended because of lack of funds. They were put into contact with Toor and proposed subsidizing the magazine's continued existence. 48 Mexican Folkways managed of the last issues to Mexican popular appear arts. is to stagger along for another three years; one dated August 1935, a special number devoted to In her editor's note, she restated both the dilemma that modernization presented the indigenous people of Mexico and the systems of belief that had kept her This, like all in Mexico for more than a decade on her labor of love: other special numbers of Mexican Folkways, to present the subject in a general way, with as details as space will permit. It is not a plea many specific is an attempt examples and nor a wish that the Indian continue forever making objects for the delight of our esthetic taste, if it means poverty and a low standard of living. Anyway, no opinions or wishes are going to stop the march of history. Economic forces are at work in Mexico as everywhere else in the world. It is certain that to the extent that the Indian becomes incorporated into modern life, his desire for modern things will increase. He will have to look for higher wages than the handicrafts can yield and will abandon them. And with them will go his time for festivals, and, perhaps, also his capacity for the enjoyment, of leisure and beauty. There are two classes of North Americans to appalling. First, the sentimental unthinking ones, Indian, would handmade like to see whom this who realization is at all costs to the him remain picturesque and producing lovely things for their delight, without wishing to pay for their value. Second, those who think and feel but have before them the terrible 217 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE example of a highly industrialized and mechanized own country. ... the important question is: What will the inevitable the miserable life him help Two civilization in their concerning the future of the Mexican Indian change bring him? Will he of the mechanized laborer? Or, to salvage his intense and virile love of sell his heritage for will his natural life and beauty? wisdom 49 Mexican Folkways, a special number on Yaqui customs, music, and dance. The magazine went out still proudly listing on its masthead its contributing editors: Pablo González Casanova, José de J. Núñez y Domínguez, Elsie Clew Parsons, Robert Redfield, Miguel O. de Mendizábal, Moisés Sáenz, Carlton Beals, Carlos Mérida, Manuel Alvarez Bravo, Enrique Juan Palacios, Miguel Covarruvias, and Rufino Tamayo. Its art editor remained Diego Rivera. Frances Toor continued to live and work in the capital after her magazine folded. She continued to write books dedicated to folklore and to acquainting her countrymen with Mexico and its arts. She published several guidebooks to Mexico, a Spanish language and vocabulary book for Americans traveling in Latin America, and from the Frances Toor Workshops, a series of monographs on Mexican artists and muralists. In 1947 her masterpiece, A Treasury of Mexican Folkways: The Customs, Myths, Folklore, Traditions, Beliefs, Fiestas, Dances, and Songs of the Mexican People, appeared, illustrated with over a hundred drawings by Carlos Mérida. Like Anita Brenner, she was awarded the Order of the Aztec Eagle for her lifetime achievements on behalf of her adopted patria; but unlike Brenner, she did not decline the honor, as she was born and remained a gringa her whole life. She died in New York in 1956 at the age of 66. Her obituary in the New York Times neatly summed up a lifetime in pursuit years later, in July 1937, Toor produced one last issue of of la indígena y el auténtico: to Mexico for a brief visit, fell in love with the land, and become better acquainted with its folkways. On foot, horse, and She went stayed on to mule, on bus, auto, train, and plane, Miss Toor wandered up and down the countryside collecting treasures of folklore. Although she was a popular writer, her pologists. works on Mexican Folkways became source books for anthro- She was especially interested in the fiestas, round the calendar of Mexican days. She joined which she followed in pilgrimages to shrines, feigned illness to be cured by healers and witches, questioned local inhabitants and aged storytellers, rummaged through conquistadors, and published her the literature of padres and own magazine. Frances Toor, the gringa folklorista, made 50 . . . a lifetime pilgrimage, leaving as her legacy a visual record of an era of transition in between tradition Mexico for the Indian, and modernity, as well as a body of socially conscious work as testament to an idealistic, if ephemeral, union between art and politics. 218 PETER STERN NOTES Patricia Albers, 1. Shadows, Fire, Snow: The Life of Tina Modotti (New York: Clarkson Potter, 1999), p. 115. 2. Frances Toor, Mexican Popular Arts (Mexico City: Frances Toor Studios, 1939), pp. 3. "Mexican Folkways," Mexican Folkways 10-11. MF], [hereafter 7, no. v. 4 (October- December, 1932), pp. 207-208. See Susannah Joel Glusker, Anita Brenner: 4. A Mind of Her Own (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998), pp. 21-33. Toor, 6. Ibid., p. 208. 7. Frances Toor, "Editor's Foreword," MF, 8. Ibid., p. 4. 9. Frances Toor, "Mexico Through Frightened Eyes," MF, 1926), pp. 1997), v. 1, no. 1 (June-July, 1925), p. 3. no. 3 (August-September, v. 2, Quiñónez, "Popular Narrative and Poetics," in Encyclopedia of Mexico: History, and Culture, edited by Michael v. 2, p. 11. 208. p. 45^7. 10. Isabel Society, "Mexican Folkways," 5. Werner. 2 vols. (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, S. 1139. Moisés Sáenz, "Las escuelas rurales y el progreso del indio," MF, v. 4, no. 1 (January- March, 1928), pp. 73-74. 74-75. 12. Ibid., pp. 13. Moisés Sáenz, "Nuestras escuelas rurales/Our Rural Schools," MF, v. 3, no. 1 (February-March, 1927), pp. 46-47. 14. John Dewey's Impressions of Soviet Russia and the Revolutionary World: Mexico- China-Turkey, 1929, introduction and notes by William W. Brickman lications, (New York: Bureau of Pub- Teachers College, Columbia University, 1964), pp. 124-126. 15. Sáenz, "Nuestras escuelas rurales," 16. James Rockwell Sheffield to p. 50. William Howard Taft, February 9, 1927, Sheffield Papers; December 11, 1926, 812.20211/45, Records of the Department of Between the United States and Mexico. Cited in Helen Delpar, The Enormous Vogue of Things Mexican: Cultural Relations Between the United States and Mexico, 1920-1935 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992), p. 51. Sheffield to Secretary of State, State Relating to Political Relations 17. Martinez December, 1929), [sic], "This Will Be Proletarian Revolution," MF, v. 5, no. 4 (October- p. 164. 18. C. Gutiérrez Cruz, "El 30-30," 19. "Editor's note," ibid., p. 188. 20. See Bertram Wolfe, A MF, Life in v. 3, no. 4 (August-September, 1927), pp. 188-190. Two Centuries (New York: Stein and Day, 1981), pp. 353-356. 21. "Nuestro aniversario," MF, no. 7 (June-July, 1926), p. 4. 22. Ibid. 23. Toor, "Mexican Folkways," pp. 205-206. 24. Frances Toor, "Noticias de los pueblos/News from the Villages," MF, v. 4, no. (October-December, 1928), pp. 232-233. 25. Anita Brenner, "Mexican Ballads," MF, v. 1, no. 5 (February-March, 1926), pp. 11. 4 . 219 FRANCES TOOR AND THE MEXICAN CULTURAL RENAISSANCE 26. Enrique Munguía, "Trágica muerte del General Obregón," MF, v. 4, no. 2 (April-June, 1928), pp. 116-118. "Ocupación de Chihuahua por 27. Felipe Flores, las fuerzas federales," MF, v. 5, no. 1 (January-March, 1929), pp. 2-7. "The Death of Felipe 28. MF, v. 1, Carrillo Puerto, Martyr of Yucatán," translated by Anita Brenner, no. 5 (February-March, 1926), p. 15. 29. William P. Spratling, 30. "Diego Rivera," MF, "Diego Rivera," MF, v. 8, no. 1 no. 4 (1930), (January-March, 1933), "Guadalupe Posada," MF, 31. Frances Toor, v. 6, 4, no. 3 v. p. 162. p. 52. (July-September, 1928), p. 140. 32. Ibid., p. 142. 33. Margaret Hooks, Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary (San Francisco: Pan- dora, 1993), p. 70. 34. The Daybooks of Edward Weston, v. I: Mexico, edited by Nancy Newhall (New York: Aperture, 1971), p. 35. 35. Brenner journals, April 17, 1926; cited in Glusker, p. 43. 36. Ibid., p. 80. 37. Ibid., p. 134. 38. Diego Rivera, "Edward Weston and Tina Modotti," MF, no. v. 2, 1 (April-May 1926), p. 17. 39. Frances Toor, "Exposición de fotografías de Tina Modotti," December 1929), MF, v. 5, no. 4 (October- p. 192. 40. Tina Modotti, "Sobre la fotografía/On Photography," MF, v. 5, no. 4 (October-December 1929), p. 198. 41 the Italian Fire, For the most recent biographies, see Pino Cacucci, Tina Modotti: A Life, translated from by Patricia Snow: The J. Duncan (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999); Patricia Albers, Shadows, (New York: Clarkson Potter, 1999). Life of Tina Modotti American Folklore (Washington, DC: 42. Ralph Steele Boggs, Bibliography of Latin American Bibliographical and Library Association, 1940), 43. See John Inter- p. 5. Brown, "Exuberanica mexicano-norteamericana 1920-1940," Anglia: Anuario/ Estudios angloamericanos (UNAM, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras), v. 1 (1968), pp. 118-119. 44. Gladys A. Reichard, American Folk-Lore, v. "Book Review: A Cross Section of Mexican Life," Journal of 40, no. 156 (April-June, 1927), p. 212. 45. Ibid. 46. William Spratling, "Figures in a Among Mexican Renaissance, Being Various Encounters the Intelligentsia Mexicana," Scribner's Magazine, v. 85 (January-June, 1929), p. 21. 47. Ibid. 48. Frances Toor, "El Milagro. . . !! /The Miracle," MF, v. 8, no. 1 (January-March, 1933), p. 2. 49. Frances Toor, "Nota sobre este 50. Obituary, New Número," York Times, June 18, 1956, MF (August p. 25. 1935), p. 4. 19. Escritoras cubanas en el exilio Lesbia Orta Varona Si abundante es la bibliografía sobre los escritores cubanos exiliados, sus temas, tópicos y aún generalizaciones y sistemas que ya comienzan a trazar líneas caracterológicas, cubanas por parte de no ocurre lo mismo con la historiografía literaria la obra de las escritoras en ambas orillas: dentro y fuera A la altura del 2000 los estudios feministas no han sido incorporados aún como complemento vital de una historia de la literatura cubana. A pesar de de Cuba. cambio de perspectiva que supone este tipo de acercamiento que llena no pocos vacíos, éstos ocupan con sus autoras el sitio la evidencia de su importancia en el de nadie, pues aunque se encuentren publicados, reseñados y hasta aclamados en diferentes eventos, no son tomados en cuenta a la hora de introducir los cambios necesarios de esta historiografía. Ciertamente, en ésta siguen resonando como nombres hombres y mencionados los de las mujeres en pequeños subgrupos que de por sí dan la idea de una clasificación menor. Pero si la presencia de la voz femenina en la literatura cubana dista desde el siglo pasado con figuras tan cimeras como Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda, Luisa Pérez de Zambrana y Mercedes Matamoros, entre otras, también la marca de esta voz en el exilio se encuentra dentro de una tradición histórica en la que figura, por una parte, José María Heredia, y por la otra, la genial poetisa modernista muerta tempranamente, Juana Borrero, cuyos restos, como una magnífica interrogación y símbolo del olvido a esta voz de mujer, se encuencapitales los de los aún en Key West. La república, tran al parecer muy atareada, también olvidó el traslado de su poeta a suelo patrio. El período revolucionario mucho. Aunque ésta ocurrió el año 1959 mucho más en trajo el una aparente campo de la política tampoco ha hecho de liberación femenina, manipulación socio-política que en y replanteamiento de los valores de la mujer y de su escriSólo a principios de los noventa sería publicado el primer estudio de el rescate, relectura tura. enfoque feminista en Cuba, americano, en el tras la tardía influencia que sobresale el de un feminismo latino- intercambio de escritoras mexicanas y cubanas. Por lo que a nosotros respecta, nos atendremos solamente a un breve muestrario de las escritoras cubanas, teniendo en cuenta únicamente una condición — el exilio —hecho que incide en aspectos de la vida del ser y en específico del escritor y de su oficio, y que, por supuesto, origina nuevos caminos para la comprensión y estudio de la identidad, la cultura y la nación cubanas. 220 221 ESCRITORAS CUBANAS EN EL EXILIO En la década del sesenta comenzaría el éxodo incesante de cubanos hacia mundo. Éxodo que continúa en las décadas del setenta, ochenta y noventa. Situación histórica que nos hace comprender un marco generacional que se desarrolló en algunos casos, de una manera confluyente con el devenir literario de la Isla, y en otros, de una manera diferente, marcada diferentes partes del no sólo por el estar que determina la y también por la distancia, sino conversión y/o el ser la esencia de otra identidad de lo cubanoamericano, dada además por uso de otra lengua y la aprehensión de otra realidad. Este hecho incide notablemente en la creación de muchos cubanoamericanos que han elegido el el inglés como su forma de expresión, aunque continúan dando tratamiento a temas y preocupaciones cubanas. A esta altura, resulta casi imposible una clasificación según el modelo tradicional, el arte impone así sus propias circunstancias y variantes. también Un problema no menos importante y conflictivo ha nacido tras las elecciones de expresarse en otro idioma o de vivir en otro país, aspecto en el que profundizaremos Volviendo la al el exilio adelante en este recorrido histórico. cómo sesenta encontramos Revolución cubana, destierro. más a la literatura comprometida con exiliados reaccionan con la protesta y opone una A la alabanza de la Isla, los comprometida con literatura el la denuncia de una realidad conocida por ellos en su esencia destructiva, pero celebrada a nivel internacional. El consenso y el aplauso de un "naciente, joven y revolucionario estado" determina, en la mayoría de los casos, el olvido y ignorancia del discurso del destierro que desde muy pronto ha comprendido otra cara de la moneda de la literatura exiliada, Ahora bien, la Revolución cubana. Esta nueva realidad origina un tipo específico de literatura. Así, confluentemente, a revolucionaria de la la Cuba de una literatura panfletária opone una no menos panfletária los sesenta, se en ambos, en sus exponentes menores. si por una parte hallamos este tipo de literatura político- tendenciosa, por la otra, descubrimos un balance magnífico de la producción creativa. El exilio ha sido largo en camino y abundante en sufrimiento. Si el el arte, el primero también ha permitido dis- segundo es fuente nutricia para tancia con el objeto creado, y por ende, un alcance en muchísimos casos de altas calidades estéticas. Del mismo modo, dictadura por un lado y exilio por otro, han contribuido a rrollo del la necesidad de análisis género ensayístico en ambas y, por consiguiente, al desa- orillas. Poetas y poetisas, narradores y narradoras, dramaturgos y dramaturgas comienzan a cambiar ciertos rumbos, o mejor dicho, a desandar de una manera más profunda sus problemáticas y carencias. ampliar sus registros y encontrar en el Todo ello ocurre hasta el punto de ensayo una forma donde expresar su angustia vital, un género para analizar la idea de nación y de destierro. Dentro de este novísimo y desatendido panorama cultural cubano se encuentran las mujeres que, como creadoras, encuentran el reto de seguir creando fuera de su realidad y lector naturales, y un compromiso de continuidad de su propia obra, que se expresará con aciertos indiscutidos en las mejores. 222 LESBIA ORTA VARONA En este esfuerzo, la escritura femenina tiene un lugar principal. Entre las voces más importantes que continúan su obra de una manera realista, ética y de encontramos poetas y narradoras perfectamente enraizadas a sus generaciones naturales y entre las que sobresalen en este altos valores estéticos, primer grupo: Lydia Cabrera (1900), a quien debemos trabajos capitales de investigación etnográfica y una no menos importante creación narrativa. Le sigue la crítica teatral Dolores Martí de Cid (1916) y las poetas, ensayistas y profesoras Mercedes García Tudurí (1904), Rosario Rexach (1912) y Anita Arroyo (1914), ésta última destacada también por su obra narrativa y periodística. En el segundo grupo de creadoras distinguimos a las que comenzaron su carrera literaria en los años inmediatamente anteriores a la revolución casuista, e igualmente enraizadas en sus generaciones, y entre las que destacan: las narradoras Hilda Perera (1926), novelista reconocida internacionalmente y escritora de cuentos infantiles; Concepción T. Alzóla (1930), también folk- Ana Rosa Núñez (1926), Nivaria Tejera (1930) y Pura del Prado (1931). La primera, Ana Rosa Núñez, ha contribuido notablemente a la poesía cubana con su trabajo poético del haiku, así como con revalorizaciones de la obra de poetas capitales cubanos como Dulce María Loynaz, lorista; así al como las poetas tiempo que por su propia obra de innegables valores. Pura del Prado, cida recientemente, recibió a fines de la década del cincuenta el falle- Premio Nacional de Poesía en Cuba. Posiblemente, estos sean los dos primeros grupos cernibles, en los duce en más fácilmente que encontramos una interinfluencia generacional, que la participación de muchas de estas escritoras en las dis- se tra- primeras Cuba alrededor de las ediciones "El Puente", grupo en el que hallamos del mismo modo a las poetas Lilliam Moro, Mercedes Cortázar, Ana María Simó (1943) y María Josefa Ramírez, manifestaciones disidentes que se producen en quienes junto a las antes citadas también formaron parte del exilio casi de inmediato. Un poco más adelante en esta década de los setenta sobresale Belkis Cuza Male (1942), quien se incorporaría al exilio en 1979, a raíz de los suce- sos del "Caso Padilla" y que funda en 1982 la revista literaria Linden Lane Magazine. De su labor investigativa nació una biografía sobre Juana Borrero. 1 Para enriquecer y complejizar aún más este proceso, surge el tercer grupo de creadoras que comenzaron su obra en el exilio, a pesar de haber nacido alrededor de los años treinta, entre las que sobresalen, en el género poético: Marta Padilla (1933), a cuya pluma debe Mijares, un óleo (1974), una increíble develación de este gran pintor cubano. Le sigue en nuestra lista poética Gladys Zaldívar; Juana Rosa Pita (1939), ganadora de varios premios se internacionales de poesía; la también actriz y directora de teatro Teresa María Rojas (1938); y Lourdes Casal (1938), personalidad polémica que escribió además de poesía y cuento varios estudios sobre los cubanos como minoría en los Estados Unidos. En este mismo grupo encontramos la obra de Florinda 223 ESCRITORAS CUBANAS EN EL EXILIO Álzaga (1930), quien a pesar de escribir cuentos es mucho más conocida por su la que destacan estudios sobre Unamuno y la Avellaneda. obra ensayística en No podrían faltar Eloísa de rescate de la Lezama Lima, obra de su hermano, el debemos una paciente labor gran poeta cubano José Lezama Lima; a quien profesora y conocida crítica literaria Yara González-Montes; así como Georgina Sabat de River, destacada autoridad de la obra de Sor Juana Inés de la la Cruz. Mención aparte merece Amelia del Castillo (1925) quien, a pesar de pertenecer a una década anterior, comienza su labor creadora en estos mismos años finales de la década del sesenta e inicios del setenta. Dentro de la misma necesidad de escritura al llegar al exilio, encontramos un cuarto grupo, que se distingue a Nacidas en cia Miami por la sí mismo por un elemento generacional. década de los cuarenta, este cuarto grupo de mujeres se diferen- de los anteriores por su corta edad a por no ser intelectuales formadas a su llegada Revolución, y por ende, exilio. Otro detalle: el naci- de la llegada al la miento del pensamiento de éstas tendría lugar dentro de las universidades americanas y extranjeras en la mayoría de los casos. En el género ensayístico y en crítica tenemos a María Castellanos (1941); en poesía a Luisa María Perdigó (1947); Uva de Aragón (1944); Maya Islas (1947); y Dolores Prida (1943), quien se destaca igualmente en el teatro; mientras que en (1946). Con e identidad. el cultivo del cuento hallamos a Marta Domínguez de Fariñas estas escritoras comienza a surgir un signo inquietante de pérdida A diferencia de las anteriores, jóvenes en verdad, pero intelectual- mente formadas, las nacidas en los años cuarenta asisten a un mundo caótico que, en muchas, establece un rechazo y en otras, un intento de participación y comprensión. El segundo intento, traería la permanencia de una joven intelec- tualidad en la Isla, mientras que la primera reacción trae consigo una ausencia. En ambas, una opción. Para las primeras, la aceptación del amo, pero con patria. En las segundas, "sin patria, pero sin amo". Nuevamente, en ambas, la decepción, la angustia y la pérdida de un pasado A partir vital y, por ende, de una identidad. de este cuarto grupo se establece una característica de angustia que toca con igual fuerza a las nacidas en los años cincuenta, quienes tam- bién marcan otra época o quinto grupo, ya que para ellas la memoria de sus orí- genes será aún más vago y en muchas ocasiones casi nulo. Muchas escritoras parten a temprana edad. Otras más tarde. Muchas parten sin opción. Son sus padres los que deciden el exilio. Otras quedan sin opción. Son igualmente los progenitores los que deciden permanecer en la Isla. Ha nacido, sin apenas darnos cuenta la quinta generación sin alternativas, y con este devenir histórico una característica confluyente para los nacidos y nacidas en los sesenta, setenta y aún ochenta. Volviendo a las nacidas en los años cincuenta encontraremos nombres de poetas que igualmente desarrollan su labor en el exilio y que alternan su producción creativa con el ensayo, entre ellas: el revelador estudio de "Tierra sin nosotras" de Lourdes Gil (1951); los acercamientos sobre cultura cubana de 224 LESBIA ORTA VARONA Ruth Behar (1956); y Carolina Hospital (1957). Igualmente en su desentrañamiento poético sobresalen: Alina Galliano (1950), Magali Alabau y Carlota Caulfield (1953); mientras que en narrativa se destaca: Mayra Montero (1952), quien recibiera el premio "La Sonrisa Vertical". Todas ellas, a pesar de llegar al exilio muy jóvenes, utilizan el español como su lengua de expresión literaria. Pertenecientes también a este grupo las narradoras Cristina García (1958) Cuban; Achy Obejas (1956) con sus noveMemory mambo y We Came All the Way from Cuba So You Could Dress con su archiconocido Dreaming las in Like This?; Carolina García Aguilera crea en sus novelas personaje detec- el "Lupe Serrano", de nacionalidad cubana y todas ellas se desarrollan en Miami; y la destacada periodista Ana Veciana Suárez de The tivesco femenino Miami Herald, convertida en los últimos años en novelista. Todas ellas han elegido el inglés como su lengua para la creación literaria, asunto éste que nos sitúa ante otro conflicto. En las bibliotecas de Estados Unidos, por ejemplo, se han comenzado a clasificar a los escritores escriben. De este modo, cubanoamericanos de acuerdo con la lengua en que Cristina García, Carolina García Aguilera, Achy Obe- el Ana Veciana Suárez son clasificadas como escritoras norteamericanas por solo hecho de escribir en inglés. Lo mismo ocurre cuando sólo se considera el lugar de residencia de la escritora, de manera que la creadora cubana termina jas y por ser para nuestras bibliotecas y lectores una escritora norteamericana, francesa, alemana o, incluso, española. En el caso de la literatura cubana escrita en inglés u otro idioma que español, este problema se agrava, ya que generalmente géneros literarios no sea como novela, poesía, cuento, teatro y ensayo no llevan epígrafes en la mayoría de los casos que determinen la nacionalidad del escritor; lo que hace que estos escritores sean asimilados a una literatura a la temas sean netamente cubanos en la que no pertenecen, aunque sus mayoría de los casos. A esta confusión contribuyen del mismo modo hacen constar nacionalidad del escritor en ninguna de las partes del la las editoriales, que en muchas ocasiones no libro. A los grupos ya mencionados se une una incesante llegada de la diáspora cubana. Tal es el caso de las narradoras de gran resonancia internacional en momentos Zoé Valdês (1959) y Daína Chaviano con suma distancia de la Isla abordan el fenómeno de estos modo encontramos escritoras (1957), con libros que lo cubano. a la poeta y narradora Rita Martin (1963), de la nueva hornada que ya figura en Ruth Behar y Juan León. Los años pasan y el exilio una de la antología narrativa pleta de la diáspora, Narrativa y libertad, cuentos (1996) de Julio Hernández Miyares; así Del mismo cubanos de la las pocas más comdiáspora como en Bridges to Cuba, realizada por permanece. Miami, París, Madrid, Toronto o Con ella, el dolor y la necesidad y la urgencia de expresar lo cubano, de preservarlo. En esta labor sobresale la labor Australia. Tal la naturaleza de la diáspora. 225 ESCRITORAS CUBANAS EN EL EXILIO de las escritoras a la memoria y cubanas del exilio. En cada ensayo y en cada ficción, un reto olvido. al NOTA 1. Algo distanciadas de los objetivos y calibres estéticos de estas creadoras, se encuentran Caridad Bravo Adams, Delia Fiallo, Inés Rodena y Mercedes Antón, quienes son mencionadas en nuestra reseña por la resonancia internacional que alcanzan sus telenovelas a la manera exitosa de las series de Corín Tellado. REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS Alba-Buffill, Elio. Conciencia y quimera. New York: Senda Nueva de Ediciones, 1985. From Person Alvarez-Borland, Isabel. Cuban-American Literature of Exile: to Per- sona. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998. Anales Literarios. Matías Montes-Huidobro y Yara González Montes, eds. Honolulu, Hawaii: Matías and Yara Foundation, 1995-1996. Bejel, Emilio. Literatura de nuestra América: estudios de literatura cubana e hispano- americana. Xalapa, Veracruz, México: Centro de Investigaciones LingüísticoLiterarias, Instituto de Investigaciones Humanísticas, Universidad Veracruzana, 1983. A Place in the Sun?: Women New Jersey: Zed Books, 1997. Davies, Catherine. London; Writers in Twentieth-Century Cuba. Fernández, José B. índice bibliográfico de autores cubanos (diáspora, 1959-1979) Literatura; Bibliographical Index of Literature. Foster, Cuban Authors (Diaspora, 1959-1979) Miami, FL: Ediciones Universal, 1983. David William. Cuban Literature: A Research Guide. New York: Garland Pub., 1985. Horno-Delgado, Asunción, ed. Breaking Boundaries: Latina Writing and Critical Readings. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1989. Kanellos, Nicolás. Biographical Dictionary of Hispanic Literature in the United States: The Literature of Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and Other Hispanic New York: Greenwood Press, 1989. Ellen. New Latina Narrative: The Feminine Space Writers. McCracken, ity. of Postmodern Ethnic- Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999. Maratos, Danie C. y Marnesba D. bibliográfico; Cuban Hill. Escritores Exile Writers: de la diáspora cubana: manual bio- A Biobiblio graphic Handbook. Metuchen, Cuban New York: NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1986. Martínez, Julio A., ed. Dictionary of Twentieth-Century Greenwood Literature. Press, 1990. Mateo Palmer, Margarita. Ella escribía postcrítica. Ciudad de La Habana: Casa Editora Abril, 1995. Miranda, Julio E. Nueva literatura cubana. Madrid: Taurus, 1971. Monge Rafuls, Pedro R., ed. Lo que no se ha dicho. Jackson Heights, NY: ter for the Arts, 1994. Ollantay Cen- LESBIA ORTA VARONA 226 Montes Huidobro, Matías y Yara González. Bibliografía crítica de exilio: 1959-1971. New York: Plaza Mayor, 1972. Peñas Germejo, Francisco J., ed. la poesía culbana; Poetas cubanos marginados. Ferrol, Spain: Sociedad de Cultura Valle-Inclán, 1998. Sánchez-Boudy, José. Historia de la literatura cubana en el exilio. Miami, FL: Edi- ciones Universal, 1975. West, Alan. Tropics of History: Cuba Imagined. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 1997. IV. Society Amnesia: 20. Cultural Systematically Erasing the History of Brazilian Industrialization Marshall C. Eakin It is something of a truism to say that archives and libraries in Latin are less developed than their counterparts in the United States When one moves outside of the national regional and local archives is capitals, the ily available, libraries libraries not widely or read- is and in the age of the Internet, Latin American archives and have been slow to computerize. more acute when one works outside For a underdevelopment of even more pronounced. Archives and lack basic reference tools, information about collections America and Europe. Once again, these problems are even the national capitals. historian, especially a historian of the twentieth century, distressing than the failure to collect even more underdevelopment of archives and reference tools is the documents systematically. Moreover, documentary evidence The problem, in some ways, is worse now that it was in the past. As governments have become larger and more complex, they generate enormous amounts of paper, causing enormous that is not collected is often systematically erased. problems for archivists in the United States, a very rich nation with a long dition of the systematic collection of where such a problem is tra- government documents. In Latin America, tradition often does not exist — or is weak — the enormity of the magnified. This paper addresses the problem with specific reference to Brazil, the Latin American nation I know best, but I suspect the case may be similar elsewhere in the region. At the analysis. I outset, an autobiographical note will help in understanding am a historian of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Brazil, and for the past twenty years much of my work has focused on Brazilian industrializa- tion, particularly in the state libraries of Minas Gerais. Although and archives in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, majority of my my I I have worked in have spent the vast research time in the libraries and archives of Minas Gerais, especially in Greater Belo Horizonte, the state capital. Although Minas Gerais and Belo Horizonte do not have the name recognition and allure of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, they are powerful and important places. Minas Gerais is the second most populous state in Brazil (after São Paulo) and Belo Horizonte is the third largest city (after São Paulo and Rio). Along with Rio and São 229 230 MARSHALL C. EAKIN Paulo, Belo Horizonte forms a triangle in southeastern Brazil that contains some 40 percent of the nation's population and produces 60 percent of the nation's manufactured goods. Throughout much of the last two centuries, Minas Gerais and São Paulo have arguably been the two most important states 1 in Brazilian national politics. Since 1987 I have been working on a book about the industrialization of Belo Horizonte. 2 Created zonte now 1890s as a planned in the city, has a population approaching four million, and Greater Belo Horiit has surpassed Rio de Janeiro to become the second largest industrial center in Brazil. The study examines how Belo This paper discusses Horizonte industrialized so rapidly, especially since 1950. my research on this topic and the problems I have encoun- tered along the way. It is a cautionary tale for historians, archivists, and librarians. Desperately Seeking Archives 1979-1980 to do fieldwork for my dissertation. Most of that time I lived and worked in Belo Horizonte and its metropolitan area. I returned again from May to August 1985 to do follow-up research to turn the dissertation into a book. 3 1 spent several months in the Arquivo Público I first Mineiro went (APM) to Brazil in in old British-owned Belo Horizonte, as well as St. of Greater Belo Horizonte. 4 The one of the richest of company archives of the in Nova Lima, a suburb in the John d 'el Rey Mining Company its company archive (nearly entirely in English), kind in Latin America, contains 1 30 years of corre- spondence between the superintendent of the mine and the board well as hundreds of thousands of documents on enough and archive and to digitize a small portion of as mine were enlightened historians to organize it. London, aspects of the company's all operations. Fortunately, the current owners of the to hire professional archivists in and catalog the 5 The APM is a fairly well organized and managed archive. Created in the 1890s by the new republican government of the state, the APM was housed in the old building of the prefeitura of Belo Horizonte construction of a From rian its modern facility until the alongside the old quarters in the mid-1970s. early years under the guidance of the venerable politician and histo- Augusto de Lima, the lection from the 1930s APM followed a very traditional approach to col- focusing on the colonial period, especially the administrative documents of the various colonial comarcas in the captaincy of Minas Gerais from the early eighteenth century to independence in 1822. The APM is also very strong on the documents generated by the provincial governments under the empire (1822-1889). documentation is As one moves increasingly published reports and less and less the day-to- day paperwork of the bureaucracy. The makes into the republican era (post- 1889) the available guides and APM has long published a series that documents from the collections. 6 (The public 23 1 CULTURAL AMNESIA! THE HISTORY OF BRAZILIAN INDUSTRIALIZATION archive of the Casa dos Contos in Minas Gerais When I Ouro Preto is another fine repository in on the history of the eighteenth century.) 7 Belo Horizonte in 1987-1988 to begin my fieldwork that focuses returned to on the industrialization of the 8 in nontraditional collections. city, I fully expected to spend a great deal of time In particular, I knew that I would be seeking out business archives, the libraries and archives of business associations, ernment agencies. government the APM I also planned officials. In addition, on doing interviews with businessmen and I anticipated spending a great deal of time in going through post- 1930 government documents as well as the archive's extensive newspaper collection. Shortly after arriving in Belo Horizonte in August 1987, in the APM. Previously, century documents. tion of and gov- had primarily I Much to my government documents As I asked dismay, in the I began my work on eighteenth- and nineteenth- quickly discovered that the collec- APM basically ended in the early a long line of archive officials given had been passed relied 1 down through why this was so, the 1930s. only reason I was oral tradition. Supposedly, space in the was limited in the 1930s, and the director had decided that the APM could not take on new documents! If this is true, it surely must reflect a notion archive that contemporary events are not was to preserve colonial have something to and history, that the and imperial documents. do with I mission of the archive also suspect that the political sensitivities of government it may officials during the turbulent 1930s which saw full-scale civil war in 1930 and the imposition of a corporatist dictatorship in 1937. One saving grace of the archive was ing of the official government daily, papers. Minas Gerais is 9 its systematic and thorough collect- Minas Gerais, something of the as well as other local official record news- of the state government, which also includes some reporting of local events in politics and economics. Throughout the twentieth century, cial statements brief of all it has published the annual finan- and guarded, these accounts do allow the historian a directors, assets, After my However glimpse of company corporations (public and private) in the state. and operating expenses for companies in the region. 10 dismaying discovery in the APM I set off in search of govern- ment archives. I naively assumed that government agencies that had not forwarded materials to the state archive must have stored them in their own locations. Thus began my trek over months from secretariat to secretariat in search of archives. I began with the oldest secretariats Agriculture and Public Works assuming that they would most likely have the continuity and collecting traditions. What I discovered again, to my great dismay was that the secretariats and other government agencies systematically tossed out their documents. When I did encounter a large archive in the basement of the Secretariat of Agriculture (a building dating back to the early twentieth century), it turned out to be the personnel records of the secretariat. 11 And these records were a — — — — 232 MARSHALL up and disaster piled and no professional I C. EAKIN huge basement with no clear organization was, as the Brazilians would say, a bagunça. spilling across a archivist. It reached the end of my rope on the day I made my way to the Secretariat of Culture, the newest of mineiro secretariats, created in the 1980s. Nearly who did not have an archive had suggested that maybe the documents everyone and collections had been sent to the Secretariat of Culture, an idea a certain logic to it. that did have After trying (for what seemed like the hundredth time) to was searching for archives, and drawing blank looks, I turned to the secretary who was typing a letter. "Did she keep a copy of that letter," I inquired? "Yes, of course," she replied. "So where do you put that copy?" I asked. "In that file cabinet behind you," she said pointing to it. Relentlessly pursuing my line of reasoning, I then asked, "So what do you do when the file cabinet is full?" Now I would discover the locaexplain to officials in the secretariat that tion of their archive, I thought. "I don't know," she shot back. been here two years, and we haven't filled Refusing to give up, in desperation — I I "We have them up yet." did the most Brazilian thing I only could on the most influential friends I knew in the government! Amilcar and Roberto Martins are old friends from graduate school days. Roberto earned his doctorate in economic history at Vanderbilt University (1980) and Amilcar in history at the University of Illinois under the guidance of Joseph Love. 12 From an old and very well connected mineiro family, Roberto had become a major official in the Partido Social Democrático Brasileiro, and Amilcar had been elected to the city council. Amilcar eventually think of became and system. called the right-hand happened office I to of the governor (secretario do governo) be his brother-in-law! its personnel As Amilcar, goes out of office, generate man it I When discovered that a trained historian, put just gained access to the governor's I it who also had no archive or collecting to me, when one administration it cleans the shelves, and the next administration begins to new documents only to repeat the process when it leaves office. Gov- more powerful, regard the documents they generate as their personal archives, and they do not leave them behind. Even more unfortunate, in Brazil there is almost no tradition equivalent to ernment officials, especially the that in the United States or Europe of public archives to public collections. shelves when archives 13 officials donating their personal In effect, this double problem —cleaning the make public personal historical memory of Minas leaving office and failing to preserve and —produces the systematic erasure of the Gerais. If documents are not published, they disappear into a historical void. Minas Gerais, and to a large extent, Brazil, engages in collective amnesia about the nation's past, especially the history of the twentieth century. Alternative Strategies and Lessons When I went to Belo Horizonte in I 1987 to begin work on industrialization had planned on using a wide variety of sources other than the traditional 233 CULTURAL AMNESIA: THE HISTORY OF BRAZILIAN INDUSTRIALIZATION government documents found in state archives. After months of fruitless searching for government archives, the alternative sources had become even more important for my work. I now had to write the history of industrialization from a truly "decentered" approach. My research over the past twelve years has been decentralized and the archives and libraries dispersed. The research has been more difficult than mining a centralized state archive, but it has been much more interesting and rewarding. Despite the dearth of materials at the APM, some government documents certainly have survived in other locations. The Prefeitura Municipal de Belo Horizonte some has a small library that has the annual reports of the prefeitos, as well as unpublished although it is the heart of (as part of The Câmara Municipal does have an archive, of tragedy. The Câmara moved from its location in statistical materials. another tale downtown in the early 1990s to a in one of the suburbs an effort to "decentralize" metropolitan government). Shortly after arriving in Belo Horizonte in 1987, 1 opened the newspaper one morning story about the destruction of much of the official new facility had decided much of it torical memory sold that all this "old Camara's archive. It seems paper" was taking up too off for recycling before he to a that a city much room and was stopped. 14 The erasure of his- continues. The most important archives and libraries for business interest groups and associations my study are those of local —most prominently the Associação Comercial de Minas (ACM), founded in 1901, the Federação de Industrias do Estado de Minas Gerais (FIEMG), and the Junta Comercial do Estado de Minas Gerais (JUCEMG). The ACM is until the 1950s zonte, despite ter it its the oldest business association in the state, and consisted almost entirely of business people from Belo Hori- name. The ACM has its own building and of Belo Horizonte, with a nice library, professional librarian, and an archive that contains the minutes of meetings and elections dating back to the begin- ning of the century. 15 The Federação also has the offices in the cen- main avenue in downtown, with a similar its own building and offices on library, professional library staff, and a small archive. Perhaps the greatest treasure trove is the JUCEMG. An autonomous tory for all company registrations I came across in my pursuit of archives state agency, the Junta is the official reposi- in the state. Any time a company is organized must register with the Junta and file documents stating the names of company directors and the amount of stock and capitalization. This is an invaluable it source for tracking company ownership, business networks, and corporate The records updated. Over takeovers. are kept in an tinually the last few enormous card filing years, the Junta has system that been converting computerized data storage system, something that will eventually make torian's dream. As always, came up with who I could not get access to the proverbial Brazilian jeitinho. I it conto a a his- this rich archive until called then called his friend, the president of the Junta, is my who I friend Amilcar, then instructed his . 234 MARSHALL underlings to give me full access to the records. Although these pervasive patronage networks in my own to exploit My vinced my I C. EAKIN constantly criticize writing, for once was very happy I connections. frustrating and enlightening experience in Belo Horizonte has con- me of the importance of and urgent need for a cultural policy for the col- in Minas Gerais (and probably in much of the must admit, however, that I am not optimistic that such a policy will be developed any time soon. With the Martins brothers in positions of power at the highest levels in the state government in the mid-1990s, government documents lection of rest of Brazil as well). very little seems to I have changed. They did manage major private to attract donations (from the Companhia Vale do Rio Doce) for the renovation of the old section of the APM (the old Prefeitura building). And they did begin a prelim- inary program to canvas and collect government documents. this policy whether it does not seem to have produced will survive, ment with the now that a much As collecting, change has taken place far as and I it is can tell, unclear in the state govern- election of Itamar Franco as governor. One bright spot in this sad tale has been the creation (again largely through the efforts of the Martins brothers) of the Arquivo da Prefeitura de Belo Hori- zonte very — the official repository of the city. Again, however, scarce funds and space have little made it collection of recent documents. and volumes to do much systematic Much of the collection consists of photographs difficult for the Arquivo that survived in the Prefeitura building What historians badly need in Belo Horizonte is downtown. more attention to the sys- tematic collection of documents by the state and city archives. collection of oral histories need to urge would The systematic also be a great help. Historians and archivists more prominent politicians, government officials, business people, labor leaders, and other key figures to donate their private archives. In addition, key businesses, especially those that have operated in Minas for decades, could follow the example of the Companhia Cedro e Cachoeira (a prominent textile firm) and Mineração open to the public. Morro Velho who have created fine business archives 16 much of the history of mineiro industrialization has simply been erased or lost. Ironically, in Minas we can not only bemoan the absence of documents about the masses (o povo), but also about the elites who led the Unfortunately, process of industrialization. Only with the hard work of historians, librarians, and archivists — in Brazil — and abroad will we avoid the erasure of even more of the history of Brazilian industrialization, and even greater cultural amnesia. NOTES Marshall C. Eakin, Brazil: The Once and Future Country 1 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997), p. 75. 2. coming, Tropical Capitalism: The Industrialization of Belo Horizonte, Brazil, 1897-1997 (forth- St. Martin's Press). . 235 CULTURAL AMNESIA! THE HISTORY OF BRAZILIAN INDUSTRIALIZATION 3. The dissertation, "Nova Lima: Life, Labor, and Technology in an Anglo-Brazilian MinCommunity" (University of California, Los Angeles, 1981), eventually became British Enterprise in Brazil: The St. John del Rey Mining Company Limited and the Morro Velho Gold Mine, 1830-1960 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989). Research was financed by a Fulbright- ing Hays Dissertation Fellowship and the Vanderbilt University Research Council. 4. company 5. to the The gold mine in Nova Lima continues to operate today under the control of the world's gold-mining company, the Anglo American Corporation of South Africa. Currently the largest in Brazil is known as Douglas Cole Libby Mineração Morro Velho S.A. et al., Guia do arquivo permanente da Mina de Morro VelholGuide Archives of the Morro Velho Mine (Belo Horizonte: Centro de Estudos Mineiros, Universi- dade Federal de Minas Gerais, 1998). 6. contains the most complete guide to the manuscript collections of the 7. Ano XXVIII, April APM. Revista do Arquivo Público Mineiro (Belo Horizonte), 1896- Herculano Gomes Mathias, A . 1977, coleção da Casa dos Contos de Ouro Preto; documentos avulsos (Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, Publicações, v. 58, 1966). Over the past thirty years the Casa dos Contos has amassed an enormous microfilm collection of eighteenth-century documents from Minas Gerais. Consult http://www.esaf.fazenda.gov.br/casadoscontos/. 8. My research during 1987-1988 was funded by a Tinker Foundation Postdoctoral Fellowship. 9. Eakin, Brazil, pp. 41-43; Thomas E. Skidmore, Brazil: Five Centuries of Change (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 113-120. 10. Recently, the new director of the APM, Norma newspaper collections out of the archive. Until very de Góes Monteiro, decided to recently, readers in the archive move all handled the volumes of the newspapers, not microfilm copies. (Microfilm readers are few and very original often do not function.) With the creation of social security and labor legislation 1 1 in the 1930s, all employers were required to maintain personnel records for their employees. See, for example, Eakin, British Enterprise in Brazil, pp. 99-101. 12. Roberto Borges Martins, "Growing in Silence: The Slave Economy of Nineteenth- Century Minas Gerais, Brazil," Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1980; Amilcar Vianna Martins Filho, "The White Collar Republic: Patronage and Interest Representation in Minas Gerais, 1889-1930," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1987. Brazil, 13. An important exception temporânea do Janeiro. is the Centro de Pesquisa e Brasil, a first-rate archive attached to the The Centro has attracted the archives of a Documentação de Historia Con- Fundação Getúlio Vargas number of prominent politicians, and in it Rio de has pur- sued a longstanding oral history project. 14. Estado de Minas, March 15. Consult www.acminas.com.br. 16. For the Morro Velho archive, see Libby. The Cedro e Cachoeira archive Caetanópolis near Belo Horizonte. 11, 1987, p. 7. is located in Documenting Maya Resurgence: 21. Trends in Maya Scholarship and Publishing Edward This paper looks at contemporary Fischer F. Maya activism in Guatemala and the sorts of documentary resources being produced by this and other Latin American eth- movements. I begin by reviewing my own work on the pan-Maya movement in Guatemala. The second half of the paper focuses on the burgeoning business of Maya publishing, fueled by the work of Maya scholars and activists whose writings are at once learned scholarly analysis and primary data for stunic dents of identity politics. The Macro Context I am an anthropologist, but my theoretical background is in political econ- omy and my work localities word of and has focused on documenting linkages between particular larger, the times. even global systems. Globalization One can is, of course, the catch- hardly pick up a newspaper or tune into a news broadcast without hearing about how new technologies are making the world a smaller place. Undeniably, time/space distances are being virtually collapsed: e-mails, faxes, and overnight delivery have made almost instantaneous com- munication ubiquitous, and even the relatively antiquated technologies of voice telephony and air travel have fallen within the reach of most people, at least in the developed world and increasingly in the underdeveloped world as well. Such advances are not restricted to personal communication and travel as global media outlets have emerged and flourished on the back of satellite transthe list goes on are conmission: HBO Olé, the Cartoon Channel, CNN sumed with equal passion in Des Moines, Iowa, and in rural Guatemala. I work — — in a small Kaqchikel Maya town, and there, as in other communities, local bootleg cable operations have emerged, requiring no more than a satellite dish and a bale of cable. These changes are is linked inextricably to a fundamental reorganization Politically, they can be traced to the advent of political alliances; in the case of Guatemala, the United States in the global political post-Cold War all economy. simply no longer willing to financially and ideologically underwrite a war against perceived communist subversion, and flows of foreign increasingly directed toward Eastern Europe. Economically, this is aid are an age of neoliberalism, rising international trade, and the outsourcing of production to 236 TRENDS less IN 237 MAYA SCHOLARSHIP AND PUBLISHING developed areas; structural reforms in the and the opening up of internal markets. large privatizations pan-Maya hegemony economy including of Guatemala, the rise of neoliberal number of sweeping has forced a text that the in the case ethnic revitalization And it is in this con- movement has emerged and flour- ished, promoting the resurgence of their ethnic identity long submerged by the bipolarization of Cold War hostilities. Guatemala Guatemala is perhaps best known for the period of violence that racked The U.S. popular the country in the late 1970s and early 1980s. speaks of Guatemala's 36-year civil war, and the New war The is York Times has been using made up of two wars first it it press often must be a catchy phrase because at least since 1990. Actually, this 36-year carried out in different places at different times. took place in the mid-1960s in the mostly ladino (non-Indian)- populated highland area east of Guatemala City. chised ladino academics and leftists It was started by disenfran- from Guatemala City and funded in part by Cuba. This revolutionary movement was decidedly defeated by the military in 1967-1968. The second war, called in the late 1970s after another guerrilla the 1960s campaigns) Guatemala. In this emerged war ladino Guatemala simply movement (led la violencia, began in by some of the veterans of in the Indian-populated western highlands of elites' cold war-inspired anxiety of communist revolutionaries converged with long-smoldering fears of an Indian uprising, creating an ideological justification for ethnocidal campaigns directed military. Ostensibly the military effort aries, though it aimed to by the stamp out Marxist revolution- targeted not only active subversives but also potential subver- sives, a category often understood to include all Indians. During the height of the violence (1978-1984) thousands were kidnapped and tortured, tens of thou- sands were killed, and hundreds of thousands displaced. Recent revelations by the U.N.-sponsored Historical Clarification the Truth Commission (popularly known Commission) and the National Security Archives as are bringing to light by security forces (with the complicity of the CIA), confirming survivor reports of mass graves, secret prisons, and vicious torture regimes. In 1986 nominal civil rule was reestablished in Guatemala with the army's blessing, and in 1996 the government signed a peace accord with rebel forces for the first time details of the systematic atrocities carried out formally ending the conflict. Yet Guatemalan politics remain turbulent: in 1993, then president José Serrano conducted a short-lived auto-coup, former Montt subsequently reemerged as a populist congressional leader with presidential aspirations, and disappearances continue at an alarming pace. At times the press reports from Guatemala have an air of violent surrealism. In 1995 when then U.N. Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali made a brief stop in Guatemala to show his support for the peace process, dictator Efraín Ríos military air traffic controllers misdirected his official jet and had it land at an 238 EDWARD abandoned that airfield presidential palace. In 1998, two days Guatemalan military Catholic Church's FISCHER about 30 miles outside of Guatemala City; during dinner evening with the Guatemalan president a car indicting the F. bomb exploded outside the after his office issued a scathing report in the violence, Bishop Juan Gerardi, the Ombudsman for Human Rights, was brutally beaten to death home. Declining in the garage of his from the FBI, Guatemalan investigators quickly concluded the case, determining that Bishop Gerardi had happened upon his assistant en flagrante with a homosexual lover and the scared priest, fearing for his career, bludgeoned the bishop to death. Such news events in Guatemala are notoriously difficult to monitor and interpret. Obtaining the news is getting a bit easier with the penetration of the offers of assistance Internet into countries such as Guatemala. All of the newspapers now have fairly extensive of these {Prensa Libre at major Guatemalan daily World Wide Web sites, and the best http://www.prensalibre.com/ and Siglo XXI at http://www.sigloxxi.com) maintain searchable news archives. Organizations such as the Guatemalan Scholars Network maintain updated of breaking news from disparate sources. The Web compilations availability of primary socio- economic data is also improving, with organizations such as the Inter- American Development Bank (http://www.iadb.org/) and the United Nations Development Programme (http://www.pnud.org.gt/) allowing Internet access to por- tions of their databases. Notably, the in its entirety on the Web U.N. Truth Commission report is available (http://hrdata.aaas.org/ceh) as are relevant reports from the National Security Archives (http://www.seas.gwu.edu/nsarchive). Pan-Mayanism Pan-Mayanism, an ethnic revival movement based on a philosophy of Indian pride and self-determination, amazingly emerged from the ashes of Guatemala's holocaust (see Fischer and Brown 1996 for more Mayanism is is detail). Pan- not easy to define. For security as well as ideological reasons, a nebulous, decentralized network of Mayan it individuals, formal organiza- tions, and informal groups who share a broadly similar philosophy. The move- ment is led by a young and active group of Maya generation of Maya Mayanists —who intellectuals are relatively well educated — and the first affluent. Pan-Mayanism seeks a culture-based solution to Guatemala's many ills. The approach is two-pronged: first, to work for the conservation and resurrection of Maya promote legal reform within the framework of the current (1985) Guatemalan constitution and, where that elements of culture; and second, to proves insufficient, international law. much an academic movement as it is a political one, and it confounds these two categories in ways that many North American academics find disconcerting. The initial efforts of the Mayan movement have Pan-Mayanism is as concentrated on reappropriating (from Western academia) and reinterpreting (from an indigenous perspective) research on the ancient and modern Maya. 239 MAYA SCHOLARSHIP AND PUBLISHING TRENDS IN Mayan leaders are using the information they gather to develop an ideology that emphasizes self-determination, cultural pride, and pan-Maya believe that a rejuvenated political institutions. In seeking a Mayan scholars tend to idealize pre-contact pluralistic, and largely peaceful. By model pluralism of the ancient Maya Pan-Mayanist leaders Mayan languages and demands either side. demands is culture, describing meant to be relevant: the working Because of emphasis on cultural this strategic left and and they are not inherently antagonis- right, elite sector are linguistic rights, an ready and willing to grant approach that allows them to demonstrate their progressiveness to the rest of the world in Such concessions increasing concern over indigenous rights. given that foreign assistance is whom live in is period of are also timely, human rights record. awkward position of having in the which they are several constituencies, often with competing interests, to beholden. Their primary obligation this Guatemala's tied closely to Pan-Mayanist leaders in Guatemala are vast majority of to preserve outside of the historical political confrontations fall and it Mayan as unified, a vision of a future Guatemala. Segments of the for cultural for the future, stress that they are primarily culture. between the Guatemalan tic to lead Guatemala to cul- contrasting their view of the past with pre- sent conditions, these historical reinterpretations are issues, their They and thus allow the indigenous peoples greater access to eco- tural pluralism nomic and Mayan culture can peacefully unity. to the country's remote rural areas. Maya Thus population, the initial efforts have focused on raising the cultural consciousness of the masses, demonstrating and reinforcing the value of and recognizing it Maya culture, its role in the modern world, as a basis for concerted political action. Second, pan- Mayanist leaders must appeal racist opinions arguing for to the powers that and lobbying for legal changes, be in Guatemala —challenging certainly, but also portraying the pan-Mayanist agenda as primarily cultural rather than political (and thus threatening and undeserving of violent reprisal). Finally, non- pan-May anists must court the attention and favor of international academics and policy makers. Playing on the recent global valuation of all things indigenous, the recognition human rights, and the ideologsupport the empowerment of margin- of indigenous rights as a subset of fundamental ical commitment of many academics alized peoples, pan-Mayanists have support for the movement from to been very successful at gaining material international organizations (including the United Nations, the European Union, the U.S. Agency for International Devel- opment, and numerous private foundations). Communication the Message of Pan-Mayanism Pan-Mayanists have produced a wealth of scholarship and ses and have simultaneously had to develop illiteracy rate new outlets for disseminating their Maya mass communication is an among Maya peoples in Guatemala and the lack work. The greatest barrier to effective extremely high political analy- 240 EDWARD of technological infrastructure. For these and other social reasons, ture places a high value on and dexterity; indeed local oral skill F. FISCHER Maya cul- political sys- tems are traditionally based on a consensus model, which favors persuasive orators. Building on pan-Maya activists distributed Maya culture on audio cassette tapes; this cultural bias, early teachings and lectures about the value of would listen to these and pass them along informal social networks within and between communities throughout Guatemala. And as televisions and video recorders have become more common, these same sorts of materials are being distributed on videotape. One Maya group has bought time on several regional radio stations and broadcasts a weekly radio program, Mayab' Winãq. Airing on Sundays from 4:30 a.m. until 7:30 a.m., Mayab' Winãq combines music, political commentary, public service families and small groups announcements, and short radio plays, all with a pan-Mayanist message. As intoned by the deep booming voice of the program's host, Jolom B'alam, Mayab' Winàq brings together the roots of Maya history. It is the voice of the people, of Maya culture: identity, music, and sentiment and expression. It is the pure and sincere song of a people that holds dear the peace, equality, brotherhood, and justice for all. It is of these words that carries our message of fraternity. hope of future the musical expression It is the thought trans- mitted from our ancestral parents Xpiapok and Ixmukane. Ironically, Mayab' Winãq seems popular Spanish radio programs, to down have captured perfectly the style of to the richly inflected voice of the announcers and the catchy self-promotional jingles: — "Mayab' Winàq "Es la el raíz hora de venir a "Mayab' Winãq de todo el país." y retornar la cita es la expresión de el camino perdido." un pueblo que solamente pide una opor- tunidad para vivir." "Mayab' Wináq es de nuestras milenarias raíces mayas." Each episode opens with a dramatic reading from the opening lines of the el tiempo de amanecer, de que se terminan la obra Popol Wuj: "ha llegado . . . se unicaron, llegaron y celebraron consejo en la obscuridad de la noche, dis- caron y discutieron, reflexionaron y pensaron de esta manera salieron al luz claramente sus decisiones." There are ongoing series that offer mnemonic remember Maya day names and that outline the constitutional rights of Maya peoples. Mayab' Winãq has arguably been the most successful effort by Maya leaders to reach out to the rural Maya masses. devices to Although less widely received, several pan-Mayanist organizations have begun to Maya public. Notable Rutzijol, produce newspapers, magazines, and other printed materials for the among which includes these are the Centro stories about Maya cultural Maya Saqb'e's newsletter activities and weekly price TRENDS IN MAYA SCHOLARSHIP AND PUBLISHING 241 reports of basic crops in regional markets. Saqb'e also issues a children's news- paper, Kukuy (for "the boys and of corn, the future of the girls and a very useful bimonthly that publishes press about stories in the Maya people"), Guatemalan national Maya peoples. Pan-Mayanists have also made use of traditional media outlets to com- municate their message of cultural pluralism and non-aggressiveness to Guatemala's non-Indian elites. Two of the leading daily newspapers, Prensa now have full-time Maya editorialists. Prensa Libre' s editorialist, Enrique Sam Colop, is a lawyer who also holds a Ph.D. in anthropology from the State University of New York (SUNY), Buffalo. Siglo XXI runs a column by journalist Estuardo Zapeta, who is presently completing his doctorate at SUNY, Albany. This is a common pattern for pan-May anist leaders: they generally come from relatively affluent families and many have received graduate training abroad. Tellingly, many report that their pan-Mayanist political Libre and Siglo XXI, activism was born of their experiences in the United States or Europe. As academics, pan-Mayanist leaders self-consciously seek to produce scholarly analyses that promote their political agenda. This focus on Mayan linguistics work began with and ethnohistory. There has been a long a historical Maya scholarship and linguistics, and many Maya leaders received their university training in linguistics. Maya scholars argue that speaking a Mayan language is fundamental to understanding and perpetuating a Maya worldview, and their efforts have thus focused on language conservation association between and revival. manuals of A number of excellent grammars, style have been produced by dictionaries, Maya and most recently linguists (see Oxlajuuj Keej Maya' Ajtz'iib' 1993 and Pakal B'alam 1994). Maya scholars also believe that they must regain control over the production of their own history and have thus produced reinterpretations of Maya life during Spanish colonization. For example, Enrique Sam Colop, in his 1991 Jub'aqtun omay kuchum kaslemal: Cinco sighs de encubrimiento, deconstructs the history of contact espoused within the Western tradition in general and by ladino academics in particular. example, a famous passage from the sixteenth-century Kaqchikel For text, the Anales de los Kaqchikeles, as translated by a number of scholars into both when they and the lords took them for gods." Sam Spanish and English, reads: "Truly [the Spaniards] inspired fear arrived, we did not know Colop argues, however, "gods," the is their faces, that the more accurately Maya worship Kaqchikel word kab'owil, translated above as translated "idol" or "image," belying the claim that the Spaniards or were duped into believing that they were gods. Recent Maya scholarship has turned toward more overt political analyses. known of this category are the works of Demetrio Cojtí Cuxil, a Kaqchikel Maya man who earned a Ph.D. in communications from a Belgian university and is now a consultant for UNICEF. Cojtí has written extensively on issues of Maya identity politics: Políticas para la reivindicación de los mayas de hoy Best 242 EDWARD F. FISCHER (fundamento de los derechos específicos del pueblo maya) (1994) and Ri Maya molojpa Iximulew; El movimiento maya (en Guatemala) (1997). Cojtí calls for, among other things, the establishment of semi-autonomous Guatemala and the use of affirmative action preferences Maya provinces in Maya to enfranchise people in the political process. Maya Publishing Because established tive to publishing the set editorial houses in Guatemala have not been recep- work of Maya scholars, several up publishing operations. Notable among these torial is Maya organizations have the non-profit Maya edi- and publishing house Cholsamaj, established in the late 1980s. Chol- samaj, a pioneer in the computerization of publishing in Guatemala, has from its earliest days utilized desktop publishing applications. For example, Chol- samaj has developed proprietary software for quickly and easily setting Maya hieroglyphs, and has recently branched out into multimedia with the production Maya folktales. Cholsamaj relies on grants from international organizations and, increasingly, publishing contracts from of a series of computer-animated these groups. Recognizing the vulnerability brought about by this reliance, Cholsamaj created a for-profit subsidiary press, Cholsamaj owns 5 1 percent of other 49 percent. Maya Wuj Maya Wuj; Maya Wuj and employees of the press is own the does a lively trade in private printing jobs, includ- ing books, diplomas, posters, and wedding announcements. item the non-profit Its best-selling an annual date book (Cholb'al Q'ij/Agenda Maya) which combines the hieroglyphic symbols for traditional Maya dates and short essays about Maya day names cultural values with Gregorian calendar and political demands. The 1999 print run produced 10,000 copies, and plans for the 2000 edition include an executive model with a leather case. The widespread use of Maya hieroglyphs cant. and For Maya in Maya publications scholars, hieroglyphs act as powerful literacy of that culture. is signifi- symbols of the splendor For several years, epigrapher Linda Scheie offered Maya groups. The materials she produced are widely circulated among Maya activists who use them to learn Classic Maya numeration, the calendrical system, and the basic Maya glyphic syllabary. Cholsamaj 's policy is to use Maya bar-and-dot numeration for page numbers and to date their publications using the Classic Maya long count notation. The glyphic syllabary was developed to record Classic-era lowland Mayan languages, and current Maya activists speak one of the modern highland Mayan hieroglyphic workshops for languages. Because of the centuries of divergence between these languages (as well as the incomplete decipherment of the glyphs), glyphic syllabaries are incomplete in their ability to record modern highland languages. PanMayanists have created new glyphic elements to represent the uvular stops /qV and the liquid consonant period lowland languages. /r/, /q/, sounds that were not present in the Classic . TRENDS IN 243 MAYA SCHOLARSHIP AND PUBLISHING Implications for Bibliographers Maya Publications by scholars have become important sources of infor- mation for foreign academics but they remain hard to obtain outside Guatemala. Distribution channels are not well developed, and even the success of book-buying trips still Guatemala City (usually depends on serendipity. The annual book May) and Antigua in late are best single sources of titles published in Guatemala. we may move is also expect more already under group Yaxte' Press and direct way its and growing and remain the As Internet access spreads efficient access to Maya Maya publications. A by the Los Angeles-based founder Fernando Peñalosa. Conducting most of its in this direction, led business over the Internet (http://www.yaxte.org/), Yaxte' several fairs in is the distributor for publishers (including Cholsamaj) and also publishes original material and translations of older works. REFERENCES B'alam, Pakal (José Obispo Rodríguez Guaján). 1994. Kojtz ib' an pa Kaqchi' Guatemala: Cholsamaj. Cojtí Cuxil, Demetrio. 1991. Configuración del pensamiento político del pueblo maya. Quetzaltenango, Guatemala: Asociación de Escritores Mayances de Guatemala. . 1994. Políticas para la reivindicación de los Mayas de hoy (fundamento de los derechos específicos del pueblo maya). Guatemala: Cholsamaj. . 1997. Ri Maya moloj pa ¡ximulew; El movimiento maya (en Guatemala). Guatemala: Cholsamaj. COMG (Consejo de Organizaciones Mayas de Guatemala). Amaq Derechos : Fischer, específicos del pueblo maya. Edward E, and R. McKenna Brown, 1991. Rujunamil Ri Guatemala eds. 1996. Maya City: Mayab' COMG. Cultural Activism in Guatemala. Austin: University of Texas Press. Oxlajuuj Keej Maya' Ajtz'iib'. 1993. Maya Chii : Los idiomas Mayas de Guatemala. Guatemala: Cholsamaj. Sam Colop, Enrique. 1991. Jub'aqtun omay kuchum kaslemal: Cinco siglos de miento. Seminario Permanente de Estudios Mayas, Cuaderno No. City: Cholsamaj. 1 . encubri- Guatemala Power and 22. Military in Privilege Contemporary Latin America: Suggestions on Sources Wendy Hunter Eighteen years have passed since the transition to democracy in Peru, followed by Uruguay, Brazil, Chile, and elsewhere in Latin transitions in Argentina, America. Democratization in the region has given works on Latin American tic state and societal militaries and of scholarly their relations with important domes- actors, as well as foreign parties. Yet important remain in our knowledge about Latin American phers of Latin American studies could toward rise to a host make militaries, gaps gaps that bibliogra- a large and important contribution filling. This paper addresses the issue of knowledge accumulation in the literature on civil-military relations in post-authoritarian Latin how America. Its purpose — is view the military its political strength, identity, role definition, and attitudes toward civilian authority is shaped in no small measure by the indicators and sources of documentation they utilize; and second, to identify sources of documentation that I have found twofold: first, to suggest that useful and interesting in Has my analysts — study of the Brazilian military (Hunter 1997). the military's influence eroded and civilian supremacy been new democracies? Have officers' attitudes shifted more compatible with sustained civilian rule? Have they begun strengthened in the region's in a direction ways that cultivate respect for the rule of law? A brief glance at the literature on Latin American militaries and civil-military affairs suggests wide divergences of opinion on these and related questions. For example, while Patrice McSherry (1997) regards Argentina as a "guardian democracy" and criticizes the country's two post-authoritarian presidents for failing to further reduce military power and influence, David Pion-Berlin (1997) and Robert Potash (1996) see a marked strengthening of democracy in Argentina and cite a number of positive developments within military as well to socialize cadets in as civilian sectors. Similarly, whereas Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan (1996) and Jorge Zaverucha (1994) emphasize the steadfast nature of military influence in post- authoritarian Brazil, Wendy Hunter (1997) contends that military influ- ence in Brazil has eroded in a pronounced fashion since 1985. On Peru, Enrique Obando (1996) asserts that the president has kept, and in some 244 AND MILITARY POWER PRIVILEGE! SUGGESTIONS 245 ON SOURCES instances even tightened, his control over the officer corps. Philip Mauceri (1995) takes an opposing view. What accounts Sometimes ples? for the divergent viewpoints represented it is simply a matter of emphasis, that chooses to present the glass as half empty or half more rally full. is, by these exam- whether an author Some authors are natu- positive and optimistic, stressing the progress achieved and the promise the future holds. Others tend toward pessimism and underscore what remains to be done. Other times, conceptual distinctions account for the different views is among analysts. For example, compare Latin American to if the yardstick for measuring progress militaries with their counterparts in advanced Western democracies, the assessment of Latin American militaries' willingness to accept civilian authority tends to be fairly pessimistic. If the analyst judges progress by looking where it was on more how far the military has come compared with the eve of the transition to civilian rule, a the decline of military is at power and accommodation to the view new that focuses rules of the on game likely to emerge. But beyond this, much of what shapes analysts' views are the specific empirical factors taken into account, which in turn are partly determined by the sources that inform their scholarship. The empirical indicators of military power that an author chooses to examine greatly influence the conclusions reached about whether the military remains a weighty political actor or not. One of the more common ways of evaluating military power and privilege is to look at formal institutional prerogatives. Some examples of prerogatives that politically interventionist militaries possess include the right to intervene in events that threaten "law and order" and to command troops that act in the capacity of police, to participate in the cabinet, to play an active role in civilian intelligence, to head state enterprises, and to coordinate the defense sector with limited civilian input. The institutional prerogatives approach is exempli- work of Alfred Stepan (1988), Jorge Zaverucha (1993, 1994), and Felipe Agüero (1995). The premise that guides such works is that laws consti- fied in the tute an important basis of military conduct and that the focus of civilian reforms should be to remove the military's legal prerogatives. In extreme form, a focus on formal prerogatives implies that because officers enjoy given prerogatives, they actually use them. But just as the existence of laws calling for military subordination to civilians does not guarantee such a stance, the presence of for- mal prerogatives does not necessarily lead the military Conducting research for the approach prerogatives is not overly difficult. legal provisions, It that focuses to intervene politically. on formal institutional entails looking at constitutions which are generally and other fairly accessible. Certainly, these are important factors that influence the power and reach of the military. Even legal preconditions do not make more probable same time, this is if translate automatically into related conduct, they by legitimizing them. At the If Latin America's armed forces frequently certain military behaviors not the full story. 246 used ent. WENDY HUNTER all of their legal rights, the civil-military balance would look quite differ- An exclusive focus on formal prerogatives tends to overstate the real most Latin America's militaries and the changes that have taken place within them since democratization. A more refined view demands attenstrength of tion to additional indicators. This entails gathering material that is less easy to locate but not entirely out of reach even for those unable to undertake field research and interviews. In any case, bibliographers can certainly help direct researchers in the additional directions suggested below. Militaries do not always employ the ample (in many cases) formal rights they have. In the aftermath of authoritarian rule, officers in more ican militaries seek a return to cern is armed that the some Latin Amer- strictly professional activities. Their con- forces' ability to carry out traditional defense missions when officers were occupied with the responsibilities of government and many troops were oriented toward quelling domestic strife. Furthermore, some leaders fear that the military's reputation among the suffered during the period would be unduly tarnished if the organization continued to emphasize issues of domestic content. The officer corps could indeed "overplay their cards" by saber rattling and constant intervention in matters outside their own public corporate sphere, possibly resulting in a diminution of their political and eco- nomic resources. Hence, it is mal provisions. necessary to look Ideally, at actual military conduct in addition to for- such an examination would include conduct across a broad array of issue areas. Military belligerence vis-à-vis civilian decision making on explicitly political, social, or economic issues is doubtless more detrimental to democracy than military domination in the defense sector, nar- rowly defined. What kind of sources detail military behavior, especially in interaction with the civilian world? For me, major daily newspapers (such as the Jornal do Brasil and the Folha de São Paulo) have been vital sources because they report a broad range of military behavior, for example, military lobbying in Congress on matters ranging from labor laws to defense expenditures. Very few journal articles or books cast as wide a net as daily newspapers in this respect. Dailies frequently publish useful play-by-play accounts of political processes and negotiations. For example, when major legislation newspaper reports often name the is under consideration in the Congress, who political actors are trying to influence the process, provide details about their goals and tactics, and assess their degree of success. In comparing the legislation as law, many such and the factors initially proposed with the eventual accounts identify the turning points in the legislative process amendments. These kinds of reports provide many significant arenas of military conduct, even if that led to certain an indispensable entry into interviews need to be conducted in Order to fill in remaining gaps. Both the Brazilian Chamber and Senate have clipping archives organized by topic. This is a gold mine for researchers fortunate enough to go to the field. MILITARY POWER AND PRIVILEGE: SUGGESTIONS ON SOURCES 247 would find convenient access to microfilm versions of major enormously helpful. A full sequence of dates is often necessary to understand a complex political issue or process. In this connection, Brazil's major dailies sometimes present detailed accounts, accompanied The less fortunate Latin American dailies by graphic presentations, of the various stages of complicated negotiations. The microfilming of major daily Latin American newspapers is one of the most important projects U.S. librarians could undertake in support of political sci- ence research. Another item of tremendous use in understanding military lobbying, espe- cially vis-à-vis the defense sector, are the complete public transcripts of open hearings before congressional committees involving senior military officers. During these hearings, officers provide justification and rationale for the bud- and the legislation they support. gets they request I imagine cult to obtain copies of these transcripts without actually Nevertheless, it is it would be diffi- going to the Congress. worth trying to obtain them for those researchers interested in civil-military interactions, especially in matters pertaining to legislation. To gather information about military actions regarding specific issue areas, especially when they do not relate directly to defense or where military interference is somewhat questionable politically, I have found it extraordinarily helpful to visit individual On NGOs that specialize in the particular issue area. such matters, going to military sources seldom yields the wealth or quality of information that results from direct contact with NGOs. For example, the Centro Ecuménico de Documentação e Informação (CEDI) in São Paulo specializes in indigenous peoples in the Amazon. The CEDI archives contain an enormous amount of important information about military activities in the Amazon, an area of vital strategic importance to the organization historically. CEDI also publishes magazines, such as Tempo e Presença, that frequently include coverage of the military. Similarly, the Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT) is an but also to NGO that specializes in labor issues, primarily in the rural some extent in the urban sphere. For my research, I sector was able to locate invaluable information about the military's attempt to influence peasant and worker movements during the dictatorship and beyond. Using these kinds of sources to examine the military's tends to reveal the pragmatic face of the institution and its outward behavior ability to adapt to changing domestic and international circumstances, namely, the emergence of a climate in both spheres that is less accepting of authoritarian solutions to problems, such as military force, than in the past. Whereas an exclusive look at formal prerogatives suggests a high degree of continuity with the past, indicators and sources that provide an eye into the institution's conduct reveal con- siderable change. Another topic of interest inition. status How do and place to scholars is the military's identity officers regard the military institution in society and in the state and role def- and profession? What do they accord themselves? What do 248 WENDY HUNTER they see as the proper mission(s) of their institution? For the sake of democracy and civilian rule, the identity that the officer corps embrace and the missions they seek to carry out should revolve largely around issues as strictly related to external defense as possible. Especially given the pervasiveness of the military's political intervention in Latin enmesh America's past, identities military personnel in non-military policy arenas ating a less politically bode autonomous military or increasing and tasks that less well for cre- subordination to its civilian authority. To some extent, the armed forces' identity and the roles they regard as appropriate or even honorable can be gleaned through fuller insight their public actions. Yet, can be gained by examining military writings and oral presenta- tions that speak directly to these issues. Military journals, while varying con- siderably in quality, can reveal important information about how the officer corps view themselves and their institution. Examples of such journals for Brazil include an army publication, A Defesa Nacional, and Segurança e Desenvolvimento, published by the Escola Superior da Guerra. Both journals feature articles on issues related strictly to defense eign threats, military techniques and training, etc.) as ues and goals of officers, state, how and what they see as the A content analysis weapons systems, forwell as others on the val- (e.g., they regard their contribution to society and the limits of their would show what competence and legitimate reach. issues the forces choose to write about, reflecting their evolving role over time. Another document of interest to analysts of the military are the proceed- American Militaries, a meeting held every few years in a different Latin American location and attended by representatives of most militaries in the region. The conference has devoted considerable attenings of the Conference of Latin tion to such topics as military missions, the nature of military involvement in drug interdiction, threats to regional security, and tary's association with Military Web human sites, human rights and the mili- rights abuses. authored by the military's public relations organ, also provide important insight into the content of the identity and role definition of the three branches. These sites sometimes function in the recruitment of cadets and soldiers. For example, the Brazilian army's Web site emphasizes the tution's historical role in delivering health services to rural populations. site also insti1 The underscores the contemporary role of the army in the provision of basic vaccines, preventing and controlling epidemics, and in AIDS prevention and treatment. This coverage suggests that the army continues to view civic action as an important contribution to the Brazilian public. to citizens as well as to potential recruits is grounds. The army's appeal based in no small part on such Web sites of other militaries (e.g., the Peruvian and Bolivian) also fea- ture health services and other aspects of civic action and national building, such as the construction of roads and other infrastructure. What we can infer is that the militaries in these countries do not intend to confine themselves to a MILITARY POWER AND 249 ON SOURCES PRIVILEGE! SUGGESTIONS purely external defense role but rather to aspire to act in the domestic sphere, as they have done historically. Another aspect of military identity image the ethnic or racial is that the institution tries to project, evident in the public relations material displayed in military Web sites. Officers and soldiers of color are frequently featured, reflecting the institution's historic claim to be one of the few institutions that truly represent "the nation" as a whole. Discrimination based on color and class, a pervasive taries — phenomenon at least rhetorically traditionally America, in Latin —claim exception from. is something most mili- Indeed, the military has men been one of the few avenues of social mobility for young without financial means. While in most Latin American countries an officership no longer holds the social prestige it once did, for poor youth, often of indigenous or African origin, the military remains a worthy career, especially in rural areas. While the new Here military's public relations theme of identification and a broad range of social classes military Web sites feature to gain formulated to win support from the broader public. recruits, they are also as well, the messages are designed partly — solidarity with ethnic diversity especially popular sectors —emerges. and Several poor people, often of color, as the recipients of the military's largesse. Strategies that the organization uses to gain and keep sup- port in the interior include the provision of literacy and health services, as well as infrastructure construction projects related to sanitation to markets. This support is sometimes aspired attraction of competitors to the military's to in and enhanced access an effort to decrease the monopoly of force, such as guerrilla organizations operating in the countryside. In short, the nation-building, nation- including aspects of military identity appear to have persisted strongly into the contemporary period. Yet some aspects of military identity have undergone change. To shed light on how the Brazilian military's identity and composition have changed over time, a source published by the Fundação Getúlio Vargas (1984), Dicionário Histórico-Biográfico, is informative. of major public figures in Brazil since 1930. It titled contains short biographies One interesting detail I discovered while examining the biographies concerns the individual's progressive con- finement to the military sphere. Whereas many leading officers in the first sixty or so years of this century alternated between holding political office (e.g., member of Congress) and military positions (e.g., commander), now show more exclusive dedication to the military profession. This shift had important consequences for military identity and how the organization governor or they has influences civilian politics. Related to the issue of military identity are the internal norms that have governed the institution. Some of these have important consequences for norms and socialarea in which to gain the organization behaves toward the external world. Internal ization practices are arguably the most difficult how 250 WENDY HUNTER knowledge without firsthand contact with the institution. Most analysts suspect that this is where Latin American militaries have changed the least. While prag- matism may dictate a moderation in the military's public behavior, what happens on the inside of the institution is far less subject to scrutiny. It is true that the military in many Latin American countries remains a virtual "black box," outside the privy of most researchers. Yet sometimes there are public clues as to what is taking place within. Military speeches are one source of these clues. For example, as part of a broader effort to reshape the institution in more compatible with democracy and human contemporary leadership of the Argentine army has rights, the resocialize cadets away from the ways the observance of civil liberties and historical tried to norm and practice of carrying out all orders without question. Until recently, military personnel were instructed to obey commanders without condition. Yet under the requirement and/or pretext of "obeying orders," military personnel have committed heinous acts, including violating the human mencement speeches comarmy commander importance of reserving some rights of the civilian population. In a series of army academy at the in recent years, Martin Balza has instructed cadets about the judgement and of carrying out only those orders limits." He has made fellow Argentines more that fall within "constitutional quite clear that actions that violate the human rights of outside of these limits. While other internal practices fall in line with the military's undemocratic past undoubtedly continue, the leadership's admonition to cadets nevertheless represents a significant break with precedent. The major military journals in Argentina along with the Argentine press entire have covered commencement this new development extensively, speech. Finally, a discussion of military attitudes mention of often publishing the civilian attitudes toward the would be incomplete without military. Key civilian actors through- out the region have accepted and even called for military intervention time and time again, lending greater legitimacy to praetorian actions. — A quest for greater on the part of the middle and upper classes has frequently motivated endorsements of expanded military involvement. Public opinion surveys often include questions about the armed forces, social and political stability — lending insight into why especially officers have the degree of influence they do. One such survey, Latinobarómetro asks respondents to rate their endorsement of , the military relative to other institutions and government entities (Congress, the presidency, the church, etc.) and to state whether they want the military to have more (or less) influence. 2 The survey also assesses the relative importance of various goals, including greater "law and order" and crime control. correlation exists between wanting the military ority people place on social quiescence sistently rates the military as (certainly to A positive have more power and the pri- and control. In Brazil, the public con- one of the most trustworthy institutions in society above the Congress). Greater "law and order" repeatedly emerges as a high priority. These results suggest that the stability and extensiveness of MILITARY POWER AND PRIVILEGE: SUGGESTIONS ON SOURCES democracy rest not 251 only on reforming the military but also on better civilian governance and other changes on the civilian side as well. The more varied the empirical focus of the researcher, the more complex, nuanced, and accurate the picture the researcher can present of the military. Taking into account not only legal rights but also actual conduct and attitudes is essential. But to arrive at such a picture, analysts need to the usual secondary sources. have found useful in budgets, and time are for their own I my own finite, move well beyond have suggested some of the documents that I research on the Brazilian military. Since space, may bibliographers libraries. Nevertheless, librarians not want to order these items can still be of great value in informing researchers about these sources and directing them to the archives and places where they are found. NOTES 1. See http://www.exercito.gov.br/revista and http:/www.eme.eb.mil.br/campanha/saude/ aids3.htm. 2. See, for example, Latinobarómetro 1995. BIBLIOGRAPHY Agüero, Felipe. 1995. Soldiers, Civilians and Democracy: Post-Franco Spain in Com- parative Perspective. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Fitch, J. Samuel. 1998. The Ideology, Armed Forces and Democracy in Latin America: Context, and Institutions. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Fundação Getúlio Vargas. Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação. 1984. Dicionário Histórico-Biográfico Brasileiro, 1930-1983. Rio de Janeiro: Editora ForenseUniversitária. Hunter, Wendy. 1997. Eroding Military Influence: Politicians against Soldiers. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Latinobarómetro 1995: Datos Preliminares. 1995. Institute for Social Linz, Juan J., Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, Research, Survey Research Center. and Alfred Stepan. 1996. Problems of Democratic Transition and Conand Post-Communist Europe. solidation: Southern Europe, South America, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. McSherry, J. Patrice. 1997. Argentina. Incomplete Transition: Military Power and Democracy in New York: St. Martin's Press. Mauceri, Philip. 1995. "State Reform, Coalitions, and the Neoliberal Autogolpe in Peru." Latin American Research Review 30 (1), 7-37. Obando, Enrique. 1996. "Fujimori and the Military." Report on the Americas (North American Congress on Latin America, New York) 30 (July-August). Pion-Berlin, David. 1997. Through Corridors of Power: Institutions Relations in Argentina. College Park: Potash, Robert A. 1996. The dizi's The Pennsylvania Army and Politics in and Civil-Military State University Press. Argentina, 1962-1973: From Fron- Fall to the Peronist Restoration. Stanford: Stanford University Press. WENDY HUNTER 252 Stepan, Alfred. 1988. Rethinking Military Politics: Brazil and the Southern Cone. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Zaverucha, Jorge. 1993. "The Degree of Military Political Autonomy during the Spanish, Argentine, and Brazilian Transitions." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, 283-299. . 1994. Ática. Rumor de Sabres: Tutela Militar ou Controle Civil? São Paulo: Editora 23. Searching for Historical Record: Maroons in the New Approaches Jane Landers Having completed a regional study on black slaves who ran southward from the Anglo colonies to become vecinos in Spanish Florida, I am now working on a new project on maroons who established hidden settlements colonies from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries. in the Spanish 1 This research up small scraps of evidence that must then be patched together to try to form whole patterns. It is analogous in many ways to restoring a fractured artifact whose scattered shards must be painstakingly excavated, examined, and manipulated repeatedly to requires examining vast determine how they fit amounts of material together. In to turn some places documentary record — Suriname for example, — filled, and recon- structing the early colonial past, especially that of people of color, is made more there are gaps in the difficult. But in many areas that can never be of the former Spanish empire rich deposits of black was once thought, that because many people of African descent were enslaved and many were illiterate, they had no history. Spanish bureaucrats created an extensive documentary record of the history still wait to be mined. It is certainly not true, as Africans living throughout their empire, capturing moments of their lives in censuses, military rosters, civil and criminal proceedings, land grants, and cor- respondence. And sionary effort among while the Catholic Church never attempted a major misAfricans as convert those Africans it did among Native Americans, who lived in Spanish towns maroon or in it did try to settlements on the fringe of Spanish settlement. In the process the church generated the oldest extant records on Africans in the Americas — some of dating to the mid-six- teenth century. 2 Catholic baptismal, marriage, and burial registers record not only the name, race, and legal status of the individuals presenting themselves but also their African "nations." In rare cases they Africa. As required by Catholic ritual, may also give birthplaces in African couples chose marriage sponsors and parents chose godparents for their baptized children. These practices enable scholars to reconstitute family and fictive kin networks among some populations. Scholars can also use these serial church records to explore a range of important questions, including mortality and fertility rates, genation and naming patterns, and even rates of manumissions. 253 3 misce- — 254 JANE LANDERS Spanish records are somewhat more limited on life in the palenques, manieles, mocambos, and cumbes as fugitive slave communities were vari- ously called. Contemporary observers did not always appreciate or record what they saw there, but the accounts of priests sent among the cimarrones, and even those of military opponents, can offer useful clues about the physical layout, demographics, and civil, religious, and military leadership of the communities, on subsistence patterns and trade networks with Europeans, Indians, and other Africans, free and enslaved. When unconquerable palenques were legitimated, a new level of documentation was generated through town charters, parish registers, militia records, notarial accounts, and many of the same materials available for other Spanish towns. In most as well as scattered information cases these rich sources have yet to be worked. 4 Most important, perhaps, own generated their is the fact that both free and enslaved Africans historical record in Spanish colonies. Depending on their individual histories, Africans were sometimes literate in several languages and, just as indigenous groups did, they quickly learned and adapted to the Spanish They wrote petitions and correspondence to royal officials and to the king, made proclamations of fealty, initiated legal suits and property transactions, and left wills. Their verbatim testimonies also come to us through civil legal culture. and criminal proceedings, which Spanish notaries recorded and read back sworn witnesses for The evidence verification, alteration, or is there, then, but it amendment. to the 5 requires determination, creativity, and eventually intimate familiarity with the historical communities to unearth not to mention inordinate amounts of time. gather the data for It took me more it than a decade to my dissertation and transform the data into a monograph on black Florida but the lessons learned in that effort should facilitate the current project. I began nial history, the worked little there my research in 1984 in the premiere archive of Spanish colo- Archivo General de Indias (AGI) know, the AGI As those who have and I came to find that in Seville. guides vary in usefulness, bibliographic attention has been given in Spain to the issues that most interested me. Most references to Africans were under the general heading esclavos or esclavitud with an inordinate amount of attention to slave licenses, contractors, and the economy of the slave selves. Still, one has and began work intrigued to to trade, but little to the slaves begin somewhere, and so I them- pursued the obvious clues At some point I became Indiferente General and sidetracked from the oft- worked slave trade records. by the record group titled my carefully planned tour through the Papeles Procedentes de Cuba to explore. In this collection of miscellany I lucked upon a legajo which contained a var- ied assortment of protests and petitions directed to the Spanish mats from England, Denmark, Holland, and France — all Crown by diplo- complaining about Spain's policy of granting religious sanctuary to fugitive slaves from non- Catholic areas. These reports documented slaves from Curacao escaping to Venezuela, slaves from Jamaica escaping to Puerto Rico, and slaves from the SEARCHING FOR MAROONS IN 255 THE HISTORICAL RECORD Anglo colonies of North America escaping to Spanish Florida. This serendipitous find was exciting, but because of the elite nature of the documents, the maroons I wanted to know about were not really much in evidence. The records with an occasional refdescribed the runaway slaves by name, age, and value erence to their manner of escape. More satisfying for me were the ground-level documents I subsequently — worked in the East Florida Papers, the ernment in Florida from 1784 to 1821. complete archive of the Spanish gov- The East Florida Papers are held in the Library of Congress but microfilm copies are available in Florida and else- worked these records and others in the wonderful special collections of the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History at the University of Florida. Dedicated archivists from that library have been acquiring microfilm copies of historical records from Spanish and Spanish American archives related to Florida and the Caribbean for decades now and have built a truly exceptional collection. Finally, I was able to get closer to the runaways' perspectives and to begin to piece together their life histories. As I completed my book and began to think about my current project, I am guided by the new questions and new where. I approaches of scholars in historical archaeology, African history, and gender studies in particular. At the University of Florida archaeologist Kathleen Deagan on had the good fortune I to collaborate with the investigation of Gracia Real de Santa Teresa de Mose, an eighteenth-century town established by fugitive slaves whom the Spaniards granted sanctuary in Florida. for the project, As the historical researcher returned to the AGI to gather information that I gan 's archaeologists during two seasons of excavations found tory I I needed to consider much more at that site. had been studying. Questions Deagan asked to research included: the its construction, trade in and may have damaged the demographic profile and ethnicities of the residents of more. The AGI collections provided much which was also They captured the Mose, and of this information but the Spanish Florida parish registers, also available on microfilm in critically important. I me out of the settlement, natural and military catastrophes that site, Suddenly, carefully the material culture of the his- physical layout of the settlement, materials used in the would guide Dea- many locations, were also great ethnic and racial diversity at true of the Spanish colony in general. Among "nations" specifically identified for the original population at Mose, the African Mose were the Mandinga, Fara, and Arará. Subsequent immigrants further diversified the group, incorporating Congo, Carabali (Calabari), and Mina to the mix. In the larger community of St. Augustine were also found Gambas, Sambas, Gangas, Laras, and priests some persons identified only as Guineans. Florida's governors complained about the "bad customs" and bozales but also left "spiritual and backwardness" of the us documented records of cultural and religious practices and languages of newly introduced Africans that are not often available uments generated in Protestant areas. 6 in doc- 256 JANE LANDERS My work with archaeologists sent me tracking more mapas y planos than I had before and made am now me pay attention to details San Luis de Talimali mission ship which went down of Africans, which however little I sites as often as possible historical archaeological projects such as site in Florida and the Henrietta Marie slave off the coast of Cuba. Historical archaeology ial life had previously ignored. an archaeology groupie, so to speak, visiting and consulting on a number of varied the I is is offering important new insights into the mater- not frequently treated in the documentary record, has been done on Hispanic areas of settlement. The high costs of fieldwork and the level of technical support required mean that most of this work has been conducted in the British Caribbean and in the United States. Given their own lengthy and specialized training, few archaeologists can devote time to instruction in paleography and foreign languages. Working in English-speaking areas obviates that difficulty but most of the archaeology projects have so far focused on enslaved populations, reinforcing unintentionally the popular notion that black history is slave history. Among the most well known archaeological projects are excavations of the slave quarters of the var- ious plantations of presidents Washington, Jefferson, and Jackson in Virginia and Tennessee, a low-country South Carolina and Georgia series of projects in plantations, plantation slave villages and burial grounds in Jamaica and Barba- New York City. Attempts by archaeolothe Great Dismal Swamp and in Jamaica dos, and the African burial grounds in gists to locate maroon settlements in have been unsuccessful although some basic archaeological recovery work has been done at Black Seminole sites in north central Florida and in the Domini7 at the Maniel José Leta. Through such material items as pottery, pipes, baskets, and iron implements; architectural features and spatial patterning; plant and faunal remains; skeletal evidence from bones and teeth, some of which are filed or mutilated; grave goods; and items of seemingly socio-religious significance such as beads (63 percent of which are blue), buttons, pierced or broken coins, gaming pieces, and amulets, to name a few, archaeologists attempt to "recover meaning" and can Republic posit African origins and American While such finds cultural adaptations. 8 are exciting, the notable archaeologist of sub-Saharan Africa, Merrick Posnansky, has urged colleagues working on African the Americas, and historians as well, to reject the fallacy of a culture and to pay more attention African histories sites in common African and temporal developments in while searching for ethnic and cultural connections. While to the regional archaeologists have found treasures in the "hidey holes" under slave cabin floors, Posnansky reminds us of the importance of outside activities in many African cultures and urges more attention be paid to courtyards, the spaces adjoining houses, and to craft production areas, where important ideotechnic finds might be made. Finally, stitution, innovation, Posnansky argues that recycling, functional sub- and adaptation are constants in West African material SEARCHING FOR MAROONS IN 257 THE HISTORICAL RECORD production and that searching for exact duplication of African patterns and techniques in the Americas is a fool's game. 9 African historians and archaeologists are often frustrated by scholars of who fail to pay sufficient attention to historical developand who generalize about African American ethnicity and cul- the African diaspora ments in Africa ture without sufficient background training in African history I Having no formal have devoted myself to trying to remedy and have been fortunate failings in their African origins. to have been included in a my own group of interna- working on the UNESCO Tracking the Slave Route Project. By work following the of colleagues in that group, including scholars like Paul Lovejoy, Joseph Miller, Robin Law, David Eltis, and David Richardson, I am slowly getting up to speed on issues such as the transformations of the Atlantic slave trade over time, the dynastic wars which destabilized Kongo and Angola and sent the unfortunate losers into the slave trade, the religious jihads which tional scholars did the same, and a host of interesting cultural issues that affect the study of the Africans I With study on this side of the Atlantic. this new awareness, for the last several summers I have been searching for maroons in the national archives of Cuba, Ecuador, and and in Mexico church archives of Cuba and the Dominican Republic where maroon- age in the Americas began. The earliest Spanish record on maroons in the Americas Spanish is found Crown Governor Nicolás de Ovando 's 1503 complaint to the slave runaways could not be recovered from Indian hide- in that outs in the mountains of Hispaniola. 10 By 1519 the Taino Indian chief Enriquillo had transformed acts of individual flight into an organized resis- tance movement by Indian rebels and escaped slaves. Although Enriquillo eventually accepted Spanish offers of reward and reconciliation, black run- aways fought on through the 1540s what the Spaniards called the "maroon wars." By the mid-sixteenth century an estimated 7,000 maroons inhabited settlements scattered across the island, and at the close of the century the free in 11 population of the island, including Europeans, free mestizos, and mulattoes, numbered only 2,000, while the enslaved population stood around 20,000. The same demographic profile characterized other sixteenth-century Spanish settlements. 12 Spaniards thus faced similar challenges throughout the circum-Caribbean. They complained that cimarrones raided Spanish settlements and enticed or stole away other slaves and carried on contraband trade with corsairs and with Spain's enemies. The fugitive communities also challenged Spanish notions of civilized living, as well as the desired racial and social order, but repeated military efforts to eradicate these palenques were, cessful. 13 If more often than not, unsuc- they were repeatedly unsuccessful, Spaniards used church inter- mediaries to negotiate peace and "reduce" the communities to legitimate towns. The policy of reducción was initially used to congregate indigenous populations into "human polity," meaning into Christian settlements modeled after 258 JANE LANDERS Spanish towns, "with streets and plazas." The new became in the model ous archives I for later free black have learned towns and Christian Indian towns my searches through vari- to look at materials often archived ing indios or fundaciones de pueblos. 14 Because such towns, under the headlike Mose, were considered settlements of "new (read dubious) Christians," missionary priests resided tial among them, and they were often the same priests who had made ini- overtures and attempted to reduce the maroons. Stipends and support for such missionary outreach were often recorded in hacienda treasury accounts, being charged either against tribute records or government accounts. Churchmen and military commanders alike pumped up their c.v.'s with accounts of their méritos y servicios in reducing maroons and their accounts are invaluable for my work, if military campaigns against unabashedly self-serving. In 1662, them failed, the attempted to persuade 600 families mountainous southern coast still after repeated Archbishop of Santo Domingo gathered into four palenques along the be "reduced." The Baoruco maroons had to already ignored a previous offer and rejected this overture as well, ing that they did not believe the self-sufficient life comment- word of Spaniards. The maroons were and apparently felt no pressure to living a compromise. According to the Archbishop's report, they produced corn in abundance and a variety of unnamed livestock. The women panned for gold in the rivers, and their economy supported purchases of clothing, drink, and other items in the capital of Santo Domingo, including iron and steel from which the crops and were also raising men fabricated arrows and short, broad swords. 15 Four years after the Archbishop's visit the Spaniards launched a series of near fatal attacks against the Baoruco settlements but scattered maroon communities persisted well into the eighteenth century. Surface collection and shal- low excavations at José Leta, an early-eighteenth-century maroon settlement in eastern Hispaniola, confirm economy and life at some of the Archbishop's observations about such camps. Researchers found numerous bones indicating that inhabitants subsisted largely on wild pigs, although grew garden crops and gathered wild honey. The it is presumed they site also also yielded seventeen copper bracelets, metal arrowtips, incised clay pipes, and a variety of iron and lance points. Iron slag deposits are evidence that the runaways were manufacturing the objects on this site as the Archbishop said they did at Baoruco. 16 In nearby caves explorers have also found metal objects, including tongs daggers, clay water jugs, and tritón shell trumpets which they identify to be the work of African runaways. 17 Recently, Dominican archaeologist Manuel Garcia Arévalo has assembled an important new collection of pots made by African runaways and retrieved from water-filled caves near the Santo Domingo airThese rather crude hand-built and low-fired vessels incorporate indigenous elements in decorative patterns and are examples of a specific type of pottery designated colonoware, a pottery spatially defined by being found in port. areas where blacks and Indians coexisted. The identification of such wares has SEARCHING FOR MAROONS prompted scholars 259 THE HISTORICAL RECORD IN to revisit collections search of African production. once identified as purely Indian in 18 In the 1690s a Spanish priest kept a journal of his trek to the palenque of from Cartagena and of his efforts to peacefully reduce its inhabitants. As Father Zapata approached the settlement he was met by Matudere 's war captain, Pedro Mina, out on patrol with a squad of eight to ten men Matudere interior whose faces were decorated with red and white paints. The priest noted that the Minas controlled the camp's forty-odd guns, while the criollos used lances, bows, and arrows. He thought the distribution indicated the criollos' preference for such weapons, but it might be more reasonable to assume that the settlement's most able warriors merited the best weaponry. At later festivities the priest again stressed the exoticism (read backwardness) of the Minas whom he described celebrating with their "customary dances." In contrast, he referred to the creóles as "domestic" and was impressed that they had built an "adequate" church which contained "paper images" (presumably Christian ones since he no objections). 19 According to Governor Martin de Cevallos, who eventually destroyed stated Matudere, African shamans (whom he called brujos or witches), using "dia- bolic artifacts and inventions" including "poisoned arrowheads and cords and other demonic ideas," had assured the cimarrones they were invincible. This means in that Catholicism and some form of African religious practice coexisted Matudere and residents may have participated they did in Spanish cities. in both simultaneously, just as Later testimony identified Matudere 's shaman as Antonio, the escaped slave of Juan Peña. Residents of Matudere apparently regarded Antonio as a holy man, kissed his hand to show their respect, and obeyed him kidnap the in everything, including his order to women from nearby haciendas to be their wives. Antonio had told his followers that they need not fear the Spaniards because he had a cloth would set afire full of powder which he and make the attackers disappear. Emboldened by natural assurance, only a month after Father Zapata's visit, warriors against them, appropriated their weapons, and sent the To in a cloth back to the settle the hysteria, the from men sent out commander's testicles Matudere ambushed and defeated a Spanish force of some wrapped this super- sixty governor in Cartagena. 20 governor himself led the retaliatory expedition on the patron saint of the Spanish Reconquest, Santiago or James (known variously as Matamoros, Mataindios, or it would seem Matanegros, depending on the enemy), the Spaniards launched a spectacular night raid. As if on cue, a lightning bolt hit the house in which the cimarrones had stored their arms and munitions and blew it up. Spaniards and Africans alike may have read that event as a sign of divine intervention and the light of against Matudere. Calling the fires helped the Spaniards track the scattering maroons. 21 In the debacle Spanish troops finally caught Criollo and his wife, Juana Padilla, who claimed Domingo Padilla or Domingo to have founded Matudere in 260 JANE LANDERS 1681. Domingo called himself Captain, but Juana had adopted the Spanish Virreina. This choice of rank title, may have made a political statement as only Mexico (New Spain) and Peru then rated Viceroys and Colombia's (New Granada) highest Spanish official was only a governor. It should be noted that although Spaniards described Domingo, who Domingo as criollo was born also lived at the Matudere, cimarrones described as muy and ladino, his viejos or very old might also have of direct knowledge about African cultures. father, in Angola. Other of the been sources 22 Matudere was composed of about 250 members, more than 100 of were either African-born or born identified to African-born parents. Among whom the Africans by nation were twenty-eight Minas, nineteen Ararás, ten Congos, nine Luangos, five Angolas, three Popos, three Yolofes, two Caravalies, one Bran, one Goyo, and at least one Biafara. 23 selors concluded their interrogations Once the governor and his coun- and declared the captives guilty, they hung and quartered thirteen of Matudere 's defenders, including Domingo body Padilla, example and terror to others of this class." The Virreina, Juana, who was then approximately sixty years old, received 200 lashes and exile, as did many othand posted ers, their mutilated and the sick, parts along the country roadsides "as an very old, or very young captives received 100 lashes each before their owners were allowed to post bond and recover them. Before finishing with Juana, Governor Martin de Cev alios brought an artist to the jail to paint the Virreina's portrait, "for the novelty," but he caustically remarked that the man had really was. favored her by making her appear more clean and tidy than she 24 Nearby Venezuela rich gold deposits led Venezuela's governors repeat- in edly to attempt a settlement at Nirgua, but Indians fiercely resisted Spanish encroachment and four towns failed. Since Spanish homesteaders seemed unable to do the job, in 1601 Governor Arias Vaca designated blacks and zam- bos (persons of mixed African and Indian heritage) as conquistadors, with the accompanying perquisites. When whites began to move into Nirgua in the eigh- teenth century, the black descendants of its founders appealed directly to the which he did. 25 The records of Nirgua's town council or cabildo members date from 1628 through 1799 and its documentary history also includes correspondence between town leaders and Venezuelan King to uphold authorities, their privileges, Venezuelan authorities and the Crown, Royal Cédulas, a Bishop's pastoral visitation, and traveler accounts. 26 A surviving drawing of an eighteenth-century Venezuelan palenque called Ocoyta accompanies the military reports of its destruction and is yet another form of evidence to be tapped. Ocoyta was destroyed shortly after it was formed, but it had already developed central leadership over multiple sites and an administrative hierarchy. The drawing of Ocoyta's layout shows at the center the house of the leader, Guillermo Ribas, of the Mina nation, his wife, and their three sons, one of whom was born at the settlement. Surrounding this SEARCHING FOR MAROONS IN THE HISTORICAL RECORD 261 house, in a semicircle, were the houses of Guillermo's officials including his Mina named Francisco. Only the latter was married, to María Valentina de Rada, a free zamba (a person of African and Indian parentage). The outermost semicircle of eleven houses housed the remaining residents, including two other women, one of executioner, lieutenant, messenger, and aide, also a whom also had three sons. 27 With rare exceptions, women have remained largely invisible in the literature on maroons. 28 Their virtual absence is due in part to the traditional male bias in history, and in part to the difficulty of the sources for women's history in general — particularly in more remote time periods. The historical women is also due in great part to the real sexual imbalance in the communities. More men than women became runaways. As other scholars have noted, women were often restrained from flight by maternal or fam29 When women did run from slavery, they faced the same ily obligations. neglect of maroon dangers encountered by their male counterparts. They had to evade surveil- unknown terrain, and brave animals and lance systems and pursuers, navigate sometimes hostile Indian groups European control. Ethnohistorians the important role of Indian few have yet recognized similar roles. that to explore on the frontier, but African and African American women played as cultural mediators 30 documentary and legal maroon communities over includes wide swaths of what records remote from and archaeologists have begun women In conclusion, the Spanish to study to find a safe refuge in areas is traditions offer us ways a broad temporal and geographic range that today the United States. we can begin to tease out details From the rich Spanish about the variety of the enslaved expe- riences of specific historical actors in specific historical contexts, about their how they helped restructure African and African Amerand networks free of slavery. Employing the new methodologies forms of resistance, and ican families of historical archaeology, African history, and gender studies will also help scholars advance the study of cultural adaptation and creolization and the for- mation of distinct African American communities in the Spanish Americas. NOTES 1. Jane Landers, Black Society in Spanish Florida (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2. Because 1999). it affected his conversion efforts, the Jesuit attention to the bewildering array of ethnicities tered in seventeenth-century Cartagena, detailing guages. Alonso de Sandoval, 3. Un in the he minis- intelligible lan- how they can be used, see Landers, Black Hall, Africans in Colonial Louisiana: The Development of Eighteenth Century (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1992), and Kimberly S. Hanger, New Orleans, 1769-1803 whom tratado sobre la esclavitud (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1987). Gwendolyn Midlo Afro-Creole Culture to which groups spoke mutually For examples of the variety of records and Society. See also Alonso de Sandoval paid particular and languages of the Africans Bounded Lives, Bounded Places: Free Black (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997). Society in Colonial : 262 JANE LANDERS 4. Records generated by other European powers on "notorious" African maroons or rebels occasionally add to the historical record of Africans in areas of Spanish settlement. Landers, Black Society, chaps. 1-3. 5. Spanish concepts of buen gobierno or just government extended access to groups often excluded by other systems, including Northern New Spain, women and slaves. See Charles Cutter, The Legal Culture of 1700-1810 (Albuquerque: University of indigenous use of Spanish law, see Susan Kellogg, Law and the New Mexico Press, 1994). On Transformation of Aztec Culture, 1500-1 700 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995). For examples of African use of Spanish law, see Landers, lators, just as Black Society. If Africans could not speak Spanish, court officials used trans- they did for non-Spanish-speaking witnesses of other ethnicities. This added new layers of linguistic filters, but was, nonetheless, may have an effort to understand and record the voice of Africans. Spanish interrogatories even include idiomatic answers to formal questions. 6. In 1744 Father Francisco Xavier Arturo baptized deathbed, with the trine. Two Congo years comment later, on separate occasions, Father Arturo gave the Congo slave, Francisco, conditional baptisms because a priest in his Domingo, a Carabali slave, on his that his "crudeness" prevented his understanding of Christian doc- homeland and taught to pray in his slave, Miguel, and the each told the priest he had been baptized by own language. As Miguel was baptized, he blessed himself in that unidentified language. In 1748 Father Arturo gave the same conditional bap- tism to Miguel Domingo, also a Congo slave who had been baptized in Africa and continued to pray in his native language. Baptism of Domingo, December 10, 1744, Catholic Parish Records, Diocese of St. Augustine Catholic Center, Jacksonville, Florida (hereafter cited as CPR), on micro- Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida PKY); Baptism of Miguel, September 29, 1746, and of Francisco, October 14, Baptism of Miguel Domingo, January 26, 1748, ibid. film reel 284 F, P.K. (hereafter cited as 1746, ibid.; 7. Many of the U.S. sites are discussed in Theresa A. Singleton, ed., "/, Too, Am America" Archaeological Studies of African-American Life (Charlottesville and London: University Press of Virginia, 1999), and in her earlier book, The Archaeology of Slavery and Plantation Life (Orlando, FL: Academic Press, 1985). Douglas V. Armstrong, The Old Village and the Great House: Archaeological and Historical Examination of Drax Hall Plantation, St. An Ann's Bay, Jamaica (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); Jerome S. Handler and Frederick W. Lange, Plantation Slavery in Barbados: An Archaeological and Historical Investigation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978); Jerome S. Handler, Goods: "An African-Type Healer/Diviner and His Grave A Burial from a Plantation Slave Cemetery in Barbados, West Indies," International Jour- nal of Historical Archaeology 1 (1997), 89-128; Larry McKee, "Summary Report on the 1991 Her- mitage Field Quarter Excavation," Tennessean Anthropological Association Newsletter 18 (1993), 1-17. For periodic updates on # 1 ter , New York's African burial ground, see Jerome S. Handler, "Updates and 4," African-American Archeology (Spring 1992, Spring 1993, Winter 1993, and Win1994), and Spencer P. M. Harrington, "Bones and Bureaucrats: New York's Great Cemetery 2, 3, Imbroglio," Archaeology 46 (1993), 28-38. 8. Leland Ferguson, Uncommon Ground: Archaeology and Early African America, 1650-1800 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1992); Linda France Stine, Melanie A. Cabak, and Mark D. Groover, "Blue Beads as African-American Cultural Symbols," Historical Archaeology 30 (1996), 49-75; Jerome S. Handler, "Determining African Birth from Skeletal A Note on Tooth Mutilation," Historical Archaeology 28 (1994), 113-119; Ross W. Jamieson, "Material Culture and Social Death: African-American Burial Practices," Historical Remains: Archaeology 29 (1995), 39-58. 9. Merrick Posnansky, "West Africanist Reflections on African- American Archaeology," in Singleton, "I,Too, Am America," 21-38. Christopher DeCorse, "Culture Contact, Continuity, and Change on the Gold Coast, A.D. 1400-1900," African Archaeological Review 10(1992), 163-196, and "The Danes on the Gold Coast: Culture Change and the European Presence," African Archaeological Review 11 (1993), 149-173. .. SEARCHING FOR MAROONS IN Royal Cédula Replying 10. 263 THE HISTORICAL RECORD to Governor Nicolás de Ovando, March 29, 1503, Indiferente General, Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain (hereafter cited as AGI); Slave Codes, Santo Domingo (hereafter cited as SD), January 6, 1522, Patronato 295, 1 1 AGI. Carlos Esteban Deive, Los guerrilleros negros: esclavos fugitivos y cimarrones en Santo Domingo (Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1989), pp. 31-54; Santo Domingo en los Manuscritos de Juan Bautista Muñoz, ed. Roberto Marte (Santo Domingo: Ediciones Fun- dación García Arévalo, 1981), pp. 359-360, 412-415. 12. In 1553 Viceroy Luis de Velasco estimated New Spain's black population at more than numM. Davidson, "Negro 20,000. Despite Velasco 's recommendation to limit slave imports, blacks were estimated to ber ten times the white population by the early seventeenth century (David Slave Control and Resistance in Colonial Mexico, 1519-1650," Hispanic American Historical Review 66 [1966], 235-253). Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán also noted the preponderance of blacks over whites (Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, La población negra de México, 1519-1810 [Mexico, DF: Ediciones Fuente Cultural, 1946], pp. 208-213). 13. Richard Price, ed., Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas (Balti- more: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979). 14. in the Declaration of Emperor Charles, 1538, cited in Lyle N. McAlister, Spain New World, 1492-1700 15. Carlos Larrazábal Blanco, Los negros y la esclavitud en Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: Editorial Postigo, 1975), pp. 151-153. maroons of Hispaniola, Colombia, and Mexico more Americas," in Paul E. Lovejoy, the African and Portugal (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), p. 172. ed., Identifying I Domingo (Santo have discussed the fully in "African Ethnicity and Culture in the Enslaved Africans: The "Nigerian" Hinterland and Diaspora (London: Cassell Publishing, forthcoming). 16. In nearby caves explorers have also found metal daggers, clay water jugs, and tritón which they identify to be the work of African runaways (José Juan Arrom and Manuel A. García Arévalo, Cimarrón [Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: Fundación Garcíashell trumpets Arévalo, 1986], pp. 48-55). 17. Ibid. 18. Interview, mon Ground, Manuel García Arévalo, Santo Domingo, August, 1996. Ferguson, Uncom- pp. 18-32, 109-116, and "Looking for the 'Afro' in Colono-Indian Pottery," in Robert L. Schuyler, Baywood, 1979), ed., Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity pp. 14-28. Also see Ferguson, '"The Cross in America (Farmingdale, NJ: Is a Magic Sign': Marks on Eighteenth-Century Bowls from South Carolina," and Matthew C. Emerson, "African Inspirations in a New World Art and Artifact: Decorated Pipes from the Chesapeake," in Singleton, "/, Too, Am America," 41-14. 19. Father Fernando Zapata to Governor Martín de Cevallos, April 21, 1693, Santa Fe 213, AGI. 20. Report of shows that ritual decapitation temporary " Governor Martin de Cevallos, Dahomey 'My Head Belongs May 29, 1693, Santa Fe 213, AGI. Robin Law and castration of enemies were important features of warfare until leaders forbade the practices late in the eighteenth century. to the King': On the Political in con- Robin Law, and Ritual Significance of Decapitation in Pre- Colonial Dahomey," Journal of African History 30 (1989), 399^115. 21 Report of Martin de Cevallos, May 29, him. Henry John Drewel, John Pemberton and Thought (New York: Center 22. Ibid. III, bolts to strike and Rowland Abiodun, Nine Centuries ofAfrican Art for African Art in Association with Harry N. The community was reproducing camp, including three orphans Oyo king who down enemies angered 1693, Santa Fe 213, AGI. The deposed Shango allegedly became an orisha who used lightning itself for there whom families had adopted. Abrams, 1989). were thirty-four children in the 264 JANE LANDERS Mina escaped 23. Pedro in capture and ruled the Matudere survivors for two 1695 Mina too was apprehended at the more years, but palenque of Norossi. Report of Sancho Ximeno, Sep- tember 22, 1695, Santa Fe 212, AGI. 24. Cevallos said that he Antonio Ortiz de Talora, May hung the portrait in the governor's mansion. Martín de Cevallos to 29, 1693, Santa Fe 213, AGI. and 1696 the Spaniards legitimated four additional towns combining Africans 25. In 1695 and Indians along the Tocuyo River. Miguel Acosta Saignes, Vida de Hermanos (Valencia: Vadell Richard Konetzke, ed., Colección de documentos para Hispanoamérica (Madrid, 1953), 26. los esclavos en Venezuela Editores, 1984), pp. 260-266; Royal Cédula, la historia March 7, 1704, cited in de la formación social de p. 94. Irma Marina Mendoza, "El cabildo de Pardos en Nirgua: Siglos XVII y XVIII," Anuario de Estudios Bolivarianos 4 (1995), 95-120. 27. Saignes, Vida de los esclavos, pp. 297-307. 28. The essays included in Richard Price's classic collection contain only scattered referwomen living in maroon settlements {Maroon Societies). Two subsequent works by ences to the Barbara Bush and Hilary Beckles discuss maroon by the nature of their sources or ual runaways and did not aspire free in nearby towns {Slave no to join Women in Caribbean but are limited Bush contends that "most slaves were individmaroon communities," arguing that most tried to pass for Caribbean Society, 1650-1838 [Kingston: Heinman Pub- Women in McD. real frontier experience to discuss for Black in the British their area of study. 63-65). Hilary lishers, 1990], pp. women Beckles considers this strategy Barbados {Natural Rebels: Barbados [New Brunswick: Rutgers University A urban maroonage but has Social History of Enslaved Press, 1989], pp. 164-170). 29. Ibid. 30. Clara Sue Kidwell, "Indian Women as Cultural Mediators," Ethnohistory 39:2 (Spring, 1992), 97-107; Kathryn E. Holland Braund, "Guardians of Tradition and Women's Roles in (Summer Indian Quarterly New "Maroon Women the Spanish Women of Color forthcoming). Handmaidens to Change: Creek Economic and Social Life During the Eighteenth Century," American 1990), 239-257; Bonnie E. McEwan, "The Archaeology of Women in World," Historical Archaeology 25:4 (1991), 33-41. Also see Jane Landers, in Spanish in the America," in David Barry Gaspar and Darlene C. Hine, eds., Free Slave Societies of the Americas (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Unintended Outcomes: William Walker and the Emergence of Nicaraguan Nationalism 24. Emily Story The dramatic and complex story of William Walker's short life (he died at the age of thirty-four) sheds light on the contemporary cultural environments of both Central America and the United States. Walker's military excursions into Mexico and Central America were made possible by internal forces that left the newly independent republics vulnerable to outside invasion. At the same time internal conditions in the United States brought about the phenomenon of filibustering which peaked in the mid-nineteenth century. Because filibustering connoted piracy to contemporaries, Walker and his fellow adventurers resented the term since they perceived themselves as honorable patriots. Today the term filibusterers refers to the group of men from the United States, mostly Southerners, who in the 1850s mobilized armed troops to invade nations with which their government was at peace. While the U.S. government officially condemned filibustering, it did little to put an end to the practice. Walker was the most famous of the filibusterers and for a brief time captured the imagination of his fellow countrymen. The eruption of civil war in the United States brought an end to filibustering and virtually erased it from the popular memory. The story also lost importance since Walker's several dogged (some would say suicidal) attempts to establish himself as president of all of Central America ultimately failed. It is a story that prompts one to explore "what if" scenarios, but little actually changed. Since the histories of Central America and the United States could have set off on a new course but did not, the filibuster movement has received only a smattering of attention from scholars. While doing research for a paper on the impact of the Walker episode on Nicaragua's social and political development, I made several trips to the Ten- nessee State Library and Archives to explore Walker's personal background. Unfortunately, there in Nashville in 1824 is little to information about his early State Archives did not yield published biographies. record Mary's maiden phies. I I life. He was born James, his Scottish father, and his wife, Mary. The much information not already included in did discover that in the Davidson County marriage name is spelled slightly differently than in the biogra- have not determined which version 265 is correct. 1 Records were not 266 EMILY STORY systematically kept during Walker's time in Nashville. state capital in 1826 and its The city became the population in 1823, the year before Walker's birth, mere 3,463. 2 Walker's father was a merchant and the family lived in the city. He had ample opportunities for education and traveled extensively. Unlike most of Middle Tennessee's population, the family did not work in was a Walkers owned agriculture, but the at least one slave. From an early age, how- Walker apparently disapproved of slavery and thought it was morally wrong. Walker graduated from the University of Nashville at the age of fourteen. The State Archives now hold the university's records on microfilm. ever, While there his name on information about Walker's time is little the list of the class of 1838 is at the university, beside penciled the notation "The cele- brated Filibuster (sic) of Nicaragua. Killed in ." . . what appears to read, incor- 3 "Managua." At the University of Nashville students received classical education with a heavy emphasis on morality. The university inculcated in the future leaders of Nashville and the surrounding area a sense of duty to extend and protect liberty and democracy. Walker's parents wanted the small introspective boy to enter the ministry, but he chose medicine instead. In Nashville he worked for a local doctor, then went to the University of Pennsylvania where he received an M.D. degree in 1843. A medical school classmate and fellow Tennessean, John Berrien Lindsley, kept a scrapbook (now held at the State Archives on microfilm) which includes U.S. newspaper clippings. Several other Middle Tennesseans' personal papers mention Walker and are included in the Archives collection. Former governor (1849-1851) and ambassador to Brazil (1853-1857) William Trousdale collected clippings and mentioned Walker in his personal correspondence. John Sumner Russwurm of Murfreesboro also collected newspaper clippings chronicling Walker's activities. After Walker graduated from medical school his parents funded a two-year stay in Europe for further medical training and travel. Although Walker supposedly spoke a number of European lanrectly, guages, he never mastered Spanish. study law and then failed. Unsatisfied moved to Upon his return to Nashville, he decided to New Orleans to set up a practice which soon with both the medical and legal professions, Walker decided hand at journalism. In 1848 he edited the New Orleans Crescent. New Orleans was a major point of departure for filibustering campaigns, and it was to try his there that Walker came into contact with the adventurous southern youths were undertaking armed excursions to Cuba. Though he would become the most famous of the group, Walker wrote a number of practice of filibustering. ery. 4 He articles later issue a answer soldiers is that from the U.S. South American army. the why President Walker decree that reinstituted slavery in Nicaragua. The probable he reinstituted slavery only 5 condemning also argued passionately for the abolition of slav- His youthful stance on slavery leads one to question would who to fight on after it became clear that he needed his behalf against the united Central 267 WILLIAM WALKER AND THE EMERGENCE OF NICARAGUAN NATIONALISM In New Orleans Walker apparently named Helen Walker left Martin. New When fell madly in love with a deaf-mute Martin died of yellow fever or cholera in 1849, Orleans to join the flood of adventurous young men converg- San Francisco Walker continued to work as a journalist, editing the Daily Herald and stirring up controversy by writing a scathing criticism of a powerful local judge. When the judge jailed Walker for ing on California in search of gold. In contempt thousands of people protested in front of the courthouse, giving Walker his first taste of fame and public adulation. After a brief stint as a lawyer Walker began making acquaintances with men involved in filibustering. The boy described as gentle began showing an interest in fighting: Walker fought San Francisco which demonstrated his poor skills with firearms. 6 In leading filibustering excursions Walker found his true passion and his restlessness came to an end. For the last decade of his life he single-mindedly pur- two duels in sued his dream of creating and ruling a tral The richest America are new country. local source of information about Walker's activities in the papers of newspaper editor John P. Heiss, who Cen- served as Walker's informal ambassador to the United States during his brief presidency. from U.S. papers, the collection includes clippings from Nicaraguan papers which he acquired during several visits there. 7 The U.S. papers document how the national debate over filibustering varied geoIn addition to clippings graphically. The Tennessee Historical Magazine published excerpts from the Heiss papers in interest in Walker, its 1916 issue. 8 a number of During an apparent surge in William Scroggs's authoritative biography Filibusters and Financiers was published (1916). In 1915 the Tennessee Historical Magazine published Heiss 's diplomatic correspondence as well as an interview with Elleanore Callaghan Ratterman who traveled to Nicaragua with several bers of her family and slaves during Walker's there. mem- war with the intention of settling 9 Why did filibustering attract the support of Walker change his position many Americans? Why did on slavery so radically? To answer such questions one must consider the U.S. context. Filibustering came about as a result of cul- work in the United States in the mid-nineteenth century. Several factors led many young men to advocate the expansion of the borders of the United States. In the 1840s and 1850s, the Young America movement instilled in young men a nationalistic zeal to extend the superior U.S. tural and political forces institutions to at "backward" neighboring regions. 10 Since had been continuously extending its territory. its inception, the nation Upon reaching the Pacific Ocean, proponents of further expansion looked southward to the newly independent Latin American republics which, as the Mexican- American War demonstrated, Many Americans resented European were vulnerable activity in the to outside intervention. hemisphere and believed it was their "Manifest Destiny" to intro- duce the superior institutions of the of former the case of Cuba, current) Spanish colonies. Proponents of (or, in United States to the less civilized peoples 268 EMILY STORY expansion used the Monroe Doctrine to assert the right of the United States to actively involve itself in the affairs of other American In 1837, the year before Walker's graduation, a states. man by the name of Philip Lindsley addressed the student body. His speech illustrates the tone of instruction at the University of Nashville which helped shape William Walker's views. Lindsley emphasized the importance of education as a defender of justice and liberty. Referring to Latin America, which he perceived as a less educated region, Lindsley said, "Spanish —but the Walker took such statements to heart. There is evidence type of thinking in Walker's The War in Nicaragua and in descriptions people are not free." of this America had become independent 11 of him by contemporaries and scholars. Walker firmly believed that he had the right, indeed the duty, to bring the blessings of U.S. institutions to Latin America. Walker appears to have been motivated by a genuine belief that his fili- would ultimately benefit the people of Latin America. Undoubtedly, Walker was driven by the desire for personal power. He believed strongly that it was his destiny to create a new republic in Central America. Those who followed him to Nicaragua to fight on his behalf had different motivations and probably did not know the details of his plans. While support for filibustering could be found throughout the United States, it held more appeal in the South. The opposing points of view are illustrated by the newspaper clippings in the State Archives. Because of the potential for additional slave states, Northern papers tended to take a more negative view of filibustering than their Southern counterparts. The bulk of Walker's troops came from the South. Many were veterans of the Mexican- American War who sought adventure and glory in battle. In the 1850s the South was a highly traditional society: duels were commonplace and many held a romantic view of the honor which could be achieved through bravery in battle. Walker lured soldiers with promises of land grants in exchange for their services. Land ownership conferred a great deal of prestige in the South, and for many young men fighting in Central America provided the best chance to acquire personal wealth and respectability. Walker's need to attract new troops likely led to his decision to reinstitute slavery, which had been abolished in 1824. In the United States internal tensions surrounding slavery had been mounting for some time. To counter the bustering expeditions addition of non-slave states to the union many Southerners advocated annexing regions in Latin America as slave states. Walker's about-face on slavery, there- was a desperate political move intended to drum up support for his cause. While some useful archival material can be found in Nashville, there are other repositories of material on the Walker episode. Tulane University's Fassoux Collection and the University of California, Riverside hold the most extensive archives documenting William Walker's activities. The University of Tennessee at Knoxville's General Lee Christmas and President William Walker Collection reportedly contains a number of personal papers and clippings. The fore, . WILLIAM WALKER AND THE EMERGENCE OF NICARAGUAN NATIONALISM story of William Walker has have acquired and, in a attracted the attention of 269 amateur collectors who number of cases, published important materials such as El Nicaragüense, Walker's English-language newspaper. NOTES Davidson County, Tennessee, Marriage Record Book 1. I, January 2, 1789, to December 13, 1837. Catalogue of the Officers and Graduates of the University of Nashville (Nashville: A. 2. Nelson, 1850). 3. University of Nashville records, Tennessee State Library and Archives, microfilm. 4. William O. Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers: The Story of William Walker and His (New York: Macmillan, 1916), pp. 15-17. Associates 5. Robert E. May, The Southern Dream of a Caribbean Empire: 1854-1864 (Baton Rouge, 1973), p. 4. 6. John M. Bass, William Walker (Nashville: Tennessee Historical Society, 1898), 7. John 8. Tennessee Historical Society, Tennessee Historical Magazine II (1), 9. Tennessee Historical Society, Tennessee Historical Magazine I (1), R Heiss papers, Tennessee State Library and Archives, microfilm. 1916. 1915. 10. May, Southern Dream, 1 1 Philip Lindsley, Speech on Behalf of the University of Nashville Delivered the Anniversary p. 2. Commencement p. 20. (Nashville: S. Nye and Co., 1837). on the Day of 25. Dual Identities? The Andean Gentry in Peru and Alto Peru, 1533-1826 Rafael E. Tarrago The Andean Gentry under the Hapsburgs (1533-1700) Contrary to popular wisdom, the indigenous ruling class in the areas of the Americas conquered and by the Spaniards was not destroyed at the time of the Spanish Conquest of America. The "señores naturales," as the native rulers were called, survived throughout the three hundred years that the Spanish Crown ruled in continental Spanish America as subordinate elites who acted as intermediaries between Crown and people. In many ways their position within the Spanish monarchy was analogous to that of Cossak and Tartar hetsettled 1 men in the Polish Commonwealth during the seventeenth century. It is not unimportant that the kings of Spain saw themselves in America as the successors of the vanquished native rulers. This tories under the Inca was particularly the case in the terri- time of the Spanish Conquest. 2 Under the Spanish at the Hapsburgs, the immense territory comprising modern-day Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and northern Chile was themselves "Hispaniorum et known Kingdoms of Peru. By as the Indianorum Rex," the monarchs of many styling that dynasty The acknowledged the separate identity of the discussion in this paper limited to the core areas of the vanquished Inca Empire is —present-day Peru and Bolivia—which peoples under their rule. the Spaniards called Peru and Alto Peru. Although the Andean gentry accepted the sovereignty of the Spanish Crown after the execution of Tupac Amaru I in 1572, they did not claims on Spanish law, but on their rights under the Inca. 3 base their They may have accepted the fact of the Spanish Conquest, but in their eyes the political ties did not deprive them of their identity as this respect, their position patriciate who saw no was members of an Andean reali- nation. In similar to that of the contemporary Milanese conflict between French) ruler and their identity as their acceptance of a Italians. The Andean Spanish (or chieftains, known as kurakas, saw themselves as natural rulers born with rights and responsibilities to the people chieftaincies under their by rule. Although the elevation of pliable upstarts local Spanish authorities (here to appropriate to recall that in meant white and not necessarily born in behavior of many kurakas themselves, weakened the terminology of the times, Spanish Spain), and the self-serving it is 270 1 THE ANDEAN GENTRY bond between the IN 27 PERU AND ALTO PERU chieftains and commoners in the power contenders within sented a group of Andean region, they repre- the Universal Monarchy of the Spanish Hapsburgs. The Kurakas and the Catholic Church The Christianization of the New World was one way that the Spanish monarchy justified its rule in the Americas, and it is undeniable that the Spanish monarchs promoted and supported the the Kingdoms of the activities of Catholic missionaries in American realms). 4 Christian- Indies (as they called their ization required that missionaries learn the languages of the indigenous peoples and that indigenous catechists tury, the missionaries in be trained. For some time in the sixteenth cen- Spanish America even contemplated the creation of a native clergy. Educational institutions for the training of sons of Andean kurakas were established with that purpose in mind. Although an indigenous clergy never materialized (partly because of the discovery that the conversions of many prominent ies would consider indigenous people were not what the European missionar- Law II, title 23, of the stipulated the royal will of their foundation in the of the Indies. Laws of the major late of the which Kingdoms 1500s saw a revival of pre-Christian religions in the Andes, followed by a repressive campaign to extirpate century saw the development of a sort of it cities Indies, 5 Although the cretic, were sincere), colleges for the sons of the indigenous gentry founded, in accordance with was nonetheless recognizable Andean Catholicism. Perhaps as Catholic to the religious authorities. Catholic missionaries set great store just like their forebears in and syn- political on the conversion of kurakas, to the conversion of pagan Europe had with respect kings like the Frank Clóvis and the Hungarian the Christian kurakas, idolatry, the seventeenth Geza (Saint Stephen). 6 One of don Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti, wrote a history of the made claims of a pre-Hispanic Andean peoples by Saint Thomas the Apostle. 7 Inca Empire where he evangelization of the The Andean Gentry and Andean Culture under the Spanish Monarchy Although colleges for sons of kurakas tutions, they nonetheless fostered may have been Hispanizing insti- an educated indigenous gentry that rose above the indigenous masses. Some members of the Andean gentry wrote tories of their people and their own his- versions of the Spanish Conquest. Others wrote or gave patronage to poetry and drama in their native languages, using the Latin alphabet introduced in the The best cilaso de la known of the Americas by the Spanish conquerors. Andean gentry's chroniclers is the mestizo Gar- Vega Inca, son of a Spanish conqueror and a royal Inca princess and them to see his work published. His Comentarios reales de los the only one of RAFAEL 272 Incas (an idealized history of the Inca Empire) was published 1609, and his Historia general del Perú (a history of the at E. TARRAGO Lisbon in Spanish Conquest) Córdoba in 1617. In 1908 Richard Pietschman discovered the manuscript of don Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala's El primer nueva coránica y buen gobierno at the Royal Library of Copenhagen, and since then it has attracted the attention of scholars and ideologues. But Garcilaso and Guarnan Poma were only two of several Andean indigenous and mestizo chroniclers. The history of the Inca Empire by don Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti was men- was published at tioned above. Titu Cusi Yupanqui, reigning Inca in exile in Vilcabamba, dictated in Quechua a Relación de la conquista del Perú} In her essay, La apropiación del signo (Tempe, 1985), Raquel Chang-Rodriguez analyzes the manipulation of the written word by these Andean chroniclers. According to Chang-Rodriguez, the manipulation of the past was a tradition in the Inca Empire, which explains the open and disarming omission or exaltation of facts by the indigenous and mestizo chroniclers of Peru. 9 some indigenous peoples in Spanish America ancestors and transliterated hymns and narratives After the Spanish Conquest, wrote the myths of their using the Latin alphabet introduced by their conquerors. In sixteenth-century Peru, the informers of Viceroy Francisco de Toledo (1515-1582) compiled the Ritos y tradiciones de Huarochiri, and Cristóbal de Molina wrote recorded Quechua (Relación de las fábulas y ritos de los Incas). The pre-Hispanic oral literature of the Quechua was intrinsically religious and short speeches in which were proscribed survived with the name of God, the linked to the songs and dances of pre-Christian after the Spanish Conquest, but Virgin Mary, or some much of saint substituted for the the early seventeenth century, a religious Peru, praising the Virgin as the themes of Peru, new after the human it guilt Supreme and the rites, name of the being Quechua involved. By Christian poetry appeared in Protectress of Humankind and embracing littleness of humans before God. 10 In Alto poetical forms in Quechua, like the yaravi and the wayñu, developed Conquest. 11 Plays had been part of Quechua religious life under the Inca and court (where noblemen played histrionic roles like Louis at his XIV of France would do centuries later). After the Spanish Conquest, religious pagan plays were forbidden by the Spanish conquerors, but Christian plays in Quechua were written and promoted by Catholic missionaries. The Andean gentry that became Kingdoms of Peru cultivated poetry in Quechua and patronized a post-Conquest Quechua drama. In the introduction to his anthology of Quechua plays of the seventeenth century, the critic Teodoro Meneses says that the Quechua plays of the seventeenth century were the best 12 Most pieces of dramatic literature produced in Peru during that century. Quechua drama, like Atau Walpaj P' uchukakuyninpa Wankan (a play about the integrated in the hierarchies of the capture and execution of Atahualpa by Francisco Pizarro, with an unhistorical finale where Pizarro is humbled by the King of Spain for killing a king and then a THE ANDEAN GENTRY dies in a fit IN 273 PERU AND ALTO PERU of rage), are transliterations of plays that originated in a post-Con- quest oral tradition. But many plays were written in Quechua, like Uscar Pern- ear (1644/1645), by don Vasco de Contreras y Valverde; El pobre más rico (1645-1685), by Dr. Gabriel Centeno de Osma; and El hijo pródigo (1643) and El rapto de Proserpina (1644), by don Juan Espinosa Medrano. Don Juan Espinosa Medrano (1629-1688) was the son of a Spaniard and an indigenous woman but was adopted when he was seven years old by a priest surnamed Espinosa Medrano, who sent him to school and who took him to Cuzco in 1637. In Cuzco the young mestizo entered the seminary of Saint Anthony the Abbot, benefiting from one of the scholarships for indigenous men funded by Bishop Antonio de la Raya, and he received holy orders in 1650. Espinosa Medrano wrote sacramental plays (autos sacramentales) in Quechua to be performed in public squares during religious festivities (particularly the feast of Corpus Christi). However, it was not as a playwright that he was admired by his contemporaries, but as a preacher. His contemporaries called him "Doctor Sublime," "Fénix Criollo," "Demóstenes Indiano," and "Tertuliano de América." An anthology of his sermons was published in Spain by Dr. Agustín Cortez de la Cruz, who titled it Novena Maravilla because he considered Espinosa Medrano 's oratorial gifts one of the marvels of the world 13 (after the seven of the Ancient World and the palace of El Escorial in Spain). Today Espinosa Medrano is best known for his Apologético en favor de don Luis de Góngora (Lima, 1662), a defense of the poetic style and the literary greatness of that Spanish author. In his Apologético, Espinosa Medrano quotes 130 authors, Cervantes, thus revealing his erudition in Western culture. from Homer to It is said that he could read French, Portuguese, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin and that he translated Virgil into writing, Quechua. 14 He embraced Spanish culturalism in his sermons and his and he became a thomistic philosopher. An Andean mestizo from Cuzco, he was fascinated by ideas and languages that originated in Europe and Asia, but he was not ashamed of his Andean origin. An anecdote, mentioned by D. A. Brading in his book The First America (Cambridge, 1991), has him pausing in the midst of a sermon in the Cathedral of make way for that poor Indian woman: she his Philosophia Thomistica, published at claims to be proud of Peru, his fatherland. is my Rome Cuzco to exclaim, "Ladies, mother." 15 In the preface to in 1688, Espinosa Medrano 16 Andean region during the sixteenth century, and the cities of Potosí and Cuzco produced accomplished artists in all the fine arts. Ironically, it was in oil painting medium completely unknown in the region before the Spanish Conquest that Andeans proved themselves most accomplished. There were many indigenous European artistic media and styles were introduced in the — artists in Virgin Alto Peru, including Titu Yupanqui Mary known Luis Niño. 17 as — — sculptor of the statue of the Our Lady of Copacabana —and In Cuzco, the roster of indigenous artists the celebrated painter is a long one. Notable 274 RAFAEL E. TARRAGO indigenous Cuzco painters of the seventeenth century were Diego Kusiwaman, Diego Walpa, Fernando Among Inca, Juan Tupa, Cuzco the indigenous Manco Mayta, Simón Inca, and the celebrated Diego Quispe and Alfonso Nina. In Bartolomé Arzáns de Orsúa's chronicle of Potosí, Cuzco's indigenous painter mentioned with praise, The indigenous els Tomás Sairi Tupac is "Second Apelles." 19 of Cuzco divorced themselves from European mod- and Potosí 's Luis Niño artists were Juan painters of the eighteenth century 18 Tito. by accentuating symbolic design over is called a naturalistic image. This is most dent in the various depictions of the Virgin Mary, where her bell-shaped evi- gown meet the needs of Andean devotions. Spanrepeatedly that Andeans worshiped the Earth as their mother, takes a mountain form, perhaps to ish sources state and, indeed, worship of the earth was the most persistent of Andean rituals. The known of those "mountain" representations of the Virgin Mary is "The Virgin Mary of the Mountain Potosiama," an eighteenth-century anonymous best painting where the face and hands of the Virgin are actually within the conical shape of the mountain of Potosí. In front of Virgin/Mountain there this is a globe painted with an image of Potosí flanked by a pope and a cardinal on one side and by the king-emperor Charles the other. 20 In Cuzco, I and a member of the Andean gentry on members of the Andean gentry commissioned portraits of themselves and of the Inca emperors, as well as religious paintings for their parish churches and for private devotion. 21 The Andean Gentry under the Bourbons (1700-1826): Change, Revolt, and Dissolution Hapsburg died without issue, leaving the Crown of Spain and the Kingdoms of the Indies to his grandnephew, Philip of Anjou, grandson of the French king Louis XIV. The accession of the House of BourIn 1700 Charles bon to the Hispanic French centralist II realm was momentous because that dynasty brought a mind set, as well as a well-known reformist zeal. In Spanish America, reforms were needed, particularly in the Andean kingdoms, where most of the indigenous population suffered from corruption and venality. The situation undermined the position of the Andean gentry, who lost face before their people when they could not act as protectors. Vicente Morachimo, kuraka of the Chimo y Chica, near the city of Lam- bayeque, wrote a protest against abuses by local corregidores and parish priests which was read by the king in 1732, Representación to the king at and Fray Calixto Tupac Inca presented a Madrid in 1750. 22 But the Crown was slow correct abuses against the indigenous population at a time concerned about political when and economic reforms. Actually, it it to was more was royal Andes in 1780. native Andean peoples of attempts to raise revenue that sparked rebellion in the Over a hundred times from 1720 to 1790, the Peru and Alto Peru rose up in violence. As early as 1742, a self-proclaimed Inca descendant, Juan Santos, led disaffected jungle peoples and highlander THE ANDEAN GENTRY IN 275 PERU AND ALTO PERU migrants. But none of those movements compared to the major civil war that engulfed southern Peru and Bolivia from 1780 to 1782, led by the wealthy member of the Andean gentry don José Gabriel Condorcanqui and his associates Tomás Katari and Julián Apasa. Don José Gabriel took the name of Tupac Amaru, the Amaru I), last reigning Inca (indeed, he descended from the Inca Tupac and attempted to restore the ancient dynasty. 23 Revolts broke out in By December of 1780, the comby Tomás Katari and Tupac Amaru II trans- the core of the central sierra and swept south. bined insurrectionary forces led formed the political landscape The Tupac Amaru of southern Peru and Alto Peru. 24 rebellion began as a protest against the exactions of cor- new taxes prompted by the desire of the Bourbon monarchs to turn the Kingdoms of the Indies into profitable colonies. The loyalty manifested by the rebels for Church and Crown was remarkable. Their loyalty to the Church was even greater than their loyalty to the Crown, perhaps because it was among regidores and the curates that the rebels found their closest sympathizers in Creole circles. The Cuzco was accused of encouraging the rebellion of Tupac Amaru suggests that the attitude of the Church was not strongly damnatory of it, and, indeed, Tupac Amaru himself insisted that he did not intend to damage the Church. 25 The movement lost Creole support, however, as it became a struggle to restore native Andean glory, and its excesses had the fact that the Creole bishop of unintended effect of hardening the social fears of whites and fostering a strong Creole tendency toward royalism in Peru and Alto Peru. Tupac Amaru The II and his main square of Cuzco with terror-inspiring cruelty, just like in the Place Royale of Paris, where a man who had tried to kill King Louis XV of France was executed before the avid eyes of the crowd in that enlightened European city. It is commonly known that after the rebellion of Tupac Amaru II, royal authorities confiscated copies of Garcilaso de la Vega Inca's Comentarios reales, destroyed portraits of the Inca emperors, forbade kurakas and other members of the Andean gentry to use insignia reminiscent of the Inca, and deauthorized the concession by royal officers in Peru of nobility titles to Andean gentry. But it is not so well known that in 1784, the Spanish monarchy passed reformist legislation that it implemented in response to the Tupac Amaru II rebellion. 26 Plans for social reform in the Andean kingdoms had been on the drawing boards at Madrid since the scientists Antonio de Ulloa and Jorge Juan visited them in 1735 and wrote Noticias secretas in 1749 for the King of Spain. 27 It was a pity that the Spanish Bourbons gave precedence to their revenue-enhancing and centralizing reforms. Furthermore, despite real royal followers were defeated. efforts, the leaders of the rebellion were executed in the implementation of the reforms of 1784 was not a great success because government officers charged with the task were paid ridiculously low salaries which forced them to make ends meet by doing favors at the cost of not doing justice or implementing good government. In 1814 there was another rebellion in Peru led by a member of the Andean gentry, the kuraka Pumacahua. 276 RAFAEL E. TARRAGO Given the persistence of grievances against the Spanish monarchy and the rebellion of the kuraka Pumacahua as late as 1814, it is puzzling that at the time of the Bolivarian invasions in the 1820, most indigenous peoples and the Andean gentry of Peru and Alto Peru stood by the royalist cause. It is true that which counted with the participation of Peruvian deputies, including don Dionisio Inca Yupanqui, passed legislation favorable to the indigenous peoples of the Kingdoms of the Indies, but perhaps they had come the Cortes of 1812, was due to the obey and imple- to realize that the failure of royal legislation at the local level uncontrolled greed of American-born Spaniards, who failed to ment it, and who were those who controlled economic and social life in the Kingdoms of Peru. 28 An indigenous royalist movement under General Antonio Huachaca and other Andean chiefs did not accept the end of monarchy and the legitimacy of the Republic of Peru until 1839, at Yanallay with the republican government. when they signed a peace treaty 29 NOTES 1. Roberto Chamberlain, "The Concept of the Señor Natural. S. Historical Review 19 (May . . Hispanic American ," 1939), 130-137. 2. John Rowe, "El movimiento nacional Inca del siglo XVIII," Sociedad colonial y sublevaciones populares. Túpac Amaru- 1780 (Lima: Instituto Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo de la Educación "Augusto Salazar Bondy," 1976), p. 21. 3. Ibid., p. 22. 4. Claudio Esteva Fabregat, La Corona española y ciación Francisco 5. López de Gomara, 1989), el indio Fernando Ocaranza, El Imperial Colegio de Indios de la Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco (Mex- Andean region, see Kenneth and Its Enemies: Colonial Andean Religion and Extirpation, 1640-1750 (Princeton: ico, 1934), p. 14. Mills, Idolatry americano (Valencia: Aso- vol. 2, p. 158. For the persistence of non-Catholic beliefs in the Princeton University Press, 1997). 6. Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion: From Paganism to Christianity (New York: Henry Holt, 1998), pp. 102-106, 432-433. 7. See Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti, Relación de antigüedades deste reyno de Pirú, Pierre Duviols and César 8. Itier, eds. (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales, 1993). Cronistas indios y mestizos, Francisco Carrillo, ed. (Lima: Editorial Horizonte, 1991), vol. l,p. 9. 9. Raquel Chang-Rodríguez, La apropiación del signo: tres cronistas (Tempe: Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University, 1985), 10. Edmundo Bendezu indígenas del Perú p. 24. Aybar, Literatura quechua (Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1980), p. xxv. 11. Edgar Avila Echazu, Historia y antología de dad Boliviana, 1978), 12. 1983), p. la literatura boliviana (La Paz: Universi- p. 80. Teatro quechua colonial, antología, Teodoro Meneses, ed. (Lima: Ediciones Edubanco, 8. THE ANDEAN GENTRY 277 PERU AND ALTO PERU IN 13. Antonio Centeno Zela, Lo autóctono y 14. Ibid., p. 75. lo hispano en Espinosa Medrano (Lima, 1988), p. 87. for kurakas Although Espinosa Medrano's erudition was extraordinary, men of the Andean and gentry to write and read and to Hampe of the library of a kuraka in Teodoro own books; it was not rare see the description Martínez, Bibliotecas privadas del mundo colonial (Madrid: Iberoamericana, 1996), pp. 182-184. 15. D. A. Brading, The First America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 341. 16. Juan Espinosa Medrano, Apologético (Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1982), pp. 325-329. 17. See Marcelo Arduz Ruiz, Tito Yupanqui, el venerable Inca modelador de la imagen de Copacabana (La Paz: Imprenta Don Bosco, 1996); Mario Chacón Torres, Arte virreinal en Potosí Escuela de Estudios Hispanoamericanos de Sevilla, 1973), pp. 124-130. (Seville: 18. Teófilo Benavente Velarde, Pintores cusqueños de (Cuzco: Municipalidad de la colonia Cusco, 1995), pp. 17-19. 19. José Orsúa y Vela," Mesa and Teresa in Gisbert, "Noticias de arte en la obra de Bartolomé Arzáns de Bartolomé Arzáns de Orsúa y Vela, Historia de Hanke, ed. (Providence, RJ: Brown University Press, 1965), 20. Carol la Villa vol. 3, pp. Damián, The Virgin of the Andes: Art and Ritual in Imperial de Potosí, Lewis 459-460. Colonial Cuzco (Miami Beach: Granfield Press, 1995), pp. 51-53. 21. See John Howland Rowe, "Colonial Portraits of Inca Nobles," Ancient America. Selected Papers of the The Civilization of in XXI International Congress of Americanists, Sol Tax, ed. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1951), pp. 258-268. 22. Joyce Statton, "The Influence of Sixteenth-Century Missionary Thought on Eighteenth- Century Indian Reformists in Peru," in University of British Columbia Hispanic Studies (London: Tamesis Books Limited, 1974), 23. There is p. 33. a genealogy of descendants of the Inca under the Spanish Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 24. See Steven Resistance, Rebellion Centuries, Steven 25. J. Stern, "The Age of Andean Insurrection, 1742-1782: A Reappraisal," in and Consciousness in the Andes Peasant World, Eighteenth to Twentieth Stern, ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1987), pp. 34-93. George Kubler, F. Reese, ed. "The Quechua in the Colonial World," in George and European Art: The Collected Essays of George Kubler, [selections from] (New Haven: Yale Banco de Iglesia-Antología (Lima: los University Press, 1985), p. 47. See Tupac III," John Fisher, "La rebelión de Tupac Amaru y el programa de Anuario de Estudios Americanos 28 (1971), 405-^-21. 27. See Kenneth J. Amaru y la Andes, 1983). 26. See Carlos John in J. Kubler, Studies in Ancient American Thomas monarchy 1974), p. 507. la reforma imperial de Andrien, "The Noticias Secretas de América and the Construction of a Governing Ideology for the Spanish Empire," Colonial Latin American Review 7:2 (December 1998), 175-192. 28. See Cesáreo de Armellada, cas: La causa indígena americana en las Cortes de Cádiz (Cara- Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 1979); Fisher, "La rebelión de Túpac Amaru," 29. Patrick Husson, p. De 421. la guerra a la rebelión, Huanta, siglo XIX (Cuzco; Lima: Centro de Estudios Regionales Bartolomé de Las Casas; Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, 1992), p. 88. 278 RAFAEL E. TARRAGO SELECT ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY Specialized Bibliographies and Guides Hilton, Sylvia L., and Ignacio González Casanovas. Fuentes manuscritas para la historia de Ibero-América. Guía de instrumentos de investigación. Madrid: Fun- dación MAPFRE América; Instituto Histórico Tavera, 1995. 617p. Excellent guide to guides with a lengthy section on Peru. The Indians of South America: A Bibliography. Thomas DC: Columbus Memorial L. Welch, Library, Organization of comp. Washington, American States, 1987. 599p. This bibliography has an extensive section on the indigenous peoples of Peru and present-day Bolivia. Research Guide to coord, ed. Guide Andean History. Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador and Peru. John J. TePaske, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1981. 346p. to archives in Andean countries. Contains a section on Peru and Bolivia. Primary Sources Chronicles, Accounts, and Documents Colección de documentos para la historia 1493-1810. Richard Konetzke, de la formación social ed. 3 vols. de Hispanoamérica, Madrid: Consejo Superior de Inves- tigaciones Científicas, 1953-1962. This collection, in five tomes, contains hundreds of petitions, decisions, and cédulas related to social issues in Spanish America, including material related to the kurakas under the term caciques. Cronistas indio y mestizos. Francisco Carrillo, ed. 3 vols. Lima: Editorial Horizonte, 1991-1996. Compilation of fragments from chronicles written by indigenous and mestizo authors, including Guarnan Poma de Ayala, Guarnan Poma and Garcilaso de la Vega Inca. primer nueva coránica y buen gobierno. John V. Murra and Rolena Adorno, eds. 3 vols. Mexico: Siglo XXI Editores, S.A., Felipe. El 1980. Definite edition of Guarnan Poma's account and proposal to paper edition of this work was published in King Philip 1987 in the series Historia Juan, Jorge, and Antonio de Ulloa. Noticias secretas de América. Luis J. III. A 16. Ramos Gómez, ed. Madrid: Historia 16, 1991. 778p. Annotated edition of this account written in 1749 by two Spanish had traveled in the Kingdoms of Peru scientists who for several years in the 1730s. Contains an important section on the conditions of the indigenous peoples, including the indigenous gentry. THE ANDEAN GENTRY IN 279 PERU AND ALTO PERU Pachacuti Yamqui, Juan de Santa Cruz. Relación de antigüedades deste reyno del Pirú. Pierre Duviols and Cesar Andinos Bartolomé de las eds. Itier, Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Casas, 1993. 276p. Annotated edition of this account of the history of the Inca monarchy written by a member of the Andean gentry. Includes a facsimile of the original manuscript Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, at the first published in Tres relaciones de antigüedades peruanas (Madrid: Imprenta y Fundición de M. Tello, 1879). Ramírez de Águila, Pedro. Noticias políticas de Indias y relación descriptiva de la CiuJaime Urioste Aran, transcriptos Sucre: Imprenta Univerdad de La Plata. . sitaria, . . 1978. 109p. Chronicle written in the city of La Plata, in present-day Bolivia, in 1639. Has a section on the indigenous people of the area and its gentry. Toledo, Francisco de. Disposiciones gubernamentativas para el virreinato de Perú, 1569-1580. María Justina Sarabia Viejo, transcriptos 2 vols. Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispanoamericanos; Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas; Monte de Piedad y Caja de Ahorros de Sevilla, 1986-1989. Annotated compilation of the laws for the Kingdoms of Peru established under the rule of Viceroy Toledo (1569-1580), preceded Guillermo Lohman Villena. Documentos originales y, en su mayoría, totalmente desconoauténticos, de este apóstol indio. Francisco A. Loayza, ed. Lima: Los Túpak Inka, Fray cidos, by an introduction by Calixto. Pequeños Grandes Libros de Historia Americana, 1948. 145p. Collection of works by an Andean gentleman in the Franciscan 1750, wrote petitions on behalf of the indigenous people of Peru, Order who, in whom he rep- resented at the Court in Madrid. Vega Inca, Garcilaso de la. Comentarios reales de los Incas. César Pacheco Vélez, ed. Lima: Banco de Crédito del Peru, 1985. 518p. Critical edition of Garcilaso de la Vega Inca's account of ancient Peru under his Inca maternal ancestors. This work was 1723. A popular modem edition was first published in 1609, and again in published in Caracas (Biblioteca Ayacu- cho, 1976). . Historia general del Perú. Angel Rosenblat, ed. 3 vols. Buenos Aires: Emecé Editores, 1944. Critical edition of Garcilaso de la by the Spaniards. The first Vega Inca's account of the conquest of Peru edition of this work was published in Córdoba in 1617. Yupanqui, Diego de Castro Tito Cusi Inca. Relación de la conquista del Perú. Horacio H. Urteaga, ed. Lima: Imprenta y Librería Sanmarti y Cia., 1916. 15 lp. Account of the Spanish Conquest by a reigning Inca Vilcabamba. at the neo-Inca state of 280 RAFAEL Sources Related to Tupac Amaru E. TARRAGO II Colección documental del Bicentenário de la revolución emancipadora de Túpac Amaru. Luis Durand Florez, ed. 5 vols. Lima: Comisión Nacional de Bicentenário de la Rebelión de Túpac Amaru, 1980-1982. Exhaustive annotated compilation of documents related to the rebellion of Tupac Amaru II. Condorcanqui, José Gabriel. Genealogía de Túpac Amaru. Francisco A. Loayza, ed. Lima: Los Pequeños Grandes Libros de Historia Americana, 1946. 172p. Testimonial arguing the descent of the kuraka don José Gabriel Condorcanqui from Tupac Amaru I. "Relación histórica de los sucesos de la rebelión de José Gabriel Túpac Amaru en las Provincias del Peru el año de 1780." In Pedro de Angelis, comp., Colección de obras y documentos relativos a de la Plata, VII, pp. la historia antigua y moderna de las Provincias 181-368. Buenos Aires: Plus Ultra, 1969-1972. This account includes letters and documents related to the rebellion of Túpac Amaru. Sahuarauha Titu Atauchi, Rafael José. Estado del Perú, Francisco A. Loayza, ed. Lima: Los Pequeños Grandes Libros de Historia Americana, 1944. 229p. Account written Amaru II. Don in 1780 with relevant data concerning the rebellion of Túpac Rafael José Sahuarauha was a priest, and in this account he defends Cuzco's bishop, don José Manuel Moscoso, from accusations of implication in the Túpac Amaru y Túpac Amaru rebellion. la Iglesia: antología. Lima: Banco de los Andes; EDUBANCO, 1983. 389p. Anthology of mostly unpublished primary sources compiled under the auspices of Cuzco's Comité Arquidiocesano del Bicentenário de Túpac Amaru. La verdad desnuda o Las dos faces de un obispo. Francisco A. Loayza, ed. Lima: Los Pequeños Grandes Libros de Historia Americana, 1943. 277p. Anonymous tract written in 1780 by a self-proclaimed impartial religious, implicating Cuzco's bishop in the rebellion of Túpac Amaru. Literary Works by Andeans under the Spanish Monarchy Espinosa Medrano, Juan de. Apologético. Augusto Tamayo Vargas, Blanco Varela, trans. Caracas: Biblioteca ed., and Rafael Ayacucho, 1982. 421p. Anthology of works by Espinosa Medrano, including the celebrated Apologético, a Spanish translation of his Quechua works, and Philosophia Thomistica, published in Rome Lara, Jesús. La literatura de los quechuas. the preface to his in 1688. Ensayo y antología. 2d ed. La Paz: Librería y Editorial Juventud, 1969. 323p. Anthology of Quechua poetry preceded by a learned composed after the Spanish Conquest. article. Includes works 1 THE ANDEAN GENTRY IN 28 PERU AND ALTO PERU Molina, Cristobal de. Nueva traducción de preces o himnos quechuas del cronista Cristóbal de Molina, el Cusqueño. Teodoro L. Meneses, trans, and ed. Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1964. lllp. Bilingual Spanish-Quechua edition with an introduction by Dr. Meneses. O llanta, drama quichua en tres actos. Constantino Carrasco, trans. Lima: Imprenta Liberal de "El Correo del Perú," 1876. 88p. Spanish translation of a celebrated drama in Quechua of unknown date and author. Some believe it dates from pre-Hispanic times, but Ricardo Palma, introduction to this translation, claims to see in it in an influences from sixteenth- century Spanish drama. Ollantay y cantos y narraciones quechuas. José María Arguedas, César Miró, and Sebastián Salazar Bondy, trans. Lima: Ediciones PEISA, 1974. 159p. Spanish adaptation based on the translations by Gabino Pacheco Zegarra and José María Arguedas. Poesía y prosa quechua, Francisco Carrillo, comp. Lima: Ediciones de la Biblioteca Universitaria, 1967. 135p. This anthology is preceded by a prologue written by José María Arguedas. includes transcriptions of ancient hymns as well as works originating It after the Spanish Conquest. Ritos y tradiciones de Huarochiri. Gerald Taylor, ed. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1987. 616p. Spanish translation of the seventeenth-century Quechua manuscript describing rites and legends under the Inca. Teatro quechua colonial: antología. Teodoro L. Meneses, ed. Lima: Ediciones Edubanco, 1983. 593p. Anthology of Quechua drama after the Spanish Conquest, including the autos sacramentales of Espinosa Medrano and "Tragedia del fin de Atahualpa." Tragedia delfín de Atawalpa. Jesús Lara, trans, and ed. Cochabamba: Los Amigos del Libro, 1989. 149p. Bilingual edition of this dramatization of the Spanish Conquest in Quechua. Includes an introductory essay by the editor. Secondary Sources The Andean Gentry under the Spanish Monarchy Altuve-Febres Lores, Fernán. Los reinos del Peru. Apuntes sobre la Monarquía Peruana. Lima, 1996. 23 lp. Important study of the political organization of the Kingdoms of Peru, includ- Crown and the position of the an intermediate hierarchy between the Crown and the people. ing the claims of continuity of the Spanish Andean gentry as 282 RAFAEL E. TARRAGO Choque Canqui, Roberto. "Las haciendas de los caciques Guarachi en el Alto Peru, 1673-1734." América Indígena 39:4 (October-December 1979), 733-748. Analysis of the holdings of the Guarachi family, a powerful line of kurakas in Alto Peru. Cock C, Guillermo. "Los kurakas de poder político y poder económico." Historia y Cultura 10 (1976-1977), 95-118. los collaguas: Ethnohistorical study of the political and economic power of the kurakas in Collagua. Diaz Rementeria, Carlos J. El cacique en el Virreinato del Peru, estudio histórico- jurídico. Seville: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Sevilla, 1977. 260p. Important work of analysis on the Andean gentry in Peru under the Spanish monarchy. Diez Hurtado, Alejandro. Pueblos y caciques de Piura. Siglos XVI y XVII. Piura: Centro de Investigación y Promoción de Campesinado, 1988. 64p. Monograph on Hemming, the Andean gentry of Piura, New John. The Conquest of the Incas. in northern Peru. York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970. 641p. Thorough history of the Spanish conquest of Peru. Includes a genealogy of the descendants of the Inca emperors who lived under the Spanish Kingdoms of Peru and (pp. 506-513). in Europe monarchy in the Martínez Cereceda, José L. Autoridades en los Andes, los atributos del Señor. Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1995. 256p. Informative essay on the rituals and the significance of the emblems used by the Andean gentry. O'Phelan Godoy, Scarlett. Kurakas sin sucesiones. Del cacique al alcalde de indios (Perú y Bolivia, 1750-1835). Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1997. 103p. Insightful study doms of Peru Pease G. on the changing to that in the Y., Franklin. status of the Andean gentry from the King- Andean Republics. "Curacas coloniales: riqueza y actitudes." Revista de Indias 48:182/183 (January-August 1988), 87-107. Analysis of the position of the kurakas under the Spanish monarchy and comparison with their Pérez Canto, Maria Pilar. more independent position in pre-Hispanic times. El buen gobierno de don Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala. Quito: Ediciones Abya-Yala, 1996. 219p. Analysis of the "buen gobierno" section of Guarnan Poma's Nueva coránica, where this memorial Andean gentleman gives like those proliferating in centuries written by III, as a Spain during the sixteenth and seventeenth Down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Con- Sixteenth-Century Peru. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996. 234p. Ethnohistorical study of Peru during the first quest, including the changing position of the Peru. King Philip "arbitristas." Ramírez, Susan Elizabeth. The World Upside flict in political advice to century after the Spanish Con- Andean gentry in the Kingdoms of . THE ANDEAN GENTRY IN 283 PERU AND ALTO PERU Regalado de Hurtado, Liliana. El Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui y su tiempo. Los Incas de cabamba y Vil- primeros cuarenta años del dominio español. Lima: Pontificia los Universidad Católica del Perú, 1997. 165p. Descriptive study of the neo-Inca state founded in Vilcabamba after the Spanish Conquest. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, María. Doña Francisca Pizarro: una 1534-1598. Lima: Instituto ilustre mestiza, de Estudios Peruanos, 1989. 162p. Biographical study of the daughter of Francisco Pizarro with Inés Huayllas Yupanqui. Useful work for understanding the interconnection of the Andean gentry with the Spanish conquerors in the century of the first Kingdoms of Peru. . Curacas y sucesiones. Costa Norte. Lima: Librería Imprenta Minerva, 1961. 136p. Analysis of succession custom Saignes, Thierry. Caciques, Tribute ety and among the and Migration the Seventeenth-Century Colonial Andean gentry of northern in the Peru. Southern Andes: Indian Soci- Order (Audiencia de Charcas). Paul Garner, trans. London: University of London, Institute of Latin American Studies, 1985. 43p. Analysis of the relations of the Andean gentry to the administration of the King- dom of Alto Peru. Salles-Reese, Verónica. digo.." Revista "Yo don Joan de Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayqua . . Iberoamericana 170/171 (January-June 1993), 107-118. Analysis of Pachacuti Yupanqui 's account of the story of the Inca Empire refuting accusations of collaboration made against the Sempat Assadourian, Carlos. Transiciones hacia el Andean chronicler. sistema colonial andino. Lima: Insti- tuto de Estudios Peruanos, 1994. 304p. Analytical study of the role of the doms of Peru and Andean gentry in the formation of the the institutions established there King- by the Spanish monarchy. W. "Kurakas and Commerce: A Chapter in the Evolution of Andean Society." Hispanic American Historical Review 53:4 (November 1973), Spaulding, Karen 581-599. This study of the involvement of kurakas in trade concludes that the Andean gentry defended itself from the loss of its estates by adopting European patterns of economic activity. Stern, Steven. Peru's Indian Peoples manga to and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest. Hua- 1640. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1982. 295p. Seminal work demonstrating the capacity of Andeans, including their gentry, to manipulate their conquerors. Varón Gabai, Rafael. Curacas y encomenderos: acomodamiento nativo en Huaraz, siglos XVI y XVII. Lima: R L. Villanueva Editor, 1980. 105p. Analysis of the interactions between the Andean gentry and the Spanish conquerors and their descendants in the region of Huaraz. 284 RAFAEL E. TARRAGO The Andean Gentry and the Catholic Church Armas Medina, Femando de. Cristianización de Perú (1532-1600). Seville: Publica- ciones de la Escuela de Estudios Hispanoamericanos de Sevilla, 1953. 63 5p. General history of the Church in Peru during the first century after the Spanish Conquest with informative fragments about the impact of evangelization on the Andean gentry. Bums, Kathryn. "Nuns, Kurakas, and The Credit: Spiritual Economy of Seventeenth- Century Cuzco." Colonial Latin American Review 6:2 (December 1997), 185-203. Study of the economic connections of Cuzco convents with the kurakas related to indigenous members of the religious orders. Cangiano, Maria Cecilia. Curas, caciques y comunidades en fines del siglo XVIII. Tilcara: Proyecto el Alto Perú: Chayanta a ECIRA, Sección Antropología Social, 1987. 55p. Analysis of the interrelations between the Andean gentry and Catholic clergy in present-day Bolivia during the eighteenth century. Griffiths, Nicholas. The Cross and the Serpent: Religious Repression and Resurgence in Colonial Peru. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995. 355p. Thorough study of the campaign to extirpate idolatry in the Andean region. The author argues that by the eighteenth century priests occupied a predominant position in Andean communities. Millones, Luis. "Shamanismo y política en el Peru colonial: los curacas de Ayacucho." Boletín de Antropología Americana 15 (July 1987), 93-103. Study of a conflict between priest and kurakas in an Andean pueblo in the late seventeenth century, interpreted as illustrative of the religious leadership that some kurakas had over Mills, Kenneth. Idolatry and the communities under them. Its Enemies: Colonial Andean Religion and Extirpation, 1640-1750. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997. 337p. This thorough analysis concludes that aspects of Christianity were being embraced voluntarily by some Andean peoples by the seventeenth century. Regalado de Hurtado, Liliana. Religión y evangelización en Vilcabamba, 1572-1602. Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1992. 232p. Descriptive study of the efforts to evangelize the neo-Inca state at Vilcabamba. El retorno de los huacas: estudios y documentos sobre el Taki Onqoy, siglo XVI. Luis Millones, comp. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1990. 45 lp. Anthology of essays and documents related religions in the Andean region toward From Viracocha to the resurgence of pre-Hispanic the end of the sixteenth century. of Copacabana: Representation of the Sacred at Lake Titicaca. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997. 208p. Salles-Reese, Verónica. to the Virgin Thorough study of the Christianization of the Andean region the substitution of Andean contents for Christian ones. as represented by THE ANDEAN GENTRY IN 285 PERU AND ALTO PERU "The Influence of Sixteenth-Century Missionary Thought on Eighteenth- Staton, Joyce. Century Indian Reforms in Peru." In University of British Columbia Hispanic Studies, pp. 33-38. London: Tamesis Books Limited, 1974. Thorough analysis of the influence of sixteenth-century missionary thought on reformers. The Andean Gentry and Andean Culture under the Spanish Monarchy Adorno, Rolena. Cronista y príncipe: La obra de don Felipe Guarnan Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica de Perú, 1989. 27 6p. Study of the Anadón, life Poma de Ayala. and work of this well-known member of the Andean gentry. José. Garcilaso Inca de la Vega, an American Humanist. Durand. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame A Tribute to José Press, 1998. 245p. held at the University of Notre la Vega Inca delivered at a conference Dame, March 31-April 2, 1996. The University Dame Libraries holds a re-creation of the library of Garcilaso collected Compilation of papers on Garcilaso de of Notre by the late Dr. José Durand. Benavente Velarde, Teófilo. Historia del arte cusqueño. Pintores cusqueños de nia. la Colo- Cuzco: Municipalidad del Qosco, 1995. 224p. Thorough history of painting in the Cuzco region from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Chacón Torres, Mario. Arte virreinal en Potosí. Fuentes para su historia. Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispanoamericanos de Sevilla, 1973. 329p. Concise history of art in the centuries, including Potosí region from the sixteenth to the eighteenth works by indigenous artists like the Chang-Rodriguez, Raquel. La apropiación del signo: painter Luis Niño. tres cronistas indígenas del Perú. Tempe: Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University, 1985. 1 19p. Analysis of the chronicles written by Andean gentry don Felipe Guarnan Poma, d. Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yupanqui, and the Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui. Chara Zereceda, Osear, and Viviana Capro tura. Gil. Iglesias del Cuzco: Editorial Universitaria, Illustrated essay describing the UNSAAC, Cusco. Historia y arquitec- 1998. 148p. churches in Cuzco built between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries, including San Pedro and Belén, work of the indigenous master-builder Juan Tomás Tuyrutupa. Cisneros, Luis Jaime. "Juan de Espinosa Medrano, cientos. Nuevos datos un intelectual cuzqueño del seis- biográficos." Revista de Indias 48:182/183 (January- August 1988), 327-347. Biographical study of the Andean humanist, including an exhaustive chronology. Damián, Carol. The Virgin of the Andes: Art and Ritual in Colonial Cuzco. Miami Beach: Grassfield Press, 1995. llOp. Profusely illustrated essay on the peculiar iconography of the Virgin developed in the Andean region. Mary 286 RAFAEL E. TARRAGO Eguiguren, Luis Antonio. Diccionario histórico cronológico de la Real y Pontificia Universidad de San Marcos y sus colegios. 3 vols. Lima: Imp. Torres Aguirre, 1940. A chronological compilation of accounts and documents related to the University of San Marcos in ments related to the Lima since its founding in 1551. Includes several docu- education of kurakas and Andean gentry (vol. 2, pp. 549-603). Galdo Gutiérrez, Virgilio. Educación de los curacas. San Cristóbal de Huamanga: Uni- versidad Nacional de Huamanga, 1982. 83p. Analysis of the education of the kurakas as a hegemonic project of the Spanish monarchy. García-Bedoya M., Carlos. "Elites andinas y Renacimiento Inca." Pretextos (Lima) 314 (1992), 126-184. Excellent study of the cultural flourishing that took place in the Andean region under the patronage of the Andean gentry. Gisbert, Teresa. "Los Incas en la pintura virreinal del siglo XVIII." América Indígena 39:4 (October-December 1979), 749-772. Study of a painting by Alonso de la Cueva representing the genealogy of the Incas. Mesa, José de, and Teresa Gisbert. Historia de la pintura cuzqueña. 2 vols. Lima: Fun- dación Augusto N. Wiese, Banco Wiese Ltdo., 1982. Profusely illustrated analysis of Cuzco painting as an intercultural phenomenon. Montoya, Rodrigo. "¿Existe un tradición quechua en el Peru?" Hueso Húmero 31 (December 1994), 53-80. Survey of the dramatic production in Quechua since the Spanish Conquest. The Quechua literary and dramatic tradition originated in the members of the Andean gentry in Cuzco. author concludes that a plays written by Porras Barrenechea, Raúl. Los cronistas de Perú (1528-1630). Lima: Banco de Crédito de Perú, 1986. 964p. Anthology of the author's essays about the chronicles of Peru, including those written by indigenous authors like Titu Cusi Yupanqui. Redmon, Walter. La lógica en el virreinato del Perú a través de las obras de Juan Espinosa Medrano (1688) e Isidoro de Celis (1787). Lima; Mexico: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú; Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1998. 417p. This work includes an analysis of the elements of logic in the Philosophia Thomistica published by Espinosa Medrano in 1688. The author concludes that philosophy in seventeenth-century Peru reached a high technical level and that criticisms made of it in the past must be reconsidered. Rowe, John Rowland. "Colonial Portraits of Inca nobles." In The Civilizations of Ancient America. Selected Papers of the XXIXth International Congress of Americanists, pp. 258-268. Sol Tax, ed. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1951. Analysis of five full-length portraits in the Archeological Museum at Cuzco. THE ANDEAN GENTRY IN 287 PERU AND ALTO PERU Suárez Radillo, Carlos Miguel. El teatro barroco hispanoamericano. 3 vols. Madrid: Ediciones Porrúa Turanzas, S.A., 1981. The second volume of this exhaustive study covers the baroque literature of Peru and present-day Bolivia, including that written in Quechua, the language of most of the Andean gentry. and Andeans Transatlantic Encounters: Europeans in the 16th Century. Kenneth J. Andrien and Rolena Adorno, eds. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. 295p. Volume of essays concerning cultural interchanges between Europeans and Andeans, including one on the kuraka after the Spanish Conquest. Valcárcel, Carlos Daniel. Garcilaso, el Inca humanista. Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1995. 244p. Analysis of the work of Garcilaso de la Vega Inca focusing on the chronicler as a man of two worlds. Tupac Amaru II and Other Andean Rebels Busto Duthurburu, José Antonio. José Gabriel Tupac Amaru antes de su rebelión. Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1981. 134p. Biographical study of José Gabriel Condorcanqui. "Rebel or Royalist? Juan Manuel de Moscoso y Peralta and the Tupac Amaru Revolt in Peru, 1780-1784." Revista de Historia de América 86 Campbell, León G., Jr. (July-December 1978). Analysis of the actions of Juan Manuel de Moscoso concluding that the bishop of Cuzco during the Tupac Amaru rebellion was a unique and atypical individual. Castro Arenas, Mario. La rebelión de Juan Santos. Lima: Carlos Milla Batres, 1973. 204p. Monographic study of the rebellion of Juan Santos in 1742. Includes documen- tary sources. Coloquio Internacional Túpac Amaru y Su Tiempo, 11-16 noviembre 1980. Actas. Lima: Comisión Nacional de Bicentenário de la Rebelión Emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, 1982. 693p. Collected papers presented at an international conference on the Túpac Amaru rebellion. Durand, José. "Presencia de Garcilaso Inca en Túpac Amaru." Cuadernos Americanos 3, Nueva Época, no. 18 (November-December 1989), 172-177. Analysis of the influence of Garcilaso de la Vega Inca's Comentarios reales de los Incas O'Phelan Godoy, on the ideas of Túpac Amaru Scarlett. Rebellions II. and Revolts in 18th Century Peru and Upper Peru. Cologne: Bõhlau, 1985. 345p. Analytical study of Andean revolts of the eighteenth century, including those of Juan Santos and Túpac Amaru II. The author argues that the centralist policies of 288 RAFAEL the Spanish Bourbons may have motivated E. TARRAGO at least in part the rebellion of Tupac Amaru. Robins, Nicholas A. El mesianismo y la semiótica indígena en el La Gran trans. La Paz: Alto Perú. Rebelión de 1780-1781. Silvia San Martín and Sergio de Río, Heisbol, S.R.L., 1998. 219p. Analysis of the antecedents and the conjunctures that brought about the rebellion of the Catari brothers in Alto Peru. Sociedad colonial y sublevaciones populares: Túpac Amaru-1780. Alberto Flores Galindo, ed. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo de la Educación "Augusto Salazar Bondy," 1976. 329p. Includes articles by eminent scholars such as Scarlett O'Phelan Godoy, John Fisher, and Oscar Comblit. The World of Túpac Amaru: Conflict, Community, and Identity nial Peru. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999. 348p. Stavig, Ward. Attempts to analyze the various rebellion of Stern, Steven J. Tupac Amaru II. "The Age of Andean tance, Rebellion elements of the Andean world J. Colo- time of the Includes extensive bibliography. Insurrection, 1742-1782: and Consciousness Centuries. Steven at the in Stern, ed. in the A Reappraisal." Resis- Andean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987. Pp. 34-73. Thorough analysis of the socioeconomic and political conditions in the Andean region leading to revolts of the indigenous peoples against the Spanish monarchy. Includes extensive list of references. The Andean Gentry from the Bourbon Reforms Founding of the Andean Republics to the "The Noticias secretas de América and the Construction of a Governing Ideology for the Spanish American Empire." Colonial Latin American Review 7:2 (December 1998), 175-192. Andrien, Kenneth J. The author proposes that the Noticias secretas incorporated the discourses of protest and reform of various groups (including the Andean gentry) and syn- thesized them into an official reformist ideology in late-Bourbon Spanish America. Armellada, Cesáreo. La causa indígena americana en las Cortes de Cádiz. Caracas: Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 1979. 54p. The author compares the legislation concerning the American peoples in the Spanish Constitution of 1812 with that of the Spanish American republics established after the break with the Spanish monarchy, and finds many similarities. Cahill, David P. "Curas and Social Conflict in the Doctrinas of Cuzco, 1780-1814." Journal of Latin American Studies 16:2 (November 1984), 241-276. The author claims II that the Bourbon reforms after the rebellion of Tupac exacerbated existing social tensions in the Cuzco region. Amaru THE ANDEAN GENTRY IN 289 PERU AND ALTO PERU y familias principales en el Sur Andino: 1780-1824." Revista de Indias 48:182/183 (January-August 1988), 449^73. "Repartos ilícitos Analysis of the economic significance of the repartimiento of merchandise in Peru from 1756 to 1780, and of the Criollo power interests that continued after it was banned following the Tupac Amaru it rebellion of 1780. Cornejo Bouroncle, Jorge. Pumacahua. La revolución del Cuzco de 1814. Estudio do- cumentado. Cuzco: Editorial H. G. Rozas, S. A., 1956. 709p. Scholarly account of the rebellion of 1814 and the kuraka Pumacahua's participation in Husson, Patrick. it. De la guerra a la rebelión (Huanta, siglo XIX). Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1992. 247p. Study of two Andean revolts, including an account of the royalist rebellion of the indigenous people in Huanta under the chief General Antonio Huachaca (1828-1839). Ramos Gómez, Luis Época, génesis y texto de las "Noticias secretas de América", de Jorge Juan y Antonio de Ulloa. 2 vols. Madrid: Consejo Superior Javier. de Investigaciones Científicas, 1985. Thorough analysis of this important source, text of the Bourbon reforms in the its authors, and its times, in the con- Kingdoms of Peru. Rieu-Millán, Marie-Laure. "Rasgos distintivos de la representación peruana en las Cortes de Cádiz y Madrid (1810-1814)." Revista de Indias 48:182/183 (January-August 1988), 475-515. Analysis of the personality and connections of the Peruvian deputies at Cortes between 1810 and 1814, including don Dionisio Inca Yupanqui. Sánchez Albornoz, Nicolás. "Tributo abolido, tributo repuesto. Invariantes socioeconómicas en la Bolivia republicana." In El ocaso del orden colonial en His- panoamérica, pp. 159-200. Tulio Halperin-Donghi, comp. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1978. Study of the impact in Alto Peru of reforms decreed by the Spanish Cortes of 1812. Semprún Bullón, José. Capitanes y virreyes. El esfuerzo bélico realista en la contienda de emancipación hispanoamericana. Madrid: Ministerio de Defensa, Secretaría General Técnica (Adalid), 1998. 321p. Military history including information on the royalist activities of the kuraka Pumacahua before he embraced Thurner, Marck. From Two Republics to separatism. One Divided. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997. 203p. In this monograph about the contradictions of post-colonial nationalism in Peru, the author discusses the disestablishment of the of Peru. Andean gentry in the Republic Old Pitfalls and New Opportunities Documenting Popular Political Culture in Latin America 26. in Kurt Weyland The wave of democratization that has swept across Latin America during the twenty-five years has been preceded and accompanied by an upsurge of last popular mobilization. A wide range and vast number of new social movements challenged tottering authoritarian regimes and pressed a host of pent-up demands for urgent social improvements on newly installed democracies. civilian regimes, sectors of the population that tle in national politics — such had Under the new traditionally participated as indigenous groups lit- —suddenly mobilized. These newly active groups employed a broad repertoire of tactics for collective new action and formed a host of movements, and unions. society" (O'Donnell and organizations, social This "resurrection [and amplification] of civil Schmitter 1986:ch.5) has attracted intense and sustained attention from scholars and activist There has been an outpouring of academic studies and librarians. accounts of social movements, unions, and popular parties stein 1989; Jaquette 1991; Escobar and Alvarez 1992; Chalmers (e.g., Eck- et al. 1997; made crucial conhad long been neglected; new types of Alvarez, Dagnino, and Escobar 1998). These analyses have tributions by investigating groups organizations that enriched the and political actors tices; that that new democracies with their innovative prac- seemed to hold the promise of introducing impor- tant elements of direct popular participation into elitist civilian regimes. This essay argues, however, that the actual political significance of social movements, unions, and popular parties has been overestimated consid- erably; that fascination with the innovative practices new new and experiences of these actors has given rise to serious misunderstandings of popular "culture" and politics; and that scholars and librarians should pay more attention to other expressions of popular culture and politics, which are captured, for instance, by opinion polls. To provide some empirical support arguments, the first for these deliberately provocative section of this essay provides a brief analysis of the Peru- vian case. In the 1980s Peru appeared as a model for the hopes of social move- ment scholars and unions, and activists. leftist parties A vast number of new social movements, radical were mobilizing and organizing ever wider sectors of 290 291 DOCUMENTING POPULAR POLITICAL CULTURE and "class consciousness" (Stokes 1995) seemed on the rise. Civil society appeared strong and vibrant. But in the 1990s Peruvian civil society has generally been characterized as fragmented 1 the population. Participatory attitudes and weak (see recently Tanaka 1998). Even more surprisingly, a large proportion of the poor, 1980s, now who appeared as the natural constituency of the left in the supported an autocratic neoliberal, President Alberto Fujimori. Despite his antidemocratic self-coup of 1992 and despite the imposition of brutal, painful adjustment measures, the president 64 percent of the vote was even higher. in 1995. Notably, his won reelection with a striking backing among the poorest voters movements literature clearly had not anticipated this surprising turn of events. Did the "class consciousness" of the 1980s evaporate and cede to a much more basic, conservative demand for order and stability? The second section of the essay criticizes some important methodological problems of the social movements literature and, especially, of the more general conclusions that these analyses of "best cases" seemed to suggest. To compensate for these problems, scholars and librarians need to pay more attention to other avenues for ascertaining popular attitudes and culture, such as surveys of representative samples of citizens. While these research What happened? The instruments have their tant complement to own deficits and flaws, they constitute a crucially impormovements literature. Librarians would therefore more funds to the published sources that make sur- the social be well advised to allocate vey social results available to the public. These arguments are developed in the third section of the essay. A "Best Case" Gone Awry: The Rise and Decline of Popular Activism in Peru In the course of the 1980s, Peru's new democracy experienced a tremen- dous upsurge of popular activism that seemed to push the country inexorably toward the left. In the poor neighborhoods of urban areas, a host of social movements emerged and advanced the urgent social needs and long-neglected sectors of the population. demands of variety of militant trade unions And a wide range of radical leftist parties vied Unusually for the Latin American left, many of these contested business and the for political power. A state. groupings joined forces in the United Left coalition (Izquierda Unida-IU) in order to pursue their goal of system transformation with greater prospects for success. In many ways, this "popular upsurge" was the unintended consequence of the reformist military regime led by General Juan Velasco Alvarado (1968-1975), which had attempted to bring about a comprehensive modernization of Peruvian society in the early 1970s (Stephens 1983). The Velasco regime had pursued a policy of "inclusionary corporatism" (Stepan 1978:chs. — 292 KURT WEYLAND 3, 8), seeking to mobilize popular sectors in support of its goals, but also incorporate them in government-controlled unions and other organizations (Palmer and Middlebrook 1976). Yet while successful in government the Velasco governments —both failed miserably with its its mobilization drive, control efforts. The successor the military administration of General Francisco Morales Bermúdez (1975-1980) and the civilian governments of Fernando Belaunde Terry (1980-1985) and Alan Garcia (1985-1990)—therefore faced a high level of popular activism that was not tempered and controlled by strong nationallevel organizations. new democracy, Peru's inaugurated in 1980, saw a mushrooming of social movements and of other innovative forms of popular participation (Stephens 1983). While clientelism retained its hold on a good part of the urban poor, radicalism seemed to be on the advance (Stokes 1995). Analysts found evidence of surprisingly strong and widespread participatory attitudes and "class con- sciousness" among the popular sectors. This "class consciousness" be more in tune with the real needs and interests of the poor than seemed to clientelist atti- tudes that led them to identify with unreliable benefactors of higher status or mistakenly cling to aspirations or earlier experiences of social mobility that had long been dashed (Stokes 1995). The expectation that such analyses suggested was that over time "class consciousness" clientelism fer to would continue advance their to recede. would likely advance further, whereas More and more poor people would pre- needs through collective action with their peers, rather than delegating this task to unrepresentative and unaccountable traditional leaders. At consciousness" would be unlikely to recede because least, "class had resulted from learning and people's discovery of ple their true interests. who had emerged from the fog of clientelist attitudes and had it Peo- seen the light of collective self-determination had experienced an irreversible conversion and would not return into darkness. These optimistic expectations, often more implied and suggested than explicitly stated in the scholarly literature, seemed to be confirmed by the political tendencies of the 1980s. After strong tensions inside the populist and the disunity of the ulist left in Fernando Belaúnde unstoppably toward the won the mayoralty of the 1980 election had allowed center-right pop- to return to power, electoral trends left. Lima APR A seemed to point In fact, United Left candidate Alfonso Barrantes in the municipal election of one-third of the national population thereafter. 1983 and governed And since the governing center- was battered by economic problems and the advance of the Shining Path guerrillas, the 1985 presidential election was fought on the left between "social-democratic" populist Alan Garcia and socialist Barrantes. A number of the bold policies of the Garcia government emerged from the fear of a further advance of the left. Since Garcia's "economic populism" soon proved unsuccessful and greatly exacerbated Peru's economic and social crisis in the late 1980s, the left the only political sector still untainted by glaring failure right — 293 DOCUMENTING POPULAR POLITICAL CULTURE seemed have excellent chances of winning the presidential election sched- to uled for 1990. These expectations, however, were widely off the mark. By 1992 a clear especially among the poor—consistently approved of majority of Peruvians — an autocratic neoliberal president who had interrupted Peruvian democracy, who had systematically undermined and weakened implemented some of the most civil society, and who had brutal, painful, recessionary, orthodox, and dog- (Apoyo 1997:6; see also Balbi 1996; Carrion 1998; Panfichi 1997; Cameron and Mauceri 1997; Weyland 1996b: 192-197). Indeed, President Alberto Fujimori matically neoliberal adjustment policies ever enacted in Latin America won an unprecedented reelection victory with a stunning 64.4 percent of the vote in April 1995. Notably, the incumbent often received disproportionately strong backing in opinion polls poor — the very sectors that social expected to support the 1995:12-13; IMASEN left (IMASEN consistent than expected. The its 1992:2-A; 1996:8; Goldberg 1998; ously, participatory, democratic, conspicuous by and elections from the urban and movement IMASEN 1994:13; IMASEN Weyland 1996a:10-21). Obviwere weaker and less poor, "class consciousness" was and republican Among most of the attitudes absence. failure of the left resulted in part from persistent internal rivalries constant bickering that discredited this political force in the eyes of potential supporters who rural scholars and activists had and made it and many look very similar to established politicians, concentrate most of their energies on "politicking" rather than represent- ing popular needs and interests (Tanaka 1997:19-23). Furthermore, the cratic left was hampered by competition from the revolutionary left, demo- especially While most of the United Left leadership clearly distanced itself from the insurgents, the guerrilla movements found varying degrees of "understanding" and support among some of the radicalized militants of the left which exacerbated the divergences and tensions inside the IU and further discredited it in the eyes of voters. More basically and more important for this essay the failure of the left resulted from the weakness of "class consciousness" in times of severe crisis and the strong majoritarian preference for the "conservative" values of economic stability and political order. As Peru's economic problems kept worsening in the late 1980s and the country seemed to slide to the brink of civil war, collective empowerment and innovative political participation gave way to a strong focus on individual or family survival and on basic safety (Tanaka 1998:235). The grave multifaceted crisis caused social atomization, hindered the brutal Shining Path (Roberts 1998:257-264). — — — wide-ranging collective action, and forced the poor — to care first many people — especially among and foremost about immediate concrete needs, not about a structural transformation of politics and society. Opinion polls clearly reveal popular priorities the picture painted — —by or suggested social that diverge strikingly movement scholars. from When — 294 KURT WEYLAND surveyed at the nadir of the crisis in mid- 1990 about the three most important problems facing Peru, 81 percent of respondents emphasized inflation, 55 —but only 9 percent terrorism and subversion, and 5 1 percent unemployment percent mentioned inequality and the differences between rich and poor (Apoyo 1990a:35). Similarly, 37 percent of respondents named inflation as the single most important problem confronting the country in October 1990, 20 percent mentioned unemployment, and 10 percent terrorism and subversion but a minuscule rich percent referred to inequality and the differences between 1 and poor (Apoyo 1990b: 7). Thus, the grave crisis afflicting Peru forced most people to focus on immediate, concrete issues of material well-being and safety and pushed "radical" concerns about social inequality into the background. Survey respondents also revealed the importance of concrete economic and social issues and of public security in justifying their support for President Fujimori. In July 1993, for instance, 44.6 percent of his supporters mentioned economic improvements, 36 percent enhanced security, and 32 percent social programs (Apoyo 1993:12). And when asked in July 1995 to name the single most important accomplishment of Fujimori's first term, 51 percent of respondents stressed his success in combating guerrilla insurgency and another 30 percent mentioned concrete economic and social improvements (Apoyo 1995:19). Focus groups conducted during the election campaign of 1994/1995 reached similar results (Salcedo 1995:36, 67, 73, 80-81, 95). Notably, Fujimori's public works and social programs always elicited strongly disproportionate approval from the poorest sectors. In the survey con- ducted in July 1995, for instance, 19 percent of the poorest respondents, but only 2-3 percent of the better-off categories, classified school construction the president's principal social/public plishment of his works program — as the term. Specific surveys conducted first sectors and intensive field research in urban these results (Parodi and and among poor urban rural areas Twanama 1993:63-65, 79-81, Palmer 1998). Thus, the most main accom- have confirmed 85-87; Panfichi 1997; destitute sectors displayed the least "class con- sciousness" and the highest appreciation for the paternalistic handouts of the The new by the Fujimori government found tremendous receptivity among the poorest sectors and provided the government with broad political support, for instance in the election of 1995 (Balbi 1996; Graham and Kane 1998; Roberts and Arce 1998; Weyland autocratic incumbent. 1998:557-559). In grams gave rise to many popular social fact, there is new programs instituted considerable evidence that these social pro- patterns of clientelist links between state agencies and Tanaka 1998). While the disproportionately low endorsement of poorer sectors for the government's painful neoliberal economic policies is in line with the "class sector groupings (Palmer 1998; consciousness" argument (Stokes 1996:557-559), strong support for the president who imposed it makes those sectors' these brutal, costly measures 295 DOCUMENTING POPULAR POLITICAL CULTURE even more puzzling. After that people's the category of "class consciousness" implies all, assessment of economic and social policies drives their evaluation of the initiator of those policies. Yet this was manifestly not the case in Peru during the early 1990s. 1992 received Finally, Fujimori's antidemocratic self-coup of April endorsement from 70 to 80 percent of 1995). It was precisely Peruvians (Carrion 1994; Conaghan all this autocratic interruption that catapulted the president to a of Peru's fragile democracy much higher level of approval during the next few years (Apoyo 1997:6). Thus, the commitment of the populace tic much less principles also proved 1994) —than the social movements strong to democra- — or at least consistent (see Carrion literature that focused on the 1980s had suggested. Because of the rapid evaporation of "class consciousness" under the pressures of a grave economic displayed activism and little crisis — and of large-scale terrorism, social movements especially Instead, civil society in Peru was —radicalism during the early 1990s. largely atomized and fragmented (Roberts Tanaka 1998). Rather than participating in social and political mobilization, most poor people had to concentrate their energies on ensuring the survival of their families. Therefore, the brutal adjustment policies imposed 1998:ch. 8; by the Fujimori government, which included price increases of basic necessities by up to 3,000 percent, triggered surprisingly little contestation and protest. 2 Political parties have not fared any better than social movements. Like the rest of Peru's established parties, the now dis-United Left has received such meager electoral support that its organizational survival itself is endangered. Even on the municipal level, where leftist parties in Latin America have often done well in the last twenty years, the Peruvian left has achieved disappointing results. In the politan 1993 contest, for instance, only 6.2 percent of voters in metro- Lima opted for the left, whereas a stunning 80.9 percent chose "inde- pendent" candidates (Tuesta Soldevilla 1996:107; see also Dietz 1998: 214-215). Since the absence of party organization makes cult to hold it exceedingly diffi- such personalistic politicians accountable, the commitment of large numbers of common citizens to democratic, republican principles seems to be rather weak. In sum, the picture painted by analysts of Peru's flourishing social move- ments and the vibrant popular activism of the 1980s suggested expectations of future developments that clearly did not come true in subsequent years. Instead of a further advance of "class consciousness" and political radicalism, the 1990s saw widespread popular support for an autocratic neoliberal neopopulist, who decreed drastic recessionary measures, weakened democracy, and disar- ticulated civil society. What are the methodological the misleading expectations suggested additional sources lect — do scholars need in order to paint a by movement social —and to consult more balanced, and theoretical reasons for studies? librarians realistic picture And what need to col- of popular culture in KURT WEYLAND 296 Latin America? The following two sections, respectively, seek to answer these important questions. Methodological and Theoretical Limitations of the Social Why Movements Literature did the expectations suggested by the social that focused on Peru in the 1980s not come movements literature true? This line of scholarship has a — number of inherent methodological limitations that if not carefully kept in mind tempt "progressive" scholars and activists to hold overly optimistic assessments of current trends and future developments. Above all, social movement scholars like to focus on exceptionally advanced experiences of popular activism that is, on "best cases" that are unrepresentative of most of the population. With this skewed strategy of case selection, many of these scholars — — give an unrealistic impression of the level of mobilization and politicization of Haber 1996:172-173, 186-187; for some recent exceptions, see Roberts 1997; Schõnwàlder 1998). In most instances, politicized social movements constitute a small fraction the populace (similar of the population. The radicalized attitudes and innovative participatory practices displayed by the members, activists, and leaders of social movements are the features of a clear minority of the population. Furthermore, this minority self-selected and therefore particularly unrepresentative. Driven "progressive" hopes for social and political transformation, social in part is by movement scholars systematically tend to select "best cases." For instance, most analysts movement focus on Greater São Paulo, where unions and where the leftist "new unionism" emerged in the late of Brazil's urban labor are particularly strong 1970s. Similarly, analysts of Brazil's rural unions have a predilection to study the case of Pernambuco, where rural mobilization has had a particularly long tradition (e.g., Pereira 1997). Why do so many scholars and activists focus on these unrepresentative minority experiences? The underlying theoretical justification for this "best case" selection seems to be a "sprouting bulb" assumption about popular mobi- Many scholars seem to assume lization. —and hope— that popular participation soon spread and increase considerably. They therefore see the social movements that have already emerged as the front-runners of a broader trend toward will popular activism. Like the appearance of many first bulbs that pop up in early spring, they signal the other flowers that are ready to break through the surface and bloom soon. The currently existing movements are thus regarded lar to is and representative of the many —appear hoped other, still latent movements as simi- that will — it shortly. Furthermore, many social movement scholars to believe that The people who have emerged advances in popular consciousness and activism are very notion of "class consciousness" suggests that seem difficult to reverse. from ideological hegemony and acquired a clear view of their own interests and — 297 DOCUMENTING POPULAR POLITICAL CULTURE needs will not calized sectors fall prey again to obfuscation. While for tactical reasons, radi- may temporarily moderate their militant actions, the attitudes below the most assumption, which is that underlie this militancy are unlikely to fall significantly advanced level they have reached. This irreversibility inspired by the very notion of consciousness-raising, justifies a focus on the most advanced episodes of popular activism that occur during the periods of particularly high politicization, such as the mid-1980s in Peru. This tendency to select unrepresentative "best cases" does not resulting case studies per se invalid. Undoubtedly, there make have been examples of innovative, ambitious, radical popular participation in Latin America. the political goals and hopes of social embellish these analyses, many movement the While may sometimes activists of the experiences described by social moveessential to keep in mind the methodological limitations of the social movements literature when using these ment scholars have a solid factual basis. But it is case studies to draw broader inferences about popular culture as a whole. Although academic experts may warn against generalizing too much from their movements literature as a whole suggests a skewed, distorted picture of popular politics. The very fact that there are many more studies about the few experiences of mobilization and radicalism than about the many instances of quiescence and apathy creates a misleading impression. The unbalanced treatment in the social movements literature suggests a much case studies, the social higher level of popular activism than actually exists. First of all, ple — even in the "best cases" of exceptional activism, usually, a clear majority empowerment and most often radical —do not who claim to speak for from the people, but at best peo- participate in activities of collective demand-making. Activists and movements their followers are by self-selecthe people usually do not have a mandate in the minority. Since social tion, leaders many are recruited from movement members (Tanaka 1998:231). Thus, self-proclaimed representatives are often not representative of nor accountable to the popular masses. For these reasons, the activities of social movements do not provide a valid gauge for the attitudes of most people and for popular culture as a whole. Furthermore, the expectations and hopes of spreading popular activism i.e., —may the "sprouting bulbs" assumption tion: if additional social suffer movements do spring from a fallacy of composi- up, they may not necessarily strengthen the overall pressure for sociopolitical transformation, but may movement activists manage to mobilize more more heterogeneous, and divergences among movements may increase. Successful activism can produce new tensions and conflicts that may over time cause disillusionment and turn off members and indeed subtract from it. If social people, the membership gets activists. Therefore, increases in mobilization do not necessarily have linear on popular activism, but may create new tensions and cleavages. After an initial phase of widespread enthusiasm, these problems can soon corrode effects KURT WEYLAND 298 popular participation, thus helping to account for the frequently rapid decline of popular mobilization and activism. who In fact, even those people movements participate in social often do not do so for a long time. Contrary to the above-mentioned irreversibility assumption, social 1994:ch. 9): it movement activity commonly has declines almost as fast as it a cyclical pattern (Tarrow arises (although it usually does not disappear completely). This cyclical pattern affects not only political activities, but also the attitudes underlying it. In general, most people do not permanently focus on public issues and political concerns, but have "shifting involvements" (Hirschman 1982): after episodes of high politicization, they tend to withdraw into private life again. In particular, broader political issues of social redistri- may bution and democratic political participation tance and salience when quickly lose relative impor- a grave and intensifying crisis pushes basic needs of survival to the top of most people's personal agenda. Focusing on the high tide of the occasional episodes of mass mobilization thus creates a misleading impression of popular culture as a whole. For all of these reasons, the social movements literature does not paint a valid, representative picture of popular culture in Latin its America. In particular, implicit suggestions about future developments are systematically overop- timistic and unrealistic. Scholars need to exercise great caution case studies elaborated by students of social movements to when using draw broader the infer- ences about popular politics in Latin America. Librarians should keep these problems in mind and adjust their The Promise and Limitations programs of acquisitions accordingly. of Public Opinion Surveys Since most extant studies of social movements "best case" analyses need of to —provide only — especially the partial insights into common popular culture, they be complemented with other instruments for ascertaining the attitudes common citizens. The most promising of these instruments are surveys of representative samples of citizens. These polls can gauge people's attitudes at different levels of depth, which range from you approve of the way President XYZ is specific, concrete questions ("Do conducting the business of govern- ment?") to abstract questions about underlying values ("In general, what do you consider more important: fully political liberty or social equality?"). By care- sampling a representative cross section of the population, surveys mini- mize the main problem that plagues the social movements literature, namely its focus on an unrepresentative, self-selected minority. The diffusion of technology, the training of experts in U.S. centers of sur- vey research, the advance of democracy in Latin America, and the decline of party loyalties and the resulting increase in the "independent," fluid electorate ity have prompted a drastic increase in the number, frequency, and qual- of surveys conducted in Latin American countries during the twenty years. Many nations now have last fifteen to well-respected polling institutes that 299 DOCUMENTING POPULAR POLITICAL CULTURE run regular surveys with consistent questions. Special events tion campaigns — are covered tain people's attitudes and include on attitudes by additional opinion on a vast range of topics polls. that social issues, leisure activities, —such as elec- These surveys ascer- go far beyond politics and cultural tastes. Sur- veys thus provide a wealth of information on a broad cross section of the population. They have become an indispensable instrument for gauging popular culture. Many surveys conducted in Latin America have problems and limitations, however. 3 First of all, resource constraints often limit the size and quality of the samples. For instance, sample sizes of 4-500 people, which imply high margins of error, are common. Furthermore, samples often overrepresent large urban centers and neglect rural regions. For instance, in several countries prosperous, advanced Argentina area of the capital. Thus, America many — —even in surveys often cover only the metropolitan of the polls that have been conducted in Latin are less than perfectly representative. But even these imperfect sur- veys rank vastly higher on the scale of representativeness than the "best case" studies of the social movements literature. A more important and less tractable problem of surveys is that the preference for simple, easily codable and quantifiable answers makes difficult to it ascertain underlying "deep" attitudes in a valid way. For instance, people find it among different important values if not binary way that questionnaires often hard to summarize complicated trade-offs in the clear-cut one-dimensional — — demand. Since value commitments are often complex and context-dependent, not absolute and categorical, they are difficult to options offered by pollsters. Therefore, people's ical principles and moral values is fit in the simplified response commitment to abstract polit- hard to gauge through opinion polls. Some of these problems can be avoided by using other instruments, such as focus groups, but at the cost of representativeness. 4 The root cause of this problem is not the survey instrument itself, how- most people simply lack clear, crystallized, easily expressible commitments to abstract principles and values. Cognitive psychology has shown that in their choices, people do not simply act out a consistent, ever, but the fact that transitively ordered set of well-defined preferences. Rather, complicated choices induce people to clarify — if — not discover their real preferences. For example, only when one spouse of an academic couple receives an attractive job offer in a faraway city do the two partners have to decide on the relative importance of family life to state in general terms ity —and what der Wahl" cisely this versus career goals. People therefore find whether they prefer, for instance, liberty difficult over equal- preference implies for any specific issue. Instead, "die Qual (the torturous experience of from the it having to make a choice) arises pre- common value trade-offs that complicate people's "utility func- tion" and that they specific decision — do not have to face head-on or answer a survey question. until they have to make a 300 KURT WEYLAND The difficulty of ascertaining people's commitment to abstract principles and values therefore plagues not only surveys (Zaller 1992), but also the social movements literature. It is precisely the fluidity that underlies the rapid rise and decline of radicalism and politicization and the resulting cycle of protest activity. tends to focus on "best cases" tion —and pays much more of conflicting considerations And —such since the social movements literature as occasional episodes of high politiciza- less attention to the phase of decline, it tends to create a which are more often conducted at regchance of picking up the phases of decline distorted impression than surveys, ular intervals and thus have a better as well. Thus, despite their undeniable limitations, surveys can make important contributions to gauging and documenting popular culture. In particular, they can serve as an indispensable corrective to the social movements Conclusion: to literature. A Recommendation to Librarians The preceding assessment of the promise and limitations of different ways assess popular culture in Latin America suggests that there is not one "true path to virtue." Since none of the available instruments is perfect, a pragmatic combination of different approaches seems most reasonable. Given the skewed nature of the current scholarly literature, which results from the excessive attention paid to unrepresentative experiences of high mobilization, this call for balance implies the need to strengthen survey research. Also, social move- ments scholars should make more provide a more My realistic call for efforts to analyze "less-than-best cases" that impression of popular culture. more balanced attention to different types of sources has important implications for librarians. So far, the book market has clearly over- movements approach. For instance, there are many more analyze "progressive" social movements than books about "con- represented the social volumes that servative" actors that command much greater political influence, such as pri- vate business or right-wing parties. Exacerbating the imbalance prevailing in book market, libraries have begun to buy duced by social movements. By contrast, the the much less easily available. In tified. Certainly, it makes which are expensive and collections of documents pro- results of survey research are my view, this imbalance urgently needs to be rec- little sense for libraries to buy original data are of interest only to a few sets, specialists. It is a better use of scarce resources to continue the current practice of having a few established centers of survey research, such as the Roper Center at the University of Connecticut-Storrs and the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan, buy these data sets and make them available to other university libraries for a subscription fee. But many polling America make their core findings available in monthly newsletters or occasional working papers. These publications present a wealth of useful information on a wide range of political, social, institutes in Latin 301 DOCUMENTING POPULAR POLITICAL CULTURE economic, and cultural topics. They thus constitute a gold mine for scholars, and other audiences interested in Latin America. But most of these students, important publications are not held by any U.S. university library moment. A WorldCat search found that no U.S. IMASEN (monthly); IMASEN (Lima), library has the following highly Apoyo informative publications, for instance: at this (Lima), Informe de Opinión Confidencial (monthly); Mora y Araújo, Noguera y Asociados (Buenos Aires), Análisis Socio-Político de la Coyuntura Argentina (published several times per year); Consultores 21 (Caracas), Estudio de Temas Económicos (quarterly). 5 In make make a concerted effort to tion available to their users. my view, librarians should these extremely valuable sources of informa- These publications provide crucial insights into popular culture in Latin America and therefore constitute an indispensable complement to other types of library holdings. NOTES 1. "Class consciousness" is a questionable concept to apply to Latin America's urban poor, given the vast heterogeneity of productive capacities and activities more tors are similar in terms of consumption and social prestige among these sectors. These secand may thus qualify as a status group, but not a class (Weber 1976:177-180). 2. On the political 3. I am weakness of trade unions grateful to Professor Friedrich in the 1990s, see Balbi (1997). Welsch of Simon Bolivar University important insights on the limitations of surveys conducted in Latin America. of the political usage of polls in Latin America 4. For an early effort, see 5. Similarly, Estudio Caracas for (1995). for specific clients but cannot make their results avail- Apoyo, personal communication, July 26, 1998). Nacional de Opinión Pública, conducted occasionally by Centro de Estudios Públicos (Santiago de Chile), issues through 1995 are held Conaghan in best discussion Salcedo (1995). Respected polling institutes such as Instituto Apoyo (Lima) have conducted focus groups able (Guillermo Loli of Instituto is The is held by only one or two libraries in the United States; by the University of Wisconsin-Madison, more recent issues by Har- vard University. REFERENCES Alvarez, Sonia, Evelina Dagnino, and Arturo Escobar, eds. 1998. Cultures of Politics!Politics of Cultures. Boulder: Westview. Apoyo. 1990a. Informe de Opinión Balbi, (June). Lima: Apoyo. . 1990b. Informe de Opinión (October). Lima: Apoyo. . 1993. Informe de Opinión (July). Lima: Apoyo. . 1995. Informe de Opinión (July). Lima: Apoyo. . 1997. Informe de Opinión (September). Lima: Apoyo. Carmen Rosa. 1996. "El Fujimorismo: delegación vigilada y ciudadanía." Pre- textos (Lima) 9 . (November), 187-223. 1997. "Politics and Trade Unions in Peru." In Maxwell Cameron and Philip Mauceri, eds., The Peruvian Labyrinth, 134-151. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. 302 KURT WEYLAND Cameron, Maxwell, and Philip Mauceri, eds. 1997. The Peruvian Labyrinth. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. Carrion, Julio. 1994. "The 'Support Gap' for LASA Congress. Atlanta, . Democracy in Peru." Paper for XVIII March 10-12. 1998. "Partisan Decline and Presidential Popularity." In Kurt von Metten- heim and James Malloy, Deepening Democracy, 55-70. Pittsburgh: Uni- eds., versity of Pittsburgh Press. Chalmers, Douglass, New York: The et al., eds. 1997. Oxford University Conaghan, Catherine. 1995. New Politics of Inequality in Latin America. Press. "Polls, Political Discourse, and the Public Sphere." In Peter Smith, ed., Latin America in Comparative Perspective, 227-255. Boulder: Westview. Dietz, Henry. 1998. Shidlo, eds., "Urban Elections Urban Elections in Peru, in 1980-1995." In Henry Dietz and Gil Democratic Latin America, 199-224. Wil- mington, DE: Scholarly Resources. Eckstein, Susan, ed. 1989. Power and Popular Protest. Berkeley: University of Cali- fornia Press. Escobar, Arturo, and Sonia Alvarez, eds. 1992. The Making of Social Movements in Latin America. Boulder: Westview. Goldberg, David. 1998. "Unlocking the Puzzle: Explaining Informal Sector Support for Alberto Fujimori." Paper for 56th Annual Meeting, Midwest Political Science Association. Chicago, April 23-25. Graham, Carol, and Cheikh Kane. 1998. "Opportunistic Government or Sustaining Reform?" Latin American Research Review 33(1), 67-104. Haber, Paul. 1996. "Identity and Political Process." Latin American Research Review 31(1), 171-188. Hirschman, Albert. 1982. Shifting Involvements: Private Interest and Public Action. Princeton: Princeton University Press. IMASEN. 1992. IMASEN - Sondeo IMASEN. . 1994. . 1995. . 1996. de Opinión Pública, Gran Lima (August). Lima: IMASEN Confidencial (February). Lima: IMASEN. IMASEN Confidencial (February). Lima: IMASEN. IMASEN Confidencial (May). Lima: IMASEN Jaquette, Jane, ed. 1991. The Women's Movement in Latin America. Boulder: Westview. O'Donnell, Guillermo, and Philippe Schmitter. 1986. Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Palmer, David Scott. 1998. "La política informal en el Perú: respuestas locales en Ayacucho." Paper for XXI LASA Congress. Chicago, September 24-26. Palmer, David Scott, and Kevin Middlebrook. 1976. "Corporatist Participation under Military Rule in Peru." In David Chaplin, ed., Peruvian Nationalism: poratist Revolution, 428^453. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books. A Cor- 303 DOCUMENTING POPULAR POLITICAL CULTURE "The Authoritarian Alternative: 'Anti-Politics' in the Popular Sectors of Lima." In Douglass Chalmers et al., eds., The New Politics of Inequality in Latin America, 217-236. New York: Oxford University Press. Panfichi, Aldo. 1997. Parodi, Jorge, and Walter Twanama. 1993. "Los pobladores, la ciudad y la política." In Jorge Parodi, ed., Los pobres, la ciudad y la política, 19-89. Lima: Pereira, Anthony. 1997. CEDYS. The End of the Peasantry. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. "Beyond Romanticism: Social Movements and the Study of Change in Latin America." Latin American Research Review 32(2), Roberts, Kenneth. 1997. Political 137-151. . 1998. Deepening and Peru. Chile Democracy? The Modern Left and Social Movements in Stanford: Stanford University Press. Roberts, Kenneth, and Moisés Arce. 1998. "Neoliberalism and Lower-Class Voting Behavior in Peru." Comparative Political Studies 31:2 (April), 217-246. Salcedo, José Maria. 1995. Terremoto: ¿Por qué ganó Fujimori? Lima: Editorial BRASA. Schõnwálder, Gerd. 1998. "Local Politics and the Peruvian Left." Latin American Research Review 33(2), 73-102. Stepan, Alfred. 1978. The State and Society. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Stephens, Evelyne Huber. 1983. "The Peruvian Military Government, Labor Mobilization, and the Political Strength of the Left." Latin American Research Review 18(2), 57-93. Stokes, Susan. 1995. Cultures in Conflict. Berkeley: University of California Press. . 1996. "Economic Reform and Public Opinion in Peru, 1990-1995." Com- parative Political Studies 29:5 (October), 544-565. democracia y el colapso de un sistema de partidos: Perú, 1980-1995, en perspectiva comparada." Paper for Tanaka, Martin. 1997. "Los espejos y espejismos de XX LASA Congress. Guadalajara, April . 1998. Thomas, "From Movimientismo eds., Fujimori's Studies, University of Tarrow, Sidney. 1994. Power to la 17-19. Media Politics." In John Crabtree and Jim Peru, 229-242. London: Institute of Latin American London. in Movement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tuesta Soldevilla, Fernando. 1996. Sistema de partidos políticos en el Perú, 1978-1995. Lima: Fundación Friedrich Ebert. Weber, Max. 1976. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. 5th ed. Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck). Weyland, Kurt. 1996a. "Neopopulism and Neoliberalism Affinities." Studies in in Latin America: Unexpected Comparative International Development 31:3 (Fall), 3-31. . 1996b. "Risk-Taking in Latin American Economic Restructuring." Interna- tional Studies Quarterly 40:2 (June), 185-207. KURT WEYLAND 304 1998. "Swallowing the Bitter Reform in Latin Pill: Sources of Popular Support for Neoliberal America." Comparative Political Studies 31:5 (October), 539-568. Zaller, John. 1992. The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Contributors Claire-Lise Bénaud, University of New Mexico General Library Enid Brown, University of the West Indies, Mona Simon Collier, Vanderbilt University Saray Córdoba G., Universidad de Costa Rica Marshall C. Eakin, Vanderbilt University Edward F. Fischer, Vanderbilt University Leonard Folgarait, Vanderbilt University Nelly S. González, University of Illinois Marian Goslinga, Florida International University Mina Jane Grothey, University of New Mexico Mark L. Grover, Brigham Young University Dan Hazen, Harvard College Kathleen Helenese-Paul, University of the West Wendy Hunter, Indies, St. Augustine Vanderbilt University Jennifer Joseph, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Jane Landers, Vanderbilt University Elmelinda Lara, University of the West Indies, J. St. Augustine Félix Martínez Barrientos, Universidad Nacional Margaret Rouse- Jones, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Peter Stern, University of Massachusetts, Amherst Emily F. Story, Vanderbilt University Rafael E. Tarrago, University of Minnesota 305 Autónoma de México CONTRIBUTORS 306 Víctor Torres, Universidad de Puerto Rico Colleen H. Trujillo, University of California, Los Angeles Lesbia Varona, University of Miami Kurt Weyland, Vanderbilt University John B. Wright, Brigham Young University Conference Program Sunday, May 30, 8:00 a.m. - 4:00 1999 p.m. Committee Meetings - 5:00 p.m. Vanderbilt University Library 5:30-7:30 p.m. Vanderbilt University Host Reception 4:00 Monday, May 8:00 a.m. 6:00 p.m. - 10:00 Committee Meetings Book Dealer Reception, Country Music p.m. Tuesday, June 9:00 31, 1999 - 5:00 - 8:00 Open House 1, Hall of Fame 1999 a.m. Conference Opening Session Richard Phillips, S ALALM President, University of Florida Paula Covington, Chair, Local Arrangements, Vanderbilt University Paul Gherman, Vanderbilt University Librarian Russell Hamilton, Dean, Vanderbilt University Graduate School James Lang, Director, Vanderbilt University Center Latin American Studies José Toribio Medina for Barbara A. Tenenbaum, Library of Congress Award Keynote Address Margaret Rouse-Jones, University of the West St. Indies, Augustine, Trinidad, "Preserving a Nation's Culture: Libraries Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow" Rapporteur: Darlene Waller, University of Connecticut 307 CONFERENCE PROGRAM 308 10:45 a.m. - 12:00 p.m. Theme Panel I: Art, Music, and Identity Moderator: William Luis, Vanderbilt University Rapporteur: Peter S. Bushnell, University of Florida Simon Collier, Vanderbilt University "The Tango and the Urban Identity of Buenos Aires, 1900-1950" Leonard Folgarait, Vanderbilt University "The Body as Vehicle of Political Identity in the Art of José Clemente Orozco" 1:30 - 2:50 p.m. Theme Panel II: Ethnicity and Resistance Moderator: Jeremy Stahl, Middle Tennessee State University Rapporteur: Eileen Oliver, Kent State University Murdo MacLeod, "Mexican University of Florida Inquisition and Witchcraft: A Search for Sources" Jane Landers, Vanderbilt University "Searching for African Maroons in the Historical Record: New Approaches" Rafael Tarrago, University of Minnesota "Dual Identities: Printed Andean Gentry in the Sources for Research on the Kingdoms of Peru, 1537-1826" Theme Panel III: Famous Folk and Folk of the Fringe: Documenting Latin American Popular Culture through Folklore Moderator: John B. Wright, Brigham Young University Rapporteur: Marianne Siegmund, Brigham Young University Colleen Trujillo, University of California, Los Angeles "In Their Own Words: Folk Literature of South American Indians" Peter A. Stern, University of Massachusetts, Amherst "Gringa Folklorista: Frances Toor and the Mexican Cultural Renaissance" John B. Wright, Brigham Young University "Yo vivo de lo que escribo: Antonio Paredes-Candia, Bolivian Folklorist" CONFERENCE PROGRAM 309 Theme Panel IV: Cultural Themes Moderator: Russell Hamilton, Vanderbilt University Rapporteur: Pamela Howard-Re guindin, Library of Congress, Rio de Janeiro Office Larry Crook, University of Florida "Maracatu: Music of Recife" Elizabeth Ginway, University of Florida "Researching Brazilian Science Fiction, 1909-1989" Earl Fitz, Vanderbilt University "Latin American Identity in an Inter- American The View from Context: Literature" Christopher Maurer, Vanderbilt University "Garcia Lorca 3:00 - 5:30 p.m. CD-ROM Project" Tours of Andrew Jackson Mansion and Bellemeade Plantation 7:30 - 9:30 p.m. Session I: The Withering of Latin American Newspaper Microfilm Collections Moderator: Scott Van Jacob, Notre Dame University Rapporteur: Paul Bary, Tulane University Edmundo Flores, Library of Congress Alfredo Montalvo, Editorial Inca Scott Van Jacob, Notre Session II: Dame University Access and Preservation of Caribbean and Latin American Film Resources Moderator: Victor Torres, Universidad de Puerto Rico Rapporteur: Marian Goslinga, Florida International University Film Showing Victor Torres, Universidad de Puerto Rico "Los esfuerzos por recuperar y preservar el cine puertorriqueño" Gay le Williams, University of Georgia "Latín American Screenplays in Print: Archival Record" A Bibliography and 310 CONFERENCE PROGRAM Wednesday, June 8:30 - 10:15 a.m. 2, 1999 Workshop: Improving Research Skills: A Critique of Strategies Moderator: Peter Rapporteur: T. Johnson, Princeton University Ramon Abad, Instituto Cervantes Hortensia Calvo, Duke University Norma Corral, University of California, Los Angeles Harold Colson, University of California, San Diego Paula A. Covington, Vanderbilt University Pamela Graham, Columbia University Peter T. Johnson, Princeton University Theme Panel V: Oral History as a Source for Documenting Popular Culture Moderator: Mark Grover, Brigham Young University Rapporteur: Bartley A. Burk, Notre Dame University Margaret Rouse-Jones, University of the West St. Indies, Augustine, and Enid Brown, University of the West Indies, Jamaica "Documenting Cultural Heritage: Focusing on the Oral History Collections Mark at the Grover, Brigham "Menchu, Stoll University of the West Indies" Young University and Ideology: Oral History as a Document" Jennifer Joseph, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine The Work of Al Ramsawak, of Trinidad and Tobago" "Preserving Folklorist Our Heritage: Theme Panel VI: The Forgotten Minority: Women in Latin America and the Caribbean Moderator: Marian Goslinga, Florida International University Rapporteur: Laura Shedenhelm, University of Georgia Marian Goslinga, Florida International University "The Search for Identity: Caribbean Women Writers Today" Mina Jane Grothey, "The Urban University of New Mexico Woman in the Electronic Age: A Survey" Lesbia Varona, University of Miami "Escritoras cubanas en los Estados Unidos" Nelly González, University of Illinois "A Bolivian Literary Minority: Women Writers" CONFERENCE PROGRAM 10:30 a.m. - 12:00 p.m. 311 Theme Panel VII: Interpreting Sources for Contemporary History and Moderator: William Canak Politics Rapporteur: Joseph C. Holub, University of Pennsylvania Marshall Eakin, Vanderbilt University "Cultural Amnesia: Systematically Erasing the History of Brazilian Industrialization" Wendy Hunter, Vanderbilt University "Assessing Military Power and Privilege in Present-Day Latin America" Kurt Weyland, Vanderbilt University "Old Pitfalls and New Opportunities in Documenting Popular Political Culture in Latin America" James Lang, Vanderbilt University "The Potato's Path through the Library: The Untold Story" VIII: On and Off the Margins: Visual Documentation of Popular Culture and Movements Latin America Theme Panel Moderator: Beverly Karno, Rapporteur: Howard Karno Books, in Inc. Nancy Hallock, Harvard University Russ Davidson, University of New Mexico "Art in the Service of the Nation: Populism, National and Mexico's 1937-1977" Identity, Sam Slick, University Taller de Gráfica Popular, of Southern Mississippi "The Poster in Latin American 1975-2000" Politics and Society, Howard Karno Books, Inc. "Perverts, Jailbirds, Nude Ladies, and Mean of the Comic (Book)" Beverly Karno, 1:30 — 3:15 p.m. Kids: The Art Workshop on Electronic Resources: Mining Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe for Latin American Topics Moderator: Harold Colson, University of California, San Diego Rapporteur: Sara M. Sánchez, University of Miami Harold Colson, University of California, San Diego Mina Jane Grothey, University of New Mexico Eudora Loh, University of California, Los Angeles Orchid Mazurkiewicz, Arizona State University Beth P. Bigman, CIS / LEXIS-NEXIS 312 CONFERENCE PROGRAM Theme Panel IX: Shifting Frontiers, Permeable Borders, and Migrating Records: Documenting Change Moderator: Myra Appel, University of California, Riverside Rapporteur: Benita Weber Vasallo, Inter- American Development Bank Myra Appel, University of California, Riverside "Preserving the Cultural Record: COPAR and Latin American Sources" Adecelia X. López Roblero, Colegio de la Frontera Sur "La Colección Frontera Sur (FROSUR): una herramienta para repensar la realidad" Alfonso J. Vijil, Libros Latinos / Libros Centroamericanos "Five or None: William Walker in Nicaragua" Emily Story, Vanderbilt University "Unintended Outcomes: William Walker and Emergence of Nicaraguan Nationalism" 3:45 - 5:45 p.m. Theme Panel X: Indigenous Identity and the Politics Moderator: Wendy Hunter, Vanderbilt University Rapporteur: Orchid Mazurkiewicz, Arizona State University Edward F. Fischer, Vanderbilt University "Articulating Local Concerns in a Global Context: Recent Mayan Scholarship and Research on Identity Politics" Beth Conklin, Vanderbilt University "Identity Politics and the Changing Face of Indian-State Relations in Latin America" Annabeth Headrick, Vanderbilt University "Ancestral Identities Theme Panel at Teotihuacan" XI: Documenting Identity Moderator: Cecilia Puerto, San Diego State University Rapporteur: Pamela Graham, Columbia University /. Félix Martínez Barrientos, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México "Centros de documentación y bases de datos sobre asuntos de la mujer y género en América Latina" Saray Córdoba González, Universidad de Costa Rica "El papel de la información en identidad cultural" la construcción de la CONFERENCE PROGRAM 313 Clara Chu, University of California, Los Angeles "Documenting the Chinese Within and Without" in Mexicali: A View from Gloria Sánchez, Publicaciones Aztecas "The Present Situation of Indigenous Groups 6:00 - 7:00 in Chiapas" SALALM Authors Workshop p.m. Barbara Valk, University of California, Los Angeles Colleen Trujillo, University of California, Los Angeles Thursday, June 9:00 - 10:30 a.m. 3, 1999 Session I: Issues in the Organization of Information Rapporteur: Elizabeth Steinhagen, University of New Mexico Claire-Lise Bénaud, University of New Mexico "Considerations for Outsourcing Cataloging" Cecilia Sercan, Cornell University "New (and Hot) Issues in Cataloging" Overcrowding in the Northeast: Off-Site Storage, Weeding, and Collection Development Session II: Moderator: Denise Hibay, New York Public Library Rapporteur: Orchid Mazurkiewicz, Arizona State University César Rodríguez, Yale University "Off-Site Library Facilities: Selling the Idea to Library Patrons" David Block, Cornell University "Remote Storage: How Did It Come to This?" Dan Hazen, Harvard University "The Harvard Depository: Remote Storage as a Way of Life" Theme Panel XII: The English-Speaking Caribbean: Documenting Aspects of Popular Music and Cultural Traditions Moderator: Richard Phillips, University of Florida Rapporteur: Sharon Moynahan, University of New Mexico Kathleen Helenese-Paul, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine "Pan, Parang and Chutney: Music and Popular Cultural Forms in Trinidad and Tobago" CONFERENCE PROGRAM 314 Elmelinda Lara, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine "The 11:00 a.m. - 12:00 p.m. Way We Live: Fetes and Festivals of the Caribbean" Town Hall Moderator: Richard Phillips, University of Florida Rapporteur: John Wright, Brigham 2:00 - 4:00 p.m. Young University Conference Closing Session and Final Executive Board Meeting BRIGHAM YOUNG UNIVERSITY 3 1197 22084 2733